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83-418: The National Liberal Party–Brătianu was active between June 15, 1930 and January 10, 1938. Notable members of the group, other than its founder Brătianu, included the historians Ștefan Ciobanu , Constantin C. Giurescu , Scarlat Lambrino , Constantin S. Nicolăescu-Plopşor , Petre P. Panaitescu , Victor Papacostea , and Aurelian Sacerdoţeanu , the geographer Simion Mehedinți , the novelist Mihail Sadoveanu ,

166-743: A Franco - British alliance (and its Eastern European reflections—the Little Entente and the Polish–Romanian alliance ). He was also suspicious of the planned appeasement between Romania and the Soviet Union , and claimed that the Foreign Minister Nicolae Titulescu was campaigning in favour of a pact with Joseph Stalin , which potentially threatened the territorial gains ( Greater Romania ) by failing to guarantee for Bessarabia and Bukovina . Although he

249-549: A capitalist - gentry political group, Tătărescu's group". Tătărescu himself continued to show his support for several PCR policies: in the summer of 1947, he condemned the United States for having protested against the repression of forces in the opposition. Nevertheless, at around the same time, he issued his own critique of the Groza government, becoming the target of violent attacks initiated by Miron Constantinescu in

332-399: A communist . Taking in view my attitudes towards mankind, society, property, I am not a communist. Thus, the new orientation in external politics which I demand for my country cannot be accused of being determined by affinities or sympathies of doctrine." Speaking in retrospect, Gheorghiu-Dej indicated the actual relation between his party and Tătărescu's: "we have had to tolerate by our side

415-731: A lawyer in Bucharest . He fathered a son, Tudor, and a daughter, Sanda (married to the lawyer Ulise Negropontes in 1940). After joining the National Liberal Party (PNL), he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for the first time in November 1919, representing Gorj County . Among his first notable actions as a politician was an initiative to interpellate Nicolae L. Lupu , the Minister of Interior Affairs Ministry in

498-533: A liberal democracy ) and the dissident group of Gheorghe I. Brătianu ( see National Liberal Party-Brătianu ). The Undersecretary in the Interior Affairs Ministry under several PNL cabinets (beginning with that of Ion I. C. Brătianu in 1922–1926), he first became noted as a collaborator of Ion G. Duca . In 1924–1936, in contrast to his agenda after World War II agenda, Tătărescu was a noted anticommunist , and reacted vehemently against

581-446: A Romanian historian is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Gheorghe T%C4%83t%C4%83rescu Gheorghe I. Tătărescu (also known as Guță Tătărescu , with a slightly antiquated pet form of his given name; 2 November 1886 – 28 March 1957) was a Romanian politician who served twice as Prime Minister of Romania (1934–1937; 1939–1940), three times as Minister of Foreign Affairs ( interim in 1934 and 1938, appointed to

664-483: A big enough tooshie for all the politicians to kiss!" Among other services rendered, he intervened in the conflict between Carol and his brother, Prince Nicholas , asking the latter to renounce either his marriage to Ioana Dumitrescu-Doletti—considered a misalliance by Carol, it had not been recognized by Romanian authorities—or his princely prerogatives. Nicholas chose the latter alternative in 1937. Inside his party, Tătărescu lost ground to Dinu Brătianu , elected by

747-540: A bloody crackdown on the Iron Guard, the Front attempted to reunite political forces in a national government that was to back Carol's foreign policies in view of increasing threats on Romania's borders after the outbreak of World War II . In 1945, Tătărescu stressed his belief that authoritarianism benefited Romania, and supported the view that Carol had meant to keep Romania out of the war. Tătărescu's second cabinet

830-656: A doctorate from the University of Bucharest with the thesis "Contributions to the studies of great dignitaries of the 14th and 15th century." He completed his education at the Romanian School in Paris (1923–1925) (established in 1920 by Nicolae Iorga ) and upon return, he began his teaching career. He was editor (1933) of the Romanian Historical Review and founder (1931) and director (1933) of

913-772: A protest regarding the German-enforced Arbitration, and later stated that he had "preferred Germany's hostility to its scorn". In September 1940, the newly created Iron Guard regime (the National Legionary State ) offered the PNL places in the government, upon the pressures of Ion Antonescu (who had become Conducător , sharing power with the Guard) and of his assistant, the former Georgist Mihai Antonescu ; talks failed due to Brătianu's excessive ambitions, amounting to virtual Liberal control over

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996-624: A reconciliation with Hungary (the following year, Romania withdrew its support for the former, indicating, just before the Munich Agreement , that it was not in a position to guarantee Czechoslovakia's frontiers). This was accompanied by Czechoslovak initiatives to establish close contacts between the Little Entente and the Soviets: a scandal erupted in the same year, when the country's ambassador to Romania, Jan Šeba , published

1079-542: A shipyard at Galați using materials supplied by the Reșița works . There, two submarines would be built between 1938 and 1943, among others ( Marsuinul and Rechinul ). The resumed and much improved trade relations with Škoda, following the disastrous " Škoda Affair " of the early 1930s, were credited to the energy and ability of Tătărăscu, "the soldier-politician who reversed the usual order in Romanian politics by placing

1162-506: A ten-year rearmament program on 27 April 1935. Under this program, Romania acquired 248 Škoda 100 mm howitzers (delivered in the mid-1930s) and 180 Škoda 150 mm howitzers (delivered between 1936 and 1939). In 1936, Romania ordered 126 LT vz 35 tanks and 35 R-1 tankettes. These acquisitions from Czechoslovakia were followed in 1937 by 12 Focke-Wulf Fw 58 aircraft, ordered from Germany and delivered between April and June that same year. Romania employed German technicians to build

1245-497: A third party, Octavian Goga 's National Christian Party (coming from the antisemitic far right but deeply opposed to the Guard) to form a new cabinet in December of that year. Consequently, Tătărescu renounced his offices inside the party, and, while keeping his office of general secretary, he was surpassed by the readmitted Gheorghe I. Brătianu — who was elected to the new office of PNL vice president on 10 January 1938. After

1328-525: A volume calling for Soviet-Entente military cooperation (despite the Soviet-Romanian conflict over Bessarabia ) and expressing the hope that the Soviet state would extend its borders into West Belarus and Ukraine . Kamil Krofta , Czechoslovakia's Foreign Minister, received criticism for having prefaced the book, and, after Tătărescu paid a visit to Czechoslovak Prime Minister Milan Hodža , Šeba

1411-607: A youth congress to gather in Târgu Mureș , aware of the fact that it was masking a fascist gathering; delegates to the congress, traveling in a special train commissioned by the government, vandalized Ion Duca 's memorial plate in Sinaia train station , and, upon their arrival in Târgu Mureș, made public their violent antisemitic agenda. It was probably there that death squads were designated and assigned missions, leading to

1494-609: The Constitutional Front , which soon (but briefly) included Mihai Stelescu 's Crusade of Romanianism (emerged as an offshoot of the Iron Guard, it disappeared a short while after its leader was assassinated) and Grigore Forțu 's minor Citizen Bloc . It disbanded it 1936. In elections of November 1937, the Georgists joined with the National Peasants' Party and the Iron Guard in the electoral pact that

1577-576: The Jewish quota proposed by Romanian Front and the National Christian Party ). The clash between Gheorghe I. Brătianu and the main party occurred in 1930, as, in the period following the death of Ion I. C. Brătianu and at the start of Vintilă Brătianu 's leadership, the party had lost power to the most important opposition group—the National Peasants' Party (PNŢ)—being crushed in the elections of 1928 (when it obtained only 6.5% of

1660-556: The Polish PZL P.11 fighter aircraft, of which 95 were ultimately built by IAR . In 1937, Romanian production of the improved PZL P.24 also commenced, with 25 fighters being built until 1939. In this context, Tătărescu chose to back the regime, as the PNL, like the National Peasants' Party, remained active in nominal clandestinity (as the law banning it had never been enforced any further). Having personally signed

1743-595: The Regency (formed around Prince Nicholas of Romania ), at the moment when the PNȚ Premier Gheorghe Mironescu had ensured the unexpected return of Carol II (who replaced his son on the throne during the month of June); Gheorghe I. Brătianu, who was head of the Iași County section of the PNL, voiced his full support for the new monarch, and, despite his energetic protests, was soon after excluded from

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1826-853: The Romanian Communist Party (PCR). He was twice expelled from the PNL, in 1938 and 1944, creating instead his own group, the National Liberal Party-Tătărescu , and representing it inside the communist-endorsed Petru Groza cabinet. In 1946-1947, he was also the President of the Romanian Delegation to the Peace Conference in Paris . Then, relations between Tătărescu and the PCR began to sour, and he

1909-673: The Romanian Communist Party (PCdR, later PCR), recommending and obtaining its outlawing, based on communist adversity to the concept of Greater Romania , and notably arguing that the Comintern -supported Tatarbunary Uprising was evidence of " imperialist communism ". Tătărescu became leader of the cabinet in January 1934, as the fascist Iron Guard had assassinated Prime Minister Duca on 30 December 1933 (the five-day premiership of Constantin Anghelescu ensured transition between

1992-504: The Romanian National Party - Peasants' Party cabinet in answer to concerns that the executive was tolerating socialist agitation in the countryside. He stood among the PNL's "young liberals" faction, as they were colloquially known, supporting free trade and a more authoritarian rule over the country around King Carol II , and opposing both the older generation of leaders (who tended to advocate protectionism and

2075-403: The camarilla forming around Carol. Gheorghe I. Brătianu turned down multiple offers to become premier, at a time when Carol sought new solutions to combat the rise in popularity of the fascist Iron Guard . After 1934, Brătianu visited Berlin several times, and began talks with Nazi authorities over the guidelines of Romanian external policies, which he wanted to divert from their focus on

2158-532: The fascist Iron Guard and ultimately becoming instrumental in establishing the authoritarian and corporatist regime around the National Renaissance Front . In 1940, he accepted the cession of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the Soviet Union and had to resign. After the start of World War II , Gheorghe Tătărescu initiated a move to rally political forces in opposition to Ion Antonescu 's dictatorship, and sought an alliance with

2241-544: The traditional military alliance with Poland which was aimed at the Soviet Union , and reacting against the growing regional influence of Nazi Germany by maintaining the relevancy of the Little Entente and establishing further contacts with the Soviets. In August 1936, he removed Nicolae Titulescu from the office of Foreign Minister, replacing him with Victor Antonescu . This caused an uproar, with most of Romania's diplomatic corps voicing their dissatisfaction. Over

2324-553: The Antonescu regime, made mention an official visit to Bessarabia, recovered after the start of Operation Barbarossa , when Tătărescu had accompanied Antonescu, "thus making common cause with his warmongering action". At the time, his daughter Sandra Tătărescu Negropontes worked as an ambulance driver for the Romanian Red Cross . In the end, Tătărescu became involved in negotiations aimed at withdrawing Romania from

2407-836: The Euro-Asian and the part they played in the formation of Mediaeval States , The Making of the Romanian Unitary State , The Making of the Romanian People and Language , Chronological History of Romania , Transylvania in the History of the Rumanian People , and A history of the Romanian forest . He was the father of historian Dinu C. Giurescu . Constantin C. Giurescu died in Bucharest in 1977, aged 76. This biographical article about

2490-636: The Nation . After the Second Vienna Award (when Northern Transylvania was lost to Hungary, confirming Carol's failure to preserve both the country's neutrality and its territorial integrity), Romania was taken over by an Iron Guard dictatorial government (the National Legionary State ). Speaking five years later, Dinu Brătianu placed the blame for the serious developments on Tătărescu's own actions, addressing him directly: "I remind you: [...] you have contributed directly, in 1940, in steering

2573-656: The National Institute for History. His political activity included membership of the Chamber of Deputies of Romania (1932–1933) and secretary in the National Renaissance Front government (1939–1940). After World War II and the advent of the Communist regime in Romania, he was fired from the University of Bucharest in 1948, and was sent as a political prisoner at the notorious Sighet Prison , where he

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2656-671: The National Liberal executive and the Mayor of Bucharest , Dem I. Dobrescu (who was backed by the National Peasants' Party )—making use of his prerogative, he removed Dobrescu from office on 18 January. The brief period constituted a reference point in Romanian economy , as the emergence from the Great Depression , although marked by endemic problems, saw prosperity more widespread than ever before. This was, in part,

2739-474: The PCR press. Consequently, he was singled out for negligence in office when, during the kangaroo trial of Iuliu Maniu ( see Tămădău Affair ), it was alleged that several employees of his ministry had conspired against the government. Scînteia , the official voice of the PCR, wrote of all National Liberal Party-Tătărescu offices in the government: "The rot is all-encompassing! It has to be removed!". Tătărescu resigned his office on 6 November 1947, and

2822-407: The PCR, which was growing more influential (with the backing of Soviet occupation ) while generally lacking popular appeal, sought to form alliances with various forces in order to increase its backing, Tătărescu declared his group to be left-wing and Social liberal , while attempting to preserve a middle course in the new political setting, by pleading for close relations to be maintained with both

2905-584: The PNL and Tătărescu had gained the largest percentage of the vote (almost 36%), they fell short of being awarded majority bonus (granted at 40% of the vote). As the far right had gathered momentum (the Guard, running under the name of "Everything for the Fatherland Party", had obtained 15.6% of the vote), Carol was faced with the threat of an Iron Guard government, which would have been one deeply opposed to all of his political principles: he called on

2988-457: The PNL, after the defeated Tătărescu lost ground to the "old liberal" leadership around Dinu Brătianu (the second brother of Ion I. C. and the uncle of Gheorghe). The reunion occurred exactly a month before Carol dismissed the Goga government and, nominally outlawing all parties to create the National Renaissance Front , established his own dictatorship. When Tătărescu chose to back the regime and

3071-634: The Romanian cause, informed the Allied governments of Tătărescu's designs. Tătărescu later contrasted his diplomatic approach with the strategy of Barbu Știrbey (who had only attempted an agreement with the Western Allies in Cairo , instead of opening relations with the Soviets). Initially meeting with the refusal of Iuliu Maniu and Dinu Brătianu (who decided to invest their trust in Știrbey), he

3154-643: The Soviet Union and the Western Allies. N. D. Cocea , a prominent socialist who had joined the PNL, represented the faction in talks for an alliance with the Communists. The agreement, favored by Ana Pauker , was vehemently opposed by another member of the Communist leadership, Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu , who argued in favor of "making a distinction inside the bourgeoisie ", and collaborating with

3237-483: The United Kingdom, in an attempt to reassure Romania's main allies that the move did not signify a change in Romania's priorities. Tătărescu was later blamed by his own party for having renounced the diplomatic course on which Romania had engaged. In early 1937, Tătărescu rejected the proposal of Józef Beck , Poland's Minister of Foreign Affairs , to withdraw Romania's support for Czechoslovakia and attempt

3320-659: The actor and poet Mihail Codreanu , the linguist Alexandru Rosetti , the jurist Paul Negulescu , the Romanian Army general Artur Văitoianu , and the lawyer Mihai Antonescu ; it was primarily intellectual in appeal, and was especially involved in recruiting members of social and cultural elites , whom it placed at the top of its political hierarchy. Unlike the main PNL's program of protectionism and selective interventionism , Gheorghe I. Brătianu's party advocated economic liberalism . It fused these ideals with nationalist demands, including, in reference to belonging to

3403-540: The conflict, and, while beginning talks with the Romanian Communist Party (PCR), tried to build foreign connections to support Romania's cause following the inevitable defeat; he thus corresponded with Edvard Beneš , leader of the Czechoslovak government in exile in England. Beneš, who had already been discussing matters involving Romania with Richard Franasovici and Grigore Gafencu , and had agreed to support

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3486-464: The contribution of new economic relations which Tătărescu defended and encouraged: the state transformed itself into the main agent of economic activities, allowing for prosperous businesses to benefit from its demands, and, in time, leading to the creation of a camarilla dominated by the figures of industrialists such as Aristide Blank , Nicolae Malaxa , and Max Auschnitt . In this context, Tătărescu's allegedly subservient position in front of Carol

3569-485: The country towards a foreign policy that, as one could tell even then, was to prove ill-fated and which led us to the loathsome Vienna settlement, one which you have supported inside the Crown Council [...]." On 26 November 1940, the Iron Guard began a bloody retaliation against various political figures who had served under Carol (following a late investigation into the 1938 killing of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu ,

3652-503: The country. Later in that year, the collaboration between monarch and premier, coupled with the fact that Tătărescu had successfully attracted nationalist votes from the Iron Guard, led to the signing of an electoral agreement between the latter, the National Peasants' Party (the main democratic opposition group), and the National Liberal Party-Brătianu —the pact was meant to prevent all attempt by Carol to manipulate

3735-516: The dissolution of Greater Romania under the provisions of the new Treaty (1947). Tensions between his group with the PCR occurred when the former founded itself as a party under the name of National-Liberal Party (commonly known as the National Liberal Party-Tătărescu ), and, in June–July 1945, proclaimed its goal to be the preservation of property and a middle class under a new regime. Of himself and his principles, Tătărescu stated: "I am not

3818-452: The document banning opposition parties, he was expelled from the PNL in April 1938, and contested the legitimacy of the action for the following years. Allegedly, his ousting was recommended by Iuliu Maniu , leader of the National Peasants' Party's and, for the following years, the closest of Dinu Brătianu's political allies. Soon after his second arrival to power, Tătărescu became noted for

3901-630: The enthusiastic support he gave to the modernist sculptor Constantin Brâncuși , and directed state funds to finance the building of Brâncuși's The Endless Column complex in Târgu Jiu (completed in October 1938). Alongside Alexandru Vaida-Voevod and Constantin Argetoianu (whom he succeeded as Premier), Tătărescu became a dominant figure in the group of maverick pro-Carol politicians. After

3984-652: The establishment of the Romanian communist regime . Constantin C. Giurescu Constantin C. Giurescu ( Romanian pronunciation: [konstanˈtin dʒjuˈresku] ; 26 October 1901 – 13 November 1977) was a Romanian historian , member of the Romanian Academy , and professor at the University of Bucharest . Born in Focșani , son of historian Constantin Giurescu , he completed his primary and secondary studies in Bucharest . In 1923, he graduated with

4067-493: The executive (according to Z. Ornea , his demand was merely a procedure through which he intended to politely avoid all association with the Guard). When Antonescu's regime joined Germany in its invasion of the Soviet Union (1941), Brătianu was drafted in the Romanian Army , serving as an officer for several months under General Nicolae Mazarini . Supportive of the Bessarabian expedition, he expressed criticism of Romania's Transnistrian conquests. Starting in 1944, when Romania

4150-602: The failure of Goga's policies to curb the rise of their competitors, the king, backed by Tătărescu, resorted to dissolving all political parties on 30 May 1938, creating instead the National Renaissance Front . As Prime Minister, Tătărescu showed particular concern for the modernization of the Romanian Armed Forces . Almost immediately after becoming Prime Minister, he established the Ministry of Armaments, chaired by himself. This ministry lasted for over three years before being dissolved on 23 February 1937, during his third cabinet . Under Tătărăscu's premiership, Romania launched

4233-468: The following months, virtually all of Titulescu's supporters were themselves recalled (including, among others, Constantin Vișoianu , the ambassador to Poland, Constantin Antoniade , Romania's representative to the League of Nations , Dimitrie Ghyka , the ambassador to Belgium , and Caius Brediceanu , the ambassador to Austria ) while Titulescu's adversaries, such as Antoine Bibesco , were returned to office. Bibesco subsequently campaigned in France and

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4316-456: The last was Alexandru Alexandrini ), Public Works, with Gheorghe Vântu , Industry (with Petre N. Bejan ), and Religious Affairs, with Radu Roșculeț . He indirectly helped the PCR carry out an electoral fraud during the general election in 1946 by failing to reply to American proposals for organizing fair elections. At the Paris Conference , where he was accompanied by the PCR leaders Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej and Pătrășcanu, he acknowledged

4399-422: The latter country) and saw the crumbling of Romania's alliance with the United Kingdom and France. The cabinet was brought down by the cession of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the Soviet Union (effects of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact ), as well as by Carol's attempt to appease German hostility by dissolving it, replacing Tătărescu with Ion Gigurtu , and recreating the Front as the totalitarian Party of

4482-407: The main PNL, while calling Tătărescu's faction "a gang of con artists , blackmailers , and well-known bribers ". Tătărescu became Foreign Minister and vice president of the government in the cabinet of Petru Groza when the latter came into office after Soviet pressures in 1945; his faction had been awarded leadership of four other ministries—Finance, with three successive office-holders (of whom

4565-422: The many businesses owned by ethnic minority businessmen, the Romanianization of industry . However, as the Great Depression began to affect Romania, it recommended a government monopoly over the financial market ; Its nationalist discourse was itself tempered from inside the group: while welcoming minorities inside its structures, it condemned the far right and anti-Semitic doctrines (including, notably,

4648-488: The matter with the German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop —consequently, he was placed under surveillance by Siguranţa Statului , on Carol's direct orders. In 1940, Greater Romania was disestablished through the Soviet annexation of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina , the cession of Northern Transylvania to Hungary, and that of Southern Dobruja to Bulgaria . Although being, as himself later pointed out, "a Germanophile ", Gheorghe I. Brătianu signed his name to

4731-410: The monarch, and, in front of Carol's attempts to have the 1923 Constitution amended by authoritarian legislation, was a supporter of legal traditions; the Georgists also expressed reserve towards the outlawing of the Iron Guard, viewing it as a dangerous precedent. The PNL-Brătianu found itself in a bitter rivalry with the "young liberals", whose presence in the forefront blocked all negotiations between

4814-552: The movement's founder and early leader, by Carol's authorities). Tătărescu and Constantin Argetoianu were among the second wave of captured politicians (on 27 November), and were destined for arbitrary execution; they were, however, saved by the intervention of regular police forces, most of whom had grown hostile to the Guardist militias . Retired from political life during the war, he was initially sympathetic to Ion Antonescu 's pro-German dictatorship ( see Romania during World War II )—Dinu Brătianu, who remained in opposition to

4897-439: The murder of Mihai Stelescu , a former associate, in June of the next year. In February 1937, an intense publicity campaign by the Guard, begun with the ostentatious funerals of Ion Moța and Vasile Marin (killed in the Spanish Civil War ) and culminating in the physical assaulting of Traian Bratu , rector of the University of Iași , by Guardist students, provoked the premier's order to close down universities throughout

4980-479: The office in 1945-1947) and once as Minister of War (1934). Representing the "young liberals" faction inside the National Liberal Party (PNL), Tătărescu began his political career as a collaborator of Ion G. Duca , becoming noted for his anticommunism and, in time, for his conflicts with the PNL's leader Dinu Brătianu and the Foreign Minister Nicolae Titulescu . During his first time in office, he moved closer to King Carol II and led an ambivalent policy toward

5063-548: The party. Nevertheless, Vintilă Brătianu and Carol normalized their relations in July, just a six months before the former's unexpected death. The main PNL was subsequently led by Ion G. Duca , who was assisted by the future leader of the so-called "young liberals" (supporting both free trade and an authoritarian rule over the country around the king's person), Gheorghe Tătărescu . In 1933, as Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany , Gheorghe I. Brătianu publicly declared his admiration for him—this partial assimilation of fascism

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5146-431: The proclamation of the People's Republic of Romania on 30 December 1947, the existence of all parties other than the PCR had become purely formal, and, after the elections of 28 March the one-party state was confirmed by legislation. He was arrested on 5 May 1950, and held in the notorious Sighet Prison , alongside three of his brothers— Ștefan Tătărescu included—and his former collaborator Bejan. His son Tudor, who

5229-516: The successful King Michael Coup . Tătărescu returned to the PNL later in 1944—after the Soviet Red Army had entered Romania and the country had become an Allied state, political parties were again allowed to register. Nevertheless, Tătărescu was again opposed to the party leaders Dinu and Gheorghe I. Brătianu , and split to form his own group in June–July 1945. Dinu Brătianu convened the PNL leadership and formally excluded Tătărescu and his partisans, citing their support for dictatorial regimes. As

5312-547: The traditional Liberal elite as a compromise in order to ensure unity; upon his election in 1934, the latter stated: "This time as well, I would have gladly conceded, if I were to believe that anyone else in the party could gather voter unanimity." The issue remained debated for the following two years. The party congress of July 1936 eventually elected Tătărescu to the second position in the party, that of general secretary. In his foreign policy, Prime Minister Tătărescu balanced two different priorities, attempting to strengthen

5395-399: The two governments). His was the second PNL cabinet formed during Carol's reign, and the latter's failure to draw support from the mainstream group led to a tight connection being established between Carol and the young liberals, with Tătărescu backing the process leading to the creation of a royal dictatorship . One of Tătărescu's first measures was a decisive move to end the conflict between

5478-446: The two. Present in all but one electoral district by 1933, Brătianu's group won only 6.5% of the vote in the 1932 elections (when it chose not to form any electoral alliance ). With just 14 to 16 representatives to the Chamber of Deputies throughout its existence, the Georgists still ranked consistently as the fourth or sixth most successful party in the country. In 1934, together with Alexandru Averescu 's People's Party , it created

5561-427: The vote). The PNL had become factionalized over issues related to policy, with the most radical of the new currents being Jean Th. Florescu 's Free Man Grouping (after openly attacking Vintilă Brătianu, the latter split in 1931 to create the Liberal Democratic Party ). In Gheorghe I. Brătianu's case, the cause for conflict was his uncle Vintilă's decision to stand by his commitment to the rule of King Mihai I and

5644-452: The votes in elections. (A secondary and unexpected development was that the illegal PCR, which had decided to back the National Peasants' Party prior to the elections, eventually supported the electoral pact.) Tătărescu's own alliance policy rose the anger of his opponents inside the PNL, as he signed collaboration agreements with the fascist Romanian Front and German Party . The 1937 elections led to an unprecedented situation: although

5727-421: The welfare of the country superior to the lust for graft". It is worth noting, however, that of the 35 tankettes and 126 tanks ordered during Tătărescu's premiership, only 10 of the former and 15 of the latter actually arrived in Romania before the end of his mandate at the end of 1937. Both of these orders were delivered in full during late 1938 and early 1939, respectively. In 1936, Romania also started producing

5810-467: Was placed under Soviet influence , Brătianu's early platform was attacked by the Romanian Communist Party as a sign of fascist influences, and the issue of his support for an alliance with Germany was interpreted in the same sense; it was also alleged that he had been, in fact, an anti-communist volunteer in the war against the Soviets. These accusations were partly the basis for his arrest, and contributed to his death in custody at Sighet prison after

5893-421: Was a discourse also present with several other intellectuals (the historian Nicolae Iorga and the poet Octavian Goga ). Duca's premiership, begun in November of the same year, saw an exodus of Georgists back to the PNL, after a failed attempt to have the party itself reunite with the latter. At around the same time, PNL-Brătianu began moving away from supporting the king, as its leader refused to compromise with

5976-512: Was a frequent topic of ridicule at the time. According to a hostile account of the socialist Petre Pandrea : "Tătărescu was ceremonious in order to cover his menial nature. When he was leaving audiences [with the King], he pressed forward on the small of his back and returned facing backwards from the desk to the door, not daring to show his back. [...] Watching over the scene [...], Carol II exclaimed to his intimate assistants: — I don't have

6059-624: Was expelled, Gheorghe I. Brătianu became replaced his rival as the second most important figure of the semi-clandestine party, and agreed to join the National Peasants' Party in voicing criticism of Carol's authoritarian policies. After the outbreak of World War II , Romania was, despite its neutrality, a target for the hostility of both Germany and the Soviet Union after the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact ( se Romania during World War II ). Gheorghe I. Brătianu attempted to determine more Axis sympathy towards Greater Romania's borders by discussing

6142-724: Was incarcerated from 1950 to 1955. Giurescu returned to the University of Bucharest in 1963 and was elected titular member of the Romanian Academy in 1974. As a great specialist in medieval and early modern history of Southeast Europe , he was expected to have been the first to hold the Nicolae Iorga Chair at Columbia University in New York City in the Spring semester of 1972. He authored works such as History of Romanians , Nomadic Populations in

6225-499: Was initially received with interest, Brătianu's plans were ultimately rejected by the Germans, who chose to maintain a closer relationship with Hungary , Romania's rival. When Duca was assassinated by the Iron Guard on December 30, 1933, Tătărescu's succession to the premiership effectively led to a change in political programs, as the new executive was open to collaboration with Carol. In the new context, Brătianu became an opponent of

6308-430: Was living in Paris, suffered from schizophrenia after 1950, and had to be committed to an institution (where he died in 1955). Sandra Tătărescu Negropontes was also imprisoned in 1950, and released three years later, upon the death of Joseph Stalin . One of Gheorghe Tătărescu's last appearances in public was his stand as one of the prosecution's witnesses in the 1954 trial of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu , when he claimed that

6391-465: Was meant to protect the opposition from all possible interference of the Tătărescu government in the results of the voting. The uniquely indecisive results of the voting allowed Carol to form a loyal executive around the far right National Christian Party and its leaders, Octavian Goga and A. C. Cuza ; the Georgists remained in opposition to the new government, and began talks for a reconciliation with

6474-528: Was meant to reflect the latter policies, but it did not draw any support from traditional parties, and, in April 1940, Carol, assisted by Ernest Urdăreanu and Mihail Ghelmegeanu , began talks with the (by then much weaker) Iron Guard. Tătărescu remained in office throughout the rest of the Phony War , until the fall of France , and his cabinet signed an economic agreement with Nazi Germany (through which virtually all Romanian exports were directed towards

6557-484: Was recalled to Prague . In combating the Iron Guard, Tătărescu chose to relax virtually all pressures on the latter (while mimicking some of its messages), and instead concentrated again on curbing the activities of the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) and outlawing its Popular Front -type organizations ( see Amicii URSS ). In April 1936, he and the Minister of the Interior Ion Inculeț allowed

6640-774: Was relatively successful after the Cairo initiative proved fruitless: the two traditional parties accepted collaboration with the bloc formed by the PCR, the Romanian Social Democratic Party , the Ploughmen's Front , and the Socialist Peasants' Party , leading to the formation of the short-lived and unstable National Democratic Bloc (BND) in June 1944. It overthrew Antonescu in August, by means of

6723-641: Was removed from his seat by the communist authorities in 1948. One of his brothers, Colonel Ștefan Tătărescu, was at some point the leader of a minor Nazi group, the National Socialist Party . Born in Târgu Jiu , Tătărescu studied at Carol I High School in Craiova . He later went to France, where he was awarded a doctorate from the University of Paris in 1912, with a thesis on the Romanian parliamentary system ( Le régime électoral et parlementaire en Roumanie ). He subsequently worked as

6806-548: Was replaced by the Communist Ana Pauker . For the following two months, he was sidelined in his own party by PCR pressures, and removed from its leadership in January 1948 (being replaced with Petre N. Bejan —the party was subsequently known as National Liberal Party-Petre N. Bejan ). One of his last actions as cabinet member had been to sign the document officially rejecting the Marshall Plan . After

6889-523: Was replaced from the leadership of both his own party and the Foreign Ministry when his name was implicated in the Tămădău Affair . Following the Communist takeover , he was arrested and held as a political prisoner while being called to testify in the trial of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu . He died soon after his release from prison. Elected an honorary member of the Romanian Academy in 1937, he

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