121-464: Presidency Family Unexplained wealth Legacy Related [REDACTED] The Coco Levy Fund Scam was a controversy in the 1970s and 1980s in the Philippines involving former President Ferdinand Marcos and his cronies . It was alleged that Marcos, Danding Cojuangco , Juan Ponce Enrile , and others conspired to tax coconut farmers, promising them the development of
242-546: A cautious borrowing policy in the 1970s. Amid high oil prices, high interest rates, capital flight, and falling export prices of sugar and coconut, the Philippine government borrowed a significant amount of foreign debt in the early 1980s. The country's total external debt rose from US$ 2.3 billion in 1970 to US$ 26.2 billion in 1985. Marcos' critics charged that policies have become debt-driven, along with corruption and plunder of public funds by Marcos and his cronies. This held
363-630: A coup attempt against the Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos . However, the plot was soon discovered, and Marcos ordered Enrile and his supporters to be arrested. Fearful of being overcome by Marcos' forces, Enrile sought help from then-AFP Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen Fidel Ramos , who was also the chief of the Philippine Constabulary (now the Philippine National Police). Ramos agreed and withdrew his support for
484-531: A document given to the committee by Philippine Government official, key figures in the plot were Vice President Fernando Lopez and Sergio Osmeña Jr. , whom Marcos defeated in the 1969 election. Marcos even went to the U.S. embassy to dispel rumors that the U.S. embassy is supporting a coup d'état which the opposition, the Liberal Party of the Philippines , was spreading. While the report obtained by
605-414: A few hours later, Cardinal Sin went on the air through Radio Veritas to appeal to Filipinos in the area to support Enrile and Ramos by going to the section of Epifanio de Los Santos Avenue ( EDSA ) between the two camps, giving the rebels emotional support and supplies. Already prepared for protests linked to Aquino's civil disobedience campaign, People began gathering at EDSA, and this was the beginning of
726-554: A key role in the planning and documentary legwork for Martial Law, and was in charge of the Philippine Military during its implementation. Other roles in this period included Presidency of the Philippine Coconut Authority through which he gained control of the copra industry together with Danding Cojuangco , and being the general put in charge of logging in the Philippines under martial law -
847-683: A last stand in Camp Aguinaldo , Enrile sought support from other units of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and received it from Philippine Constabulary General Fidel Ramos in nearby Camp Crame , who joined Enrile in withdrawing support for Marcos in February 1986. Marcos moved to put down the dissenters in Camps Aguinaldo and Crame, but civilians who were already preparing mass protests in response to electoral fraud during
968-650: A period during which lumber exports were so extensive that the forest cover of the Philippines shrank until only 8% remained. By the 1980s, however, rising factionalism in the Marcos administration led to a reduction in Enrile's influence within the administration. Enrile and the Reform the Armed Forces Movement organized a plot to overthrow Marcos in February 1986, but they were discovered. Deciding to stage
1089-517: A point of peril, they felt that martial law over the whole country was not yet warranted. Worse, political motivations were ascribed to be behind the proclamation, since the then constitutionally non-extendable term of President Marcos was about to expire. This suspicion became more credible when opposition leaders and outspoken anti-Marcos media people were immediately placed under indefinite detention in military camps and other unusual restrictions were imposed on travel, communication, freedom of speech and
1210-401: A protective measure... This makes the martial law proclamation a necessity." The doubts surrounding the alleged ambush were further confirmed in a press conference on February 23, 1986, when then Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos and Enrile admitted that the attack was staged to justify the declaration of martial law. Both radio and television media covered this and millions of Filipinos witnessed
1331-845: A solid foundation of the anti-Marcos movement in the countryside. The Marcos dictatorship met the coco farmers' resistance with violence. Most notable of which are the Daet and Guinayangan ( Quezon ) massacres. By 1982, coco levy funds extracted ₱70 billion from coco farmers. Every penny was used by Marcos cronies to entrench themselves in wealth. The funds were siphoned by Marcos and his cronies into at least 14 holding companies: Soriano Shares Inc., ASC Investors Inc., Roxas Shares Inc., ARC Investors Inc., Toda Holdings Inc., AP Holdings Inc., Fernandez Holdings Inc., SMC Officers Corps Inc., Te Deum Resources Inc., Anglo Ventures Inc., Randy Allied Ventures Inc., Rock Steel Resources Inc., Valhalla Properties Ltd Inc., and First Meridian Development Inc. Additionally, over
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#17327978931541452-409: A state of martial law in the Philippines on September 21. Facing further criticism, Marcos claimed that his declaration of Martial Law was supported by esteemed Philippine statesman Senator Lorenzo Tañada , who at the time was abroad representing the Philippines at international parliamentary conferences. Upon hearing the claim, Senator Tañada debunked it and clarified that he gave no such support for
1573-481: Is a Filipino politician and lawyer who served as 21st President of the Senate of the Philippines from 2008 to 2013 and known for his role in the administration of Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos ; his role in the failed coup that helped hasten the 1986 People Power Revolution and the ouster of Marcos; and his tenure in the Philippine legislature in the years after the revolution. Enrile has served four terms in
1694-409: Is also reported that 737 Filipinos disappeared between 1975 and 1985. Though it was claimed that martial law was no military take-over of the government, the immediate reaction of some sectors of the nation was of astonishment and dismay, for even though it was claimed that the gravity of the disorder, lawlessness, social injustice, youth and student activism, and other disturbing movements had reached
1815-464: Is estimated to have ballooned anywhere in the range of ₱ 100 billion to 150 billion in assets. In 2012, a Supreme Court decision awarding ₱71 billion in coconut levy funds to coconut farmers was only part of the goals of a 50-year struggle to bring to the poor farmers the benefits of the Marcos-era levies gouged from them. The Philippine coconut industry was responsible for 26% of the volume of
1936-736: The Lakas ng Bayan party, but they did not win any seats in the Batasan , despite public support and their apparent victory. The night before the elections, supporters of the LABAN party showed their solidarity by setting up a "noise barrage" in Manila, creating noise the whole night until dawn. The opposition boycotted the June 16, 1981, presidential election , which pitted Marcos and his Kilusang Bagong Lipunan party against retired Gen. Alejo Santos of
2057-552: The 1969 presidential campaign had taken its toll and triggered growing public unrest. During the campaign, Marcos had spent US$ 50 million for debt-funded infrastructure, triggering the 1969 Philippine balance of payments crisis . The Marcos administration ran to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for help, and the IMF offered a debt restructuring deal. New policies, including a greater emphasis on exports and
2178-505: The 1986 Philippine presidential election on February 7, 1986. Despite widespread allegations of fraud, which included a protest walkout by-election tabulators, Marcos was proclaimed the winner against his opponent Corazon Aquino on February 15. Aquino protested and declared victory, launching a civil disobedience campaign at a massive rally in Luneta on February 16, 1986, and then going to Cebu to organize more mass protests. Officers from
2299-411: The 1986 Philippine presidential election went en masse to Epifanio de los Santos Avenue near Enrile and Ramos's forces, and prevented Marcos from assaulting the coup organizers. This mass movement of citizens to protect Enrile and Ramos was one of the key moments of the 1986 People Power Revolution which drove Marcos out of power and into exile. Enrile has continued to be a politician since 1986; he
2420-657: The Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner, despite a walk-out staged by disenfranchised computer technicians on February 9. According to the COMELEC's final tally, Marcos won with 10,807,197 votes to Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. By contrast, the partial 70% tally of the National Citizens' Movement for Free Elections , an accredited poll watcher, said Aquino won with 7,835,070 votes to Marcos's 7,053,068. The 1986 Philippine presidential election
2541-468: The Communist Party of the Philippines . This led to confrontations with numerous members of Aquino's coalition cabinet, but eased tensions between Enrile and Marcos loyalists. Enrile's relations with the rest of the administration further soured when the newly created Presidential Commission on Good Government , led by Jovito Salonga , began a probe of Enrile's business transactions during
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#17327978931542662-521: The Epifanio de los Santos Avenue from Ramos' headquarters in Camp Crame . With their forces trapped in the two camps 5 PM on February 22, Enrile called Cardinal Jaime Sin , Manila Archbishop , asking for support. Enrile is quoted as having told Cardinal Sin: "I will be dead within one hour. I don't want to die... If it is possible, do something. I'd still like to live." Shortly after 10 pm
2783-540: The Nacionalista Party . Marcos won by a margin of over 16 million votes, which constitutionally allowed him to have another six-year term. Finance Minister Cesar Virata was elected as prime minister by the Batasang Pambansa . In 1983, opposition leader Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. was assassinated at Manila International Airport upon his return to the Philippines after a long period of exile in
2904-536: The New York Times speculated that story could be used by Marcos to justify martial law, as early as December 1969 in a message from the U.S. ambassador to the U.S. assistant secretary of state, the U.S. ambassador said that most of the talk about revolution and even assassination has been coming from the defeated opposition, of which Adevoso (of the Liberal Party) is a leading activist. He also said that
3025-701: The Palace . He also alleged that Enrile was being pushed by former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to pass a bill splitting the province of Camarines Sur into two but Enrile denied the allegation. In late 2012, Enrile also started a feud with Miriam Defensor Santiago when Santiago authored the Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012 with Pia Cayetano , which he opposed. In January 2013, Santiago alleged that Enrile gave ₱ 1.6 million each to his fellow Senators, except for her, Pia Cayetano, Alan Peter Cayetano , and Trillanes, who
3146-470: The Reform the Armed Forces Movement , with Enrile's support, had been planning to launch a coup d'état against Marcos since 1985, which they delayed when Marcos announced the 1986 election. Enrile and the RAM decided to launch the coup against Marcos in February 1986 in order to take advantage of the political instability in the wake of the controversial election. However, this RAM coup d'état failed when it
3267-671: The Republic of Vietnam in 1966, under the Philippine Civic Action Group (PHILCAG). As the war was proving to be unpopular among Filipinos, Marcos ordered the withdrawal of the PHILCAG in November 1969. In 1969 , Marcos ran for a second term – the last one allowed him under the 1935 constitution which was then in effect. He won by a landslide against 11 other candidates. But Marcos' massive spending during
3388-825: The coconut industry , and pave the way for the release of the ₱ 75 billion trust fund for coconut farmers consisting of coco levy assets declared state property by the Supreme Court . Business sector opposition Political sector opposition Religious sector opposition Student activists Reform the Armed Forces Movement Others who withdrew support during the People Power revolution Opposition Political parties Presidency of Ferdinand Marcos Presidency Family Unexplained wealth Legacy Related [REDACTED] The history of
3509-533: The impeachment of Chief Justice Renato Corona . He was one of the 20 Senators who voted guilty for the impeachment. In September 2012, he started a feud with Antonio Trillanes when he asked Trillanes why he secretly visited Beijing to talk about the Philippines and the Spratly Islands dispute on Spratlys and the Scarborough Shoal . Trillanes said that his visit to China was authorized by
3630-584: The presidential election and became the 10th president of the Philippines . His first term was marked with increased industrialization and the construction of nationwide infrastructure, including the creation of the North Luzon Expressway and the continuation of the Maharlika Highway (Pan-Philippine Highway). In 1968, Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. warned that Marcos was on the road to establishing "a garrison state" by "ballooning
3751-458: The 10 years of collection, Cojuangco, Lobregat , Enrile, Eleazar, dela Cuesta, et al. were board members or chairpersons of PCA, UCPB, COCOFED and Unicom. Enrile, then Senate President, was chair of PCA and Unicom, which he used to get equities from Primex Coco, Pacific Royal, Clear Mineral, and other entities. Danding Cojuangco allegedly used his coco levy positions to funnel money and was used as leverage to further his businesses. Most notable were
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3872-565: The 1935 Constitution, specifically the powers of the President as Commander-in-Chief. Marcos had already foreseen a rise in violence and chaos in the country and wanted to know the exact extent of his powers. At the end of January of the following year, Enrile, with help from Efren Plana and Minerva Gonzaga Reyes, submitted the only copy of the report regarding the detailed nature and extent of Martial Law to Marcos. Soon after, Marcos allegedly ordered Enrile to prepare all documents necessary for
3993-465: The 1960s at the time Marcos took the presidency to 59% when he was removed from power. The period is sometimes described as a golden age for the country's economy by historical distortionists . By the period's end, the country was experiencing a debt crisis, extreme poverty, and severe underemployment. On the island of Negros , which suffered what came to be called the Negros famine , one-fifth of
4114-506: The 1983–1984 recession. The recession was triggered largely by political instability following the assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr. , high global interest rates, the severe global economic recession , and a significant increase in global oil price , the latter three of which affected all indebted countries in Latin America and Europe, and the Philippines was not exempted. Economists noted that poverty incidence grew from 41% in
4235-643: The Bureau of Customs and the government's service insurance commission. From 1966 to 1968, he was the Undersecretary and sometime Acting Secretary of the Department of Finance. He concurrently became acting Insurance Commissioner and Commissioner of the Bureau of Customs. From 1968 to 1970, he was the Secretary of Justice. The Department of National Defense would expand its power when Marcos assumed
4356-457: The CIC was to: (a) To fully tap the potential of the coconut planters in order to maximize their production and give them greater responsibility in directing and developing the coconut industry; (b) to accelerate the growth of the coconut industry and other related coconut products from the raw material stage to the semi-finished and finally, the finished product stage; (c) to improve, develop and expand
4477-466: The Constitution of 1973. In brief, the central idea that emerged was that martial law might be earlier lifted, but to safeguard the Philippines and its people against any abrupt dangerous situation which would warrant some exercise of totalitarian powers, the latter must be constitutionally allowed, thereby eliminating the need to proclaim martial law and its concomitants, principally the assertion by
4598-489: The Fact-Finding Commission found Enrile and some members of the RAM as the primary instigators of the coup. After revealing the fruits of the investigation findings, Aquino forced Enrile to resign as Defense Secretary in November 1986 as she had lost confidence in him. Enrile was then replaced with Rafael Ileto . In May 1987, Enrile won a seat in the 1987 election as one of two opposition members in
4719-544: The First District of Cagayan . In 1995, Enrile ran in the senatorial race as an independent candidate for senator and was also a guest candidate under the Lakas – Laban coalition. He won as a senator and held the position until 2001. During his term as senator, he ran as an independent candidate in the 1998 Philippine presidential election . He lost to then-Vice President Joseph Estrada . On January 16, 2001, he
4840-528: The House of Representatives but stalled in the Senate. On February 26, 2021, President Rodrigo Duterte signed the Coconut Farmers and Industry Trust Fund Act, creating a trust fund for the country's coconut farmers. In June 2022, Duterte signed an executive order implementing the Coconut Farmers and Industry Development Plan, which aims to increase productivity and income of coconut farmers, modernize
4961-555: The House of Representatives on two crucial issues which are now considered historical milestones. In December 2009, it used Proclamation No. 1959 of the Arroyo administration, declaring a state of martial law and suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in the province of Maguindanao , while in May 2010, Congress convened to constitute itself as the national board to canvass the votes for president and vice president, and proclaim
Coco Levy Fund scam - Misplaced Pages Continue
5082-590: The Liberal Party. Marcos accused the communist movement as the perpetrators of the bombing, and responded by suspending the writ of habeas corpus. Declassified documents from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency also implicate Marcos in at least one of the deadly series of bombings in 1971. For historian Joseph Scalice, he argued that while the Marcos government was allied with the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) in carrying out bombings in
5203-464: The MIM (Maoist International Movement) and other subversive [or front] organizations, nor those underground. We could allow the situation to develop naturally then after massive terrorism, wanton killings and an attempt at my assassination and a coup d'etat, then declare martial law or suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus – and arrest all including the legal cadres. Right now I am inclined towards
5324-544: The Marcos years. Even though Marcos had been exiled, the Aquino administration continued to face challenges, particularly from forces loyal to Marcos, and from some members of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement which began to express dissatisfaction with her policies. This resulted in several coup d'état attempts from 1986 to 1990 which sought to oust Aquino from the presidency. Enrile and Ramos were tasked with addressing
5445-522: The Nation Address . At the presidential palace, activists rammed the gate with a fire truck and once the gate broke and gave way, the activists charged into the palace grounds tossing rocks, pillboxes and Molotov cocktails. In front of the U.S. embassy, protesters vandalized, burned, and damaged the embassy lobby resulting in a strong protest from the U.S. ambassador. The KM protests ranged from 50,000 to 100,000 in number per weekly mass action. In
5566-734: The People Power Revolution was a civilian victory by the Filipino people, not by a rebel military faction. She held her inauguration on February 25, 1986, at the nearby Club Filipino instead, with Enrile and Ramos invited only as guests. The People Power Revolution forced Marcos out of power on February 25, 1986, and Marcos, along with his family, some servants, and millions of dollars in stocks, jewelry, and cash, flew to exile in Hawaii on US Government-provided DC-9 Medivac and C-141B planes. The quick development of events in
5687-676: The Philippine Coconut Research Institute (PHILCORIN), under one office. P.D. 961 created the Coconut Industry Investment Fund (CIIF), which was allegedly used by Danding Cojuango to purchase shares of San Miguel Corporation . and was then the largest company and single largest contributor to the national GDP and treasury. CIIF was also used to purchase the so-called "big crony-owned" oil mills (known as CIIF-Oil Mills Group) and shares of coco trading and insurance corporations. While
5808-558: The Philippines , from 1965 to 1986, covers the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos . The Marcos era includes the final years of the Third Republic (1965–1972), the Philippines under martial law (1972–1981), and the majority of the Fourth Republic (1981–1986). By the end of the Marcos dictatorial era, the country was experiencing a debt crisis, extreme poverty , and severe underemployment. In 1965, Ferdinand Marcos won
5929-648: The Philippines College of Law, President Marcos declared his intention to lift martial law by the end of January 1981. The reassuring words for the skeptic came on the occasion of the University of the Philippines law alumni reunion on December 12, 1980, when the president declared: "We must erase once and for all from the public mind any doubts as to our resolve to bring martial law to an end and to minister to an orderly transition to parliamentary government." The apparent forthright irrevocable commitment
6050-441: The Philippines' gross domestic product (GDP) quadrupled from $ 8 billion in 1972 to $ 32.45 billion in 1980, for an inflation-adjusted average growth rate of 6% per year. Indeed, according to the U.S.-based Heritage Foundation, the Philippines enjoyed its best economic development since 1945 between 1972 and 1980. The economy grew amidst the two severe global oil shocks following the 1973 oil crisis and 1979 energy crisis – oil price
6171-545: The Purchased Power Adjustment (PPA) on consumers' electric bills. Due to his exposé of the PPA and the Supreme Court decision in favor of a refund on electric bills, the public responded positively and elected him. He thus became a senator in three non-consecutive terms. He was re-elected as a senator in the 2010 elections . At 86, he became the oldest senator of the 15th Congress of the Philippines . Enrile
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#17327978931546292-453: The Senate had ended, Enrile predicted that he might lose the senatorial election or win, but only serve three years in office. Under the transitory provisions of the 1987 Constitution , the 12 candidates who receive the greatest number of votes serve a six-year term, the next 12 only three years. He ran instead for the House of Representatives of the Philippines . He was elected and represented
6413-490: The Senate passed vital pieces of legislation such as the CARP Extension, Anti-Torture Act, Expanded Senior Citizens Act, Anti-Child Pornography Act, National Heritage Conservation Act, and Real Estate Investment Act, among many others. Institutional reforms were also implemented within the Senate to improve the daily conduct of business as well the welfare of its officers and employees. The Senate also collaborated with
6534-572: The Senate, in a total of twenty-two years, he holds the third longest-tenure in the history of the upper chamber. In 2022, at the age of 98, he returned to government office as the Chief Presidential Legal Counsel in the administration of President Bongbong Marcos . Enrile was a protégé of President Ferdinand Marcos who served as Justice Secretary and Defense Minister during the Marcos administration . Enrile played
6655-652: The UCPB and the SMC, both of which were supposedly purchased directly through coco levy money by Imelda Marcos and Danding Cojuangco. After the Marcos regime was toppled by the People Power Revolution of 1986, coconut farmers filed numerous cases against Marcos, Cojuangco, and Enrile for squandering farmers' money. The Coco Levy Case (Sandiganbayan Civil Case No. 33) is subdivided into a total of eight cases that involve different parties and properties. Arguably,
6776-667: The United States. This coalesced popular dissatisfaction with Marcos and began a series of events, including pressure from the United States, that culminated in a snap presidential election on February 7, 1986. The opposition united under Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino , and Salvador Laurel , head of the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO). The election was marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering with results by both sides. The official election canvasser,
6897-688: The aftermath of the January 1970 riots, at least two activists were confirmed dead and several were injured by the police. The mayor of Manila at the time, Antonio Villegas , commended the Manila Police District for their "exemplary behavior and courage" and protecting the First Couple long after they had left. The death of the activists was seized by the Lopez controlled Manila Times and Manila Chronicle, blaming Marcos and added fire to
7018-500: The agricultural sector and was reportedly present in 68 of the 81 provinces of the country. Next to sugar, coconut products was also the leading agricultural export of the Philippines, with 37 products and by-products that were exported to 114 countries. The major exports were crude and refined oil, copra meal, desiccated coconut, activated carbon, and oleo-chemicals. About one-third of the Philippine population depended mainly on coconut production for its livelihood. The legal beginnings of
7139-497: The armed forces budget," saddling the defense establishment with "overstaying generals" and "militarizing our civilian government offices." These were prescient comments in the light of events that would happen in the following decade. During the Vietnam War , Marcos strongly opposed sending military forces to Vietnam. Under intense pressure from US President Lyndon Johnson , Marcos sent a Filipino noncombatant military force to
7260-474: The attempted assassination was indeed fake. Despite the later controversy, at the time, Enrile remained one of Marcos' most loyal allies. In 1973, under the new modified parliamentary system then in place under the country's new constitution under Martial Law, Enrile's title became Defense Minister. Enrile focused his efforts on a broad review of defense policies and on dealing with pressing social unrest. The abolition of civilian institutions such as Congress ,
7381-488: The children under six were seriously malnourished. From the election of Marcos 1965 to the overthrowing of Marcos' regime in 1986, around 300,000 Filipinos emigrated out of the Philippines to the United States. The Philippines under martial law suffered from massive and uncontrolled corruption . Some estimates, including that by the World Bank, put the Marcos family's stolen wealth at US$ 10 billion. Plunder
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#17327978931547502-545: The citizens' revolt that became known as the People Power Revolution . For the next three days, they continued their rally in EDSA now containing two million people in support. The growing number encouraged many more leaders to support the movement against Marcos. Enrile stated: "It was funny... We in the defense and military organizations who should be protecting the people were being protected by them." Enrile wanted Corazon Aquino to hold her inauguration as new president in Camp Crame, but Aquino refused, emphasizing that
7623-441: The coconut industry and a share of the investments, but on the contrary used the collection fund for personal profit, particularly in the purchase of United Coconut Planters Bank (UCPB) and a majority stake in San Miguel Corporation (SMC), to name two. The issue is still ongoing up to this day, with coconut farmers fighting for justice against the forced taxation, and a share of the Coco Levy Fund's investments. The Coco Levy Fund
7744-402: The country under a debt-servicing crisis which is expected to be fixed by only 2025. Critics have pointed out an elusive state of the country's development as the period is marred by a sharp devaluing of the Philippine Peso from 3.9 to 20.53. The overall economy experienced a slower growth GDP per capita, lower wage conditions and higher unemployment especially towards the end of Marcos' term after
7865-401: The country's 24-member Senate (the other being Joseph Estrada ), finishing 24th. He was unable to be proclaimed until August when the electoral protest filed by Augusto Sanchez was dismissed. He formally assumed office on August 15, 1987. In later years, Enrile continued alleging that the Aquino government manipulated the vote count during the 1987 elections, which he called "Cory Magic". In
7986-407: The coup plotters, in the hope of preventing Marcos from annihilating them. At around the same time, Ramos and Enrile contacted the highly influential Archbishop of Manila, Cardinal Jaime Sin to ask for help. Cardinal Sin went on radio and encouraged people on the capital to likewise go to EDSA to support Ramos and Enrile, and crowds, already preparing to conduct election protests, trooped en masse to
8107-420: The declaration of martial law that year was terrorism. He cited the alleged ambush attack on Enrile's white Mercedes-Benz sedan on September 22, 1972, as a pretext for martial law. At the time, many people doubted that the attack took place. Marcos, in his diary entry for September 1972, wrote that Enrile had been ambushed near Wack-Wack that night. He says "it was a good thing he was riding in his security car as
8228-420: The declaration of martial law was well received, given the social turmoil of the period. Crime rates decreased significantly after a curfew was implemented. Political opponents were allowed to go into exile. As martial law went on for the next nine years, the excesses committed by the military increased. In total, there were 3,257 extrajudicial killings , 35,000 individual tortures, and 70,000 were incarcerated. It
8349-412: The declaration. Marcos, who thereafter ruled by decree, curtailed press freedom and other civil liberties, abolished Congress , controlled media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics Senators Benigno Aquino Jr. and Jose W. Diokno , virtually turning the Philippines into a totalitarian dictatorship with Marcos. Initially,
8470-438: The early 1970s, "the evidence of history now overwhelmingly suggests that the Communist Party of the Philippines , despite being allied with the Liberal Party, was responsible for this bombing, seeing it as a means of facilitating repression which they argued would hasten revolution." On the night of September 22, 1972, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile was allegedly ambushed while on his way home. The assassination attempt
8591-452: The end of January, 1981, and that only in a few areas where grave problems of public order and national security continue to exist will martial law continue to remain in force." After the lifting of martial law, power remained concentrated with Marcos. One scholar noted how Marcos retained "all martial law decrees, orders, and law-making powers", including powers that allowed him to jail political opponents. The martial law era under Marcos
8712-526: The first of these coups, which was the July 1986 Manila Hotel Incident in which loyalist soldiers and officials briefly took over the Manila Hotel and declared their own government. The incident was resolved without violence and without much impact to the broader public, and the Aquino administration pursued a policy of maximum leniency towards the instigators. Within Aquino's own "coalition cabinet," there
8833-850: The forest cover of the Philippines shrank until only 8% remained. Enrile also owned numerous logging companies such as Ameco in Bukidnon, Dolores Timber in Samar, San Jose Timber in Northern Samar, Kasilagan Softwood Development Corp in Butuan, Eurasia Match in Cebu, Pan Oriental which operates in Cebu and Butuan, Palawan-Apitong Corp in Palawan, and Royal Match. He also invested heavily in a rubber plantation in Basilan. A share of Marcos's ill-gotten wealth
8954-606: The government, siding with Enrile. Their respective forces barricaded themselves in Camp Crame and Camp Aguinaldo which were near each other on either side of Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) in Quezon City . Despite their combined forces, however, Enrile and Ramos were essentially trapped in the camps, and in the words of historian Vicente L. Rafael , "became sitting ducks for Ferdinand Marcos' loyalist forces." A small contingent of Aquino supporters, led by her brother in law Butz Aquino , went to EDSA to express support
9075-424: The implementation of Martial Law in the Philippines . In August 1972, Marcos once again met with Enrile and a few of his other most trusted commanders to discuss tentative dates for the declaration. By September 22, 1972, Marcos announced that he had placed the entire country under Martial Law as of 9 p.m. via proclamation 1081 which, he claimed, he had signed on September 21, 1972. One of Marcos' justifications for
9196-500: The information he has on the assassination plans are 'hard' or well-sourced and he has to make sure that it reached President Marcos. In light of the crisis, Marcos wrote an entry in his diary in January 1970: I have several options. One of them is to abort the subversive plan now by the sudden arrest of the plotters. But this would not be accepted by the people. Nor could we get the Huks (Communists), their legal cadres and support. Nor
9317-408: The latter's term as Senate President. After Marcos was elected president in 1965, Enrile became part of his inner circle. Enrile, like Marcos, comes from the northern Philippines, a region that had become Marcos' recruiting ground for key political and military leaders during his time. Enrile was with Marcos since his election in 1965. His campaign efforts were rewarded with an appointment as chief of
9438-494: The latter. On August 21, 1971, the Liberal Party held a campaign rally at the Plaza Miranda to proclaim their senatorial bets and their candidate for the mayoralty of Manila. Two grenades were reportedly tossed on stage, injuring almost everybody present. As a result, Marcos suspended the writ of habeas corpus to arrest those behind the attack. He rounded up supposed suspects and other undesirables to eliminate rivals in
9559-542: The levy can be found in Republic Act 1145 enacted on 17 June 1954 under President Ramon Magsaysay , which called for the creation of the Coconut Development Fund. Subsequent amendments were made with the enactment of Republic Act 6260 on 19 June 1971 under President Ferdinand Marcos. The act called for the creation of a Coconut Investment Fund and a Coconut Investment Company (CIC). The objective of
9680-451: The marketing system; and (d) to ensure stable and better incomes for coconut farmers. President Marcos created other funds through P.D. 276, 582, 1468, 961, and 1841, all were to be paid by farmers. Under the idea of "developing PH coco industry", coco farmers paid ₱15-₱30 per ₱100 kilos of copra, constituting 10-25% of their income. On 30 June 1973, President Marcos created the Philippine Coconut Authority through P.D. 232. The PCA's mandate
9801-422: The martial law era, of which all were flip-flops from his previous statements during his term as secretary of defense and during the ouster of Marcos. He was dubbed by then-President Corazon Aquino as " Pambansang Balimbing " (national political turncoat) for his contradicting statements and " Dakilang Miron " (great bystander) for his inconvenient bystander and opportunistic attitude. In 1992, before his term in
9922-409: The military of prerogatives that made them appear superior to the civilian authorities below the president. In other words, the problem was what may be needed for national survival or the restoration of normalcy in the face of a crisis or an emergency should be reconciled with the popular mentality and attitude of the people against martial law. In a speech before his fellow alumni of the University of
10043-470: The most important case is Case No. 33-F, which involves 51% of the shares of mega-conglomerate San Miguel Corporation. This majority stake at San Miguel has been further subdivided into three separate litigations, each of which reaching the Supreme Court in highly contentious proceedings. The first case involved 4% of San Miguel shares, which, in the case of San Miguel Corporation vs. Sandiganbayan ,
10164-883: The name that he would use for his pre-law enrollment. He graduated cum laude in 1949 with an Associate of Arts degree from the Ateneo de Manila . Afterward, he attended the University of the Philippines College of Law and graduated cum laude with a Bachelor of Laws degree. While in law school, he joined the Sigma Rho fraternity, the oldest law-based fraternity in Asia with other Senate colleagues such as Franklin Drilon and father and son duo Edgardo Angara and Sonny Angara among many others. Upon graduation, he
10285-510: The national police. During the First Quarter Storm in 1970, the line between leftist activists and communists became increasingly blurred, as a significant number of Kabataang Makabayan (KM) advanced activists joined the Communist Party of the Philippines founded by Jose Maria Sison . KM members protested in front of Congress, throwing a coffin, a stuffed alligator, and stones at Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos after his State of
10406-782: The other decrees made ballooning funds, P.D. 1468 revised the Coco Industry Code, supposedly giving crony oil mills control over the said funds. Most coconut farmers and tenants received receipts for paying, but weren't registered by PhilCoA (PCA). In 1975, for two years, coco levy funds paid by coco farmers amounted to ₱2.14 million, but only 32% of receipts were registered. After P.D. 961 of 1976, and public display of cronyism, such as turning over coco funds to Cojuangco and Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile , coco farmers defied martial law in protests. Small protests and defiance were shown by turning CocoFed groups into anti-Marcos meetings. Coco farmers coops/protests grew by 1980 and became
10527-421: The people to serve them with the dedication to their interest and well-being and devotion to our responsibilities." Furthermore, in his acceptance speech, he enjoined his colleagues to "uphold the independence and integrity of this Senate, without abandoning our duty to cooperate with the other departments of the government to achieve what is good for our people." In early 2012, Enrile was the presiding officer of
10648-434: The presidency in 1965. Marcos appointed Enrile as his Secretary of National Defense on February 9, 1970, a position Enrile held until August 27, 1971, when he resigned to run unsuccessfully for the senate. He was re-appointed Defense Secretary by Marcos on January 4, 1972. As Defense Secretary, he was the highest-ranked commissioned officer of a nation's armed forces. From the beginning of Marcos' period in government, Enrile
10769-575: The president." By the 1980s, Marcos began to more aggressively bypass Enrile's authority. He clipped the powers of the Minister of National Defense and the Chief of Staff over the Armed Forces of the Philippines. Enrile started to break away from the Marcos dictatorship. He began aligning himself with dissident elements in the army, particularly the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) - which
10890-466: The press, etc. In a word, the martial law regime was anathema to no small portion of the populace. It was in the light of the above circumstances and as a means of solving the dilemma aforementioned that the concept embodied in Amendment No. 6, giving the President emergency power in case of a threat or imminence to issue necessary decrees, orders which shall be part of law of the land, was born in
11011-526: The relaxation of controls of the peso, were put in place. The peso was allowed to float to a lower market value, resulting in drastic inflation, and social unrest. In February 1971, student activists took over the Diliman campus of the University of the Philippines and declared it a free commune . Protests during the First Quarter Storm in 1970 resulted in clashes and violent dispersals by
11132-433: The remaining 27% of San Miguel is owned by the government. (Note: The 27% had been diluted to 24% due to the government's failure to subscribe to the increased authorized capital stock of San Miguel.) On December 10, 2014, the Supreme Court reaffirmed its September 4, 2012, decision to award to farmers the coco levy fund. In 2015, the government certified a bill creating a trust fund for farmers as urgent. The bill passed in
11253-410: The said confession. Furthermore, in several interviews, Enrile was reported as indeed confirming that the attempted assassination was faked to justify the declaration of Martial Law. Conflicting accounts arise in his book, Juan Ponce Enrile: A Memoir . In the said book, Enrile accuses his political opponents of spreading rumors of the ambush being staged despite having already admitted several times that
11374-558: The same month Enrile assumed office as senator, an attempted coup against Aquino escalated and led to the destruction of the Armed Forces General Headquarters (AFPGHQ) in Camp Aguinaldo in Quezon City . He was detained in Camp Aguinaldo over suspicion of planning the coup with Lt. Col. Gregorio Honasan but was released days later for lack of evidence. Enrile later stated numerous recalls about
11495-888: The stretch of EDSA between the two camps. This evolved in the largely peaceful 1986 EDSA Revolution , which ended with Marcos going into exile in Hawaii and Corazon Aquino becoming the 11th president of the Philippines on February 25, 1986. Under Aquino, the Philippines would adopt a new constitution, ending the Fourth Republic and ushering in the beginning of the Fifth Republic . Juan Ponce Enrile Juan Valentin Furagganan Ponce Enrile Sr. , CLH (born Juan Valentin Furagganan ; February 14, 1924), also referred to by his initials JPE ,
11616-614: The wake of the People Power Revolution prevented both Enrile's original plan of forming a ruling junta, and his backup plan of forming a coalition government with him and Corazon Aquino as co-equal partners. So he accepted Aquino as president, and accepted the post of Secretary of National Defense, believing that the politically and militarily inexperienced president would rely on him for advice. However, Aquino did not rely on Enrile's advice as much as he expected her to. Enrile publicly took up an anticommunist persona, organizing rallies to publicly decry Aquino's ceasefires and peace talks with
11737-652: The weakening of the judiciary, and the outlawing of political parties , left the military as the only other instrumentality of the national government outside of the Presidency. According to the National Historical Commission of the Philippines , Enrile was also appointed as the general for logging in the Philippines during martial law. He was tasked by Marcos to give certificates to logging companies, which eventually led to one of Asia's most devastating environmental disasters. During that time,
11858-446: The weekly protests. Students declared a week-long boycott of classes and instead met to organize protest rallies. Rumors of a coup d'état were also brewing. A report of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee said that shortly after the 1969 Philippine presidential election , a group composed mostly of retired colonels and generals organized a revolutionary junta to first discredit President Marcos and then kill him. As described in
11979-421: The winners. Enrile was re-elected to a fourth term in the 2010 Senate election . On July 26, 2010, he was re-elected President of the Senate. Enrile committed himself to "discharge my duties and responsibilities with honor, with total devotion to our institution, and with fairness to all members. No partisan consideration will blur or color the treatment of any member of the Senate. We are all Senators elected by
12100-601: Was "to promote accelerated growth and development of the coconut and other palm oils industry so that the benefits of such growth shall accrue to the greatest number, and to provide continued leadership and support in the integrated development of the industry." The said decree also consolidated the responsibilities and activities of the Coconut Coordinating Council (CCC), the Philippine Coconut Administration (PHILCOA), and
12221-521: Was $ 3 / barrel in 1973 and $ 39.5 in 1979, or a growth of 1200% which drove inflation. Despite the 1984–1985 recession, GDP on a per capita basis more than tripled from $ 175.9 in 1965 to $ 565.8 in 1985 at the end of Marcos' term, though this averages less than 1.2% a year when adjusted for inflation. The Heritage Foundation pointed out that when the economy began to weaken 1979, the government did not adopt anti-recessionist policies and instead launched risky and costly industrial projects. The government had
12342-615: Was achieved through the creation of government monopolies, awarding loans to cronies, forced takeover of public and private enterprises, direct raiding of the public treasury, issuance of presidential decrees that enabled cronies to amass wealth, kickbacks and commissions from businesses, use of dummy corporations to launder money abroad, skimming of international aid, and hiding of wealth in bank accounts overseas. The first formal elections since 1969 for an interim Batasang Pambansa (National Assembly) were held on April 7, 1978. Senator Aquino, then in jail, decided to run as leader of his party,
12463-408: Was affiliated with the opposition Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino (PMP) but officially stood as an independent and was part of the administration bloc. On November 17, 2008, Senate President Manuel Villar resigned due to a lack of support, and Enrile succeeded him the same day. Enrile was nominated by Panfilo Lacson ; 14 senators supported the nomination and five abstained. Under his leadership,
12584-667: Was already married. At the time of his birth, Alfonso served as a representative from the 1st district of Cagayan . He was baptized into the Philippine Independent Church (Aglipayan) as Juanito Furagganan. He converted to Roman Catholicism at age 20. As a young man, he was reunited with his father in the City of Manila and took his secondary education at Saint James Academy in Malabon , Rizal . His father took legal steps in changing his name to Juan Ponce Enrile,
12705-425: Was attended by a crowd of about two million people. Aquino's camp began making preparations for more rallies, and Aquino herself went to Cebu to rally more people to their cause. In the aftermath of the election and the revelations of irregularities, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) – a cabal of officers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) – set into motion
12826-571: Was awarded by the Supreme Court to the government. The second case, Republic of the Philippines vs. Sandiganbayan and Eduardo Cojuangco Jr. , involved a 20% block that the Supreme Court, voting 7–4, awarded to Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco. In 2012, the Supreme Court issued a decision in Philippine Coconut Producers Federation, Inc. (COCOFED) vs. Republic of the Philippines , where the Court, voting 11–0, declared that
12947-475: Was cast at the 45th anniversary celebration of the Armed Forces of the Philippines on December 22, 1980, when the president proclaimed: "A few days ago, following extensive consultations with a broad representation of various sectors of the nation and in keeping with the pledge made a year ago during the seventh anniversary of the New Society, I came to the firm decision that martial law should be lifted before
13068-461: Was discovered by Ver in the early morning hours of February 22, 1986 - a day before it was supposed to be implemented. At two PM on February 22, 1986, Enrile asked for the support of then Lieutenant General Fidel Ramos , the head of the Philippine Constabulary and concurrent vice-chief of staff of the armed forces, who agreed to join Enrile. With the plot already uncovered by Marcos, Enrile decided to encamp at Aguinaldo in Quezon City , across
13189-655: Was elected to the Pi Gamma Mu and Phi Kappa Phi international honor societies. He scored 11th in the 1953 bar examinations with a 91.72% rating and a perfect score in mercantile law. As a scholar at Harvard Law School , he earned a Master of Laws degree with specialized training in international tax law. He taught law at the Far Eastern University and practiced law in his father's law firm before taking responsibility for then-Senator Ferdinand Marcos ' personal legal affairs in 1964, especially during
13310-502: Was generally perceived to be fraudulent, both locally and internationally. International observers, including a U.S. delegation led by Senator Richard Lugar , denounced the official results. Corazon Aquino rejected the results and held the "Tagumpay ng Bayan" (People's Victory) rally at Luneta Park on February 16, 1986, announcing a civil disobedience campaign and calling for her supporters to boycott publications and companies which were associated with Marcos or any of his cronies. The event
13431-513: Was indicted by the military for alleged involvement in the siege but was released a day later. He ran for reelection as part of the Puwersa ng Masa coalition. Due to the issues that haunted him over the incident, he lost the election. In the 2004 election , he made a comeback bid for the Senate under the Koalisyon ng Nagkakaisang Pilipino (KNP) banner. He actively opposed the imposition of
13552-502: Was marked by plunder, repression, torture, and atrocity. As many as 3,257 were murdered, 35,000 tortured, and 70,000 illegally detained according to estimates by historian Alfred McCoy . One journalist described the Marcos administration as "a grisly one-stop shop for human rights abuses, a system that swiftly turned citizens into victims by dispensing with inconvenient requirements such as constitutional protections, basic rights, due process, and evidence." According to World Bank data,
13673-522: Was one of the few that the former president trusted, and was seen by many as Marcos' protégé. For almost the entire period of Martial Law , Enrile served officially as the martial law administrator as he was in charge of all the armed forces' services during that time. Furthermore, as early as Marcos' planning and preparation for the declaration of martial law, Enrile was involved. In his memoir, Enrile recalls Marcos' careful preparations. He narrates that as early as December 1969, Marcos instructed him to study
13794-505: Was one of those who voted against the opening of the second bank envelope. That vote led to the second EDSA People Power Revolution that eventually ousted President Estrada. From April 30 to May 1, 2001, together with Miriam Defensor Santiago , Gregorio Honasan , Panfilo Lacson and Vicente Sotto III , he led the EDSA III protests in support of Joseph Estrada . On May 1, 2001, the protesters stormed Malacañang Palace . In May 2001 he
13915-423: Was reported to have been only given ₱250 thousand each. He admitted giving the said amount to the senators, saying that it was part of the balance of the maintenance and other operating expenses (MOOE) funds allowed per senator. On January 21, 2013, because of the controversies involving him, he attempted to vacate his position as Senate President but his motion was rejected. Amid accusations against him, including
14036-590: Was significant conflict, with Enrile and other rightwing cabinet members demanding that Aquino let go of cabinet members associated with the left, and to take a more hardline stance against the Communist Party of the Philippines and the left in general. Enrile was then implicated in the God Save the Queen Plot that was to supposedly take place on November 11, 1986. The investigation of the coup done by
14157-411: Was siphoned into those companies. Enrile was also appointed by Marcos as the President of the Philippine Coconut Authority , where he established control of the copra industry together with Danding Cojuangco . The two ruled over the controversial Coco Levy Fund which proved their intense corruption in government service. The fund, which was supposed to be used to improve the country's copra industry,
14278-579: Was the Senate President from November 2008 until his resignation on June 5, 2013. He remained a Senator until 2016, latterly as Minority Leader. Enrile was born on February 14, 1924, in Gonzaga, Cagayan , to Petra Furagganan, the stepdaughter of a poor fisherman. He was born out of wedlock, as his father, the Spanish mestizo lawyer and influential provincial politician Alfonso Ponce Enrile,
14399-573: Was then headed by his aide-de-camp , Lieutenant Colonel Gregorio Honasan . In a 1986 press conference, Enrile is quoted as having said: As far back as 1982, we have been getting persistent reports that there were efforts to eliminate us . . . and it was [at] that point that we decided to organize a group to protect ourselves . . . now known as the AFP Reform Movement. Under pressure from the US Government, Marcos agreed to hold
14520-632: Was used by the two for programs led by Imelda Marcos and other Marcos cronies . A huge portion of the fund was also used for the presidential campaigns of Ferdinand Marcos in 1983. With rising factionalism in the Marcos administration towards its latter years, Enrile's influence began to be reduced. On November 28, 1978, Marcos issued the Letter of Instruction no. 776, which stated that "No changes of assignment of senior officers including provincial commanders, brigade commanders, division commanders, and special unit commanders shall be made without clearance from
14641-559: Was widely believed to have been staged; Enrile himself admitted to the assassination attempt to have been staged but he would later retract his claim. The Plaza Miranda bombing , the alleged ambush of Enrile, and the MV Karagatan landing were among the incidents used to justify the imposition of martial law. The alleged assassination attempt of Enrile together with the general citizen disquiet, were used by Marcos as reasons to issue Presidential Proclamation No. 1081, proclaiming
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