Misplaced Pages

#253746

146-624: A nearly simultaneous strike in Colorado's northern and southern coal fields was also met with a military response by the Colorado National Guard. Colorado's most significant battles between labor and capital occurred between miners and mine operators. In these battles the state government, with one exception, sided with the mine operators. Additional participants have included the National Guard, often informally called

292-473: A glass eye ; when photographed, he would turn his head to show his left profile. After his uncle Richard arranged for Haywood to work as an indentured laborer on a farm, a job Haywood disliked, he changed his name from William Richard to William Dudley after his father. At age 15, with very little formal education, Haywood began working in the mines . After brief stints as a cowboy and a homesteader , he returned to mining in 1896. High-profile events such as

438-602: A meeting hall . They were soon lavished with food and clothes and would stay in New York another seven weeks. Despite their excellent treatment, officials in Lawrence and elsewhere were shocked by the move. "I could scarcely believe that the strike leaders would do such a thing as this," Lawrence mayor Michael Scanlon said. "Lawrence could have very easily cared for these children." On February 24, when strikers attempted to send still more children away, police were ready. During

584-482: A "sumptuous lunch" followed by cigars. The detective reportedly told Orchard that he could escape hanging only if he implicated the leaders of the WFM. In addition to using the threat of hanging, McParland promised food, cigars, better treatment, possible freedom, and even a possible financial reward if Orchard cooperated. The detective obtained a 64-page confession from Orchard in which the suspect took responsibility for

730-577: A concomitant decline in real wages and living standards for workers in urban areas. Prior to the industrial revolution, economies in Europe were dominated by the guild system which had originated in the Middle Ages . The guilds were expected to protect the interests of the owners, labourers, and consumers through regulation of wages, prices, and standard business practices. However, as the increasingly unequal and oligarchic guild system deteriorated in

876-410: A confrontation. Colorado Governor Davis Waite convinced the mine owners to go back to the shorter workday in what was called the "Waite agreement." Governor Waite also called out the state militia to disarm the 1,200 gunmen who were no longer taking orders from the sheriff. The Waite agreement on miners' hours and wages subsequently went into effect, and lasted nearly a decade. Downtown Cripple Creek

1022-487: A dynamite attack in the middle of the night destroyed the powerhouse at the Sun and Moon mine, where strikebreakers were working. The attackers fled, leaving behind a union miner mortally injured by a premature dynamite explosion. A number of union officials were arrested that same night, and accused of complicity in the bombing. The following night, nearly 500 people, including most businessmen and city officials, met to decide on

1168-473: A future of arbitration and conciliation with employers, and an eventual end to the need for strikes. Bill Haywood , the WFM's powerful secretary treasurer and second in command, had adopted the industrial unionism philosophy of his mentor, former WFM leader Ed Boyce . Boyce disagreed with Samuel Gompers , head of the AFL, over union organization. Haywood thought that unions should cover whole industries, and that

1314-537: A labor philosophy that favors organizing all workers in an industry under one union, regardless of the specific trade or skill level; this was in contrast to the craft unions that were prevalent at the time, such as the AFL . He believed that workers of all ethnicities should be united, and favored direct action over political action. Haywood was often targeted by prosecutors due to his support for violence. An attempt to prosecute him in 1907 for his alleged involvement in

1460-403: A lawyer can understand it." Yet Haywood also had a flair for dangerous hyperbole that, when quoted in newspapers, was used to justify wholesale arrests of IWW strikers. "Confiscate! That's good!" he often said. "I like that word. It suggests stripping the capitalist, taking something away from him. But there has got to be a good deal of force to this thing of taking." When the WFM withdrew from

1606-691: A massive demonstration of public support. For many years, Haywood was an active member of the Socialist Party of America . Haywood had always been largely Marxist in his political views, and campaigned for Debs during the 1908 presidential election , traveling by train with Debs around the country. Haywood also represented the Socialist Party as a delegate to the 1910 congress of the Second International , an organization working towards international socialism. In 1912, he

SECTION 10

#1732772356254

1752-402: A melée, women and children were forcibly separated, police lashed out with clubs, and dozens of strikers and their children were jailed. A national outrage resulted. The New York World wrote, "The Lawrence authorities must be blind and the mill owners mad." The New York Tribune called the police response "as chuckle-headed an exhibition of incompetence to deal with a strike situation as it

1898-535: A mine or smelter were hazardous to workers' health, and that the eight hour day should become state law for mine and mill workers. Republicans opposed the law, and sought an opinion from the Colorado Supreme Court. The Court advised that such a law would be unconstitutional. Then a similar law was passed in Utah, and it withstood a U.S. Supreme Court challenge. Legislators used the precise language from

2044-488: A national reputation. Eugene Debs called him "the Lincoln of Labor." Along with his colorful background and appearance, Haywood was known for his blunt statements about capitalism . "The capitalist has no heart," he often said, "but harpoon him in the pocketbook and you will draw blood". Another time, he began a speech by noting, "Tonight I am going to speak on the class struggle and I am going to make it so plain that even

2190-758: A public debate or lecture hall. In 1797 the L.C.S was outlawed by parliament, temporarily crushing the British labour movement. Additionally, forming unions or combinations was made illegal under legislation such as the 1799 Combination Act . Trade unionism in the United Kingdom illegally continued into the 19th century despite increasing hardship. Determined workers refused to allow the law to entirely eradicate trade unionism. Some employers chose to forgo legal prosecution and instead bargained and cooperated with workers' demands. The Scottish weavers of Glasgow went on strike around 1805, demanding enforcement of

2336-410: A referendum, which submitted to voters. On November 4, 1902, Colorado voters passed the amendment 72,980 to 26,266, an approval rate of greater than 72 percent. The new law, with the force of a state constitutional amendment, had only to go back to the state legislature in the 1903 session for final implementation. Under pressure from mining companies, the Colorado state government ignored the results of

2482-462: A response. After angry speeches, the crowd marched to the jail, removed the prisoners and expelled 23 union members from the town. Suggs wrote that the Citizen's Protective League, "directed law enforcement, held secret strategy sessions, ordered the arrest and interrogation of suspects whom they held incommunicado, watched incoming trains, and warned union sympathizers to leave town." Although this

2628-544: A round of strikes and riots throughout England. Other notable radicals at the time included John Jebb , Major Cartwright , and John Horne . With the advent of the French Revolution , radicalism became even more prominent in English politics with the publication of Thomas Paine's The Rights of Man in 1791 and the foundation of the working-class focused London Corresponding Society in 1792. Membership in

2774-467: A series of strikes designed to extend the benefits of the union to other workers. The defeat of these strikes led to Haywood's belief in " One Big Union " organized along industrial lines to bring broader working class support for labor struggles. Late in 1904, several prominent labor radicals met in Chicago to lay down plans for a new revolutionary union. A manifesto was written and sent around

2920-650: A speech by Henry Hunt, a group of Spenceans initiated the Spa Fields riots . This outbreak of lawlessness led to a government crackdown on agitation in 1817 known as the Gagging Acts , which included the suppression of the Spencean society, a suspension of habeas corpus , and an extension of power to magistrates which gave them the ability to ban public gatherings. In protest of the Gagging Acts, as well as

3066-626: A striker whom nineteen witnesses later said was killed by police gunfire, and martial law was declared. In response, Haywood and other organizers arrived to take charge of the strike. Over the next several weeks, Haywood personally masterminded or approved many of the strike's tactical innovations. Chief among these was his decision to send strikers' hungry children to sympathetic families in New York , New Hampshire , and Vermont . After hearing from immigrants how European strikers had used this tactic during prolonged strikes, Haywood decided to take

SECTION 20

#1732772356254

3212-606: A string of crimes and at least seventeen murders. Of the four men named by Orchard as having a part in Steunenberg's murder, Jack Simpkins had fled, and the other three were known to be in Denver , Colorado . The prosecution feared that if they knew that Orchard was cooperating with the prosecution, the other three would also flee. At McParland's urging, the three were arrested in Denver on February 17, 1906. Although none of

3358-513: A time the USRRC paid the salaries of additional deputies protecting its properties. Limited production continued with non-union workers, and strike-breakers were hired with the understanding that their jobs were permanent. Tensions mounted on the picket line, and the sheriff appointed more than seventy men for strike duty. But MacNeill was demanding 250 guards for the USRRC properties alone. W.R. Gilbert, sheriff of El Paso County, requested troops from

3504-518: Is possible to recall". The incident led to a congressional hearing and the attention of President William Howard Taft . Nationwide publicity pressured the mill owners into cooperating with the strikers; on March 12, the owners agreed to all the demands of the strikers, officially ending the strike. However, Haywood and the IWW were not yet finished in Lawrence; despite the success of the strike, Ettor and Giovannitti remained in prison. Haywood threatened

3650-687: Is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration. — Abraham Lincoln , December 3, 1861 The labour movement has its origins in Europe during the Industrial Revolution of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, when agricultural and cottage industry jobs disappeared and were replaced as mechanization and industrialization moved employment to more industrial areas like factory towns causing an influx of low-skilled labour and

3796-650: Is why the labor-hater and labor-baiter is virtually always a twin-headed creature spewing anti-Negro epithets from one mouth and anti-labor propaganda from the other mouth. With ever-increasing levels of international trade and increasing influence of multinational corporations, there has been debate and action among labour movements to attempt international co-operation. This has resulted in renewed efforts to organize and collectively bargain internationally. A number of international union organizations have been established in an attempt to facilitate international collective bargaining, to share information and resources and to advance

3942-797: The Australian Labor Party (ALP). The British Labour Party was created as the Labour Representation Committee , following an 1899 resolution by the Trade Union Congress . While archetypal labour parties are made of direct union representatives, in addition to members of geographical branches, some union federations or individual unions have chosen not to be represented within a labour party and/or have ended association with them. Many individuals and political groups otherwise considered to represent ruling classes may be part of, and active in,

4088-723: The Haymarket Massacre in 1886 and the Pullman Strike in 1894 fostered Haywood's interest in the labor movement . In 1896, Ed Boyce , president of the Western Federation of Miners (WFM), spoke at the Idaho silver mine where Haywood was working. Inspired by his speech, Haywood signed up as a WFM member, thus formally beginning his involvement in America's labor movement. He immediately became active in

4234-536: The IWW's first convention with the following speech: Fellow Workers, this is the Continental Congress of the working-class. We are here to confederate the workers of this country into a working-class movement that shall have for its purpose the emancipation of the working-class from the slave bondage of capitalism. The aims and objects of this organization shall be to put the working-class in possession of

4380-586: The Industrial Revolution of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, at about the same time as socialism . The early goals of the movement were the right to unionise , the right to vote , democracy and the 40-hour week . As these were achieved in many of the advanced economies of western Europe and north America in the early decades of the 20th century, the labour movement expanded to issues of welfare and social insurance, wealth distribution and income distribution , public services like health care and education, social housing and common ownership . Labor

4526-553: The MP John Wilkes used mass appeal to workers through public meetings, pamphleteering , and the popular press, in order to gain their support as he advocated for an increase in the voting franchise, popular rights, and an end to corruption. When he was imprisoned for criticizing King George III , his followers protested and were fired upon by the government at the Massacre of St George's Fields in 1768, which resulted in

Colorado Labor Wars - Misplaced Pages Continue

4672-513: The Midlands started to sabotage and destroy the machinery used in textile production. As the industry was still decentralized at the time and the movement was secretive, none of the leadership was ever caught and employers in the Midlands textile industry were forced to raise wages. In 1812 the first radical, socialist, pro-labour society, the 'Society of Spencean Philanthropists', named after

4818-786: The Molly Maguires years earlier in Pennsylvania, ran the Denver Pinkerton office. He directed the activities of scores of spies that had been placed within the Western Federation of Miners. Charles MacNeill, general manager of the USRRC refining company, had been a Pinkerton client since 1892. The agreement settling the 1894 strike in the Cripple Creek District provided an eight-hour day for miners. The WFM argued that working long hours in

4964-604: The Six Acts . In 1819 the social reformer Francis Place initiated a reform movement aimed at lobbying parliament into abolishing the anti-union Combination Acts. Unions were legalised in the Combination Acts of 1824 and 1825, however some union actions, such as anti- scab activities were restricted. Chartism was possibly the first mass working-class labour movement in the world, originating in England during

5110-560: The Western Labor Union , a federation formed in response to the American Federation of Labor (AFL) which had federated the craft unions in the east. In 1899, the WFM wrote industrial unionism , its response to the AFL's craft philosophy, into its charter. Colorado's employers observed the WFM's socialist pronouncements with trepidation, because the union's goal was now the elimination of private ownership of

5256-528: The "Philanthropic Hercules". Although this enterprise quickly folded, pro-labour political agitation and demonstrations increased in popularity throughout industrial United Kingdom culminating in 1819 with an incident in St. Peter's field, Manchester, known as the Peterloo Massacre . The British government responded with another round of draconian measures aimed at putting down the labour movement, known as

5402-445: The 16th and 17th centuries, spontaneous formations of journeymen within the guilds would occasionally act together to demand better wage rates and conditions, and these ad hoc groupings can be considered the forerunners of the modern labour movement. These formations were succeeded by trade unions forming in the United Kingdom in the 18th century. Nevertheless, without the continuous technological and international trade pressures during

5548-469: The 1880s to describe an innovative form of trade unionism. The new unions were generally less exclusive than craft unions and attempted to recruit a wide range of unskilled and semi-skilled workers, such as dockers, seamen, gasworkers and general labourers. The International Workingmen's Association , the first attempt at international coordination, was founded in London in 1864. The major issues included

5694-601: The 18th century. Strikes and riots by miners and framework knitters occurred throughout England over the course of the 18th century, often resorting to machine breaking and sabotage. In 1751 wool-combers in Leicestershire formed a union which both disallowed hiring non-members and provided aid for out-of-work members. In the Spitalfields area of London , weavers went on strike and rioted in 1765, 1769, and 1773 until parliament relented and allowed justices in

5840-739: The 19th century, such as the Chartist movement in the United Kingdom during 1838–48. In 1891, localised labour parties were formed, by trade union members in British colonies in Australasia . In 1899, the Labour Party for the Colony of Queensland briefly formed the world's first labour government , lasting one week. From 1901, when six colonies federated to form the Commonwealth of Australia , several labour parties amalgamated to form

5986-492: The AFL leadership — the ARU members had put their own organization at risk for others, but the AFL refused to even help them try to end the strike in a draw — the power of workers crossing their trade lines and jurisdictional boundaries to join together in a fight against capital greatly impressed him. He described the revelation of such power as "a great rift of light". For Haywood, industrial union principles were later confirmed by

Colorado Labor Wars - Misplaced Pages Continue

6132-512: The Citizens' Alliance of Denver had enrolled nearly 3,000 individual and corporate members, and had a war chest of nearly $ 20,000. The Citizens' Alliance of Denver believed in the principle of an employer's absolute control over the management of business. Craig led the fight against union labor throughout Colorado. The organization had a "clandestine character," and all the inner workings of the organization were enshrouded "in deep secrecy," raising

6278-538: The Citizens' Protective League vigilantes, charging them with "rioting and making threats and assaults." The district attorney had cooperated with the League, and refused to prosecute the warrants. The Western Federation of Miners local at Durango, Colorado , ordered a strike on 29 August 1903. Out of the 200 employees of the Durango smelter , 175 walked off, demanding an 8-hour day. The strike effectively stopped work at

6424-486: The Cripple Creek District, however, things were not going well for the WFM. The union had lost a strike in Leadville in 1896, and in 1899 there was another confrontation at Coeur d'Alene, Idaho which ended with hundreds of union miners locked up by the militia in temporary prisons. WFM Secretary-Treasurer Bill Haywood concluded that the companies and their supporters in government were conducting class warfare against

6570-473: The Democrats and Populists split the progressive ticket. Peabody saw the Western Federation of Miners as a threat to his own class interests, to private property, to democratic institutions, and to the nation itself. He promised in his inaugural address to make Colorado safe for investments, if necessary using all the power of the state to accomplish his aims. A national employers' movement aimed directly at

6716-431: The Denver train station on Saturday evening carrying a satchel, evidently to leave town. The police arrested him before he could board a train. Moyer's arrest caused the police to move up the arrests of Haywood and Pettibone. The train would not be ready until Sunday morning and so the prisoners were taken to the Denver city jail, but were forbidden from communicating to lawyers or families. Since reporters began nosing around

6862-462: The Grant and Globe smelters in Denver proposed a reduction in the work day from the existing 10 or 12 hours down to 8. American Smelting and Refining Company (ASARCO), which owned the smelters, refused. On 3 July 1903, at a meeting of the local also attended by national officers Charles Moyer and Bill Haywood, the mill workers voted to strike. The strikers immediately went to the Grant smelter and ordered

7008-523: The Haymarket affair. After its foundation, the IWW would become aggressively involved in the labor movement. On December 30, 1905, Frank Steunenberg was killed by an explosion in front of his house in Caldwell, Idaho . A former governor of Idaho , Steunenberg had clashed with the WFM in previous strikes. Harry Orchard , a former WFM member who had once acted as WFM President Charles Moyer's bodyguard

7154-475: The IWW in 1907, Haywood remained a member of both organizations. His murder trial had made Haywood a celebrity, and he was in demand as a speaker for the WFM. But his increasingly radical speeches became more at odds with the WFM, and in April 1908, the union announced that they had ended Haywood's role as a WFM representative. Haywood left the WFM and devoted all his time to organizing for the IWW. Haywood had left

7300-550: The Industrial Revolution, these trade unions remained sporadic and localised only to certain regions and professions, and there was not yet enough impetus for the formation of a widespread and comprehensive labour movement. Therefore, the labour movement is usually marked as beginning concurrently with the Industrial Revolution in the United Kingdom , roughly around 1760-1830. In England the guild system

7446-592: The Railway Managers' Association: ...that the strikers return to work at once as a body, upon the condition that they be restored to their former positions, or, in the event of failure, to call a general strike. Observing that the ARU was defenseless, AFL officials viewed the plight of the rival organization as an opportunity to bolster the railway brotherhoods, which the AFL was courting, and instructed all AFL affiliates to withhold help . In spite of what Haywood perceived as "treachery" and "double-cross" by

SECTION 50

#1732772356254

7592-535: The Scottish reformers Thomas Muir , Rev. Thomas Fyshe Palmer , Joseph Gerrald , and Maurice Margarot were transported , and, in 1794, the leadership of the L.C.S was arrested and tried. Speech and public gatherings were tightly restricted by the Two Acts of 1795 which made certain words acts of treason, limited public gatherings to fifty people or fewer, and enforced licensing for anyone who wanted to speak in

7738-623: The U.S. In 1926 he took a Russian wife, though the two had to communicate in sign language , as neither spoke the other's language. On May 18, 1928, Haywood died in a Moscow hospital from a stroke brought on by alcoholism and diabetes. Half of his ashes were buried in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis ; an urn containing the other half of his ashes was sent to Chicago and buried near the Haymarket Martyrs' Monument . Even before Haywood first became an official with

7884-490: The USRRC. Peabody described MacNeill and Penrose as his two "Colorado Springs Colonels." The WFM asked all mines not to sell ore to the ore mills in Colorado City, with the understanding that the union would call a strike at any mine not cooperating. The mine owners met on 5 March 1903, and refused to stop selling ore to the struck mills. The businessmen of Victor convinced the WFM to delay the strike one week, to see if

8030-540: The Utah law in the legislation. The Colorado Supreme Court again ruled that the law was unconstitutional, this time with respect to the state constitution. It would take an amendment to the Colorado Constitution to satisfy the Colorado high court. The amendment to the Colorado Constitution was endorsed by the Republican, Democratic, and Populist parties. The Colorado State Legislature put the matter to

8176-597: The WFM by the time the Lawrence Textile Strike in Lawrence , Massachusetts , garnered national attention. On January 11, 1912, textile mill workers in Lawrence left their jobs in protest of lowered wages. Within a week, twenty thousand workers were on strike. Authorities responded by calling out police, and the strike quickly escalated into violence. Local IWW leaders Joseph Ettor and Arturo Giovannitti were jailed on charges of murdering Anna LoPizzo ,

8322-418: The WFM should extend to workers at ore processing mills as well, and that all workers in an industrial union should stand up for the rights of other workers. Haywood believed he had the necessary weapon to force the mill owners to negotiate: the solidarity of the workers in the mines that fed the mills. Under the leadership of Ed Boyce , Cripple Creek unions also helped to organize, and provided leadership for

8468-548: The WFM, and by 1900 he had become a member of the union's General Executive Board. In 1902, he became secretary-treasurer of the WFM, the number two position after President Charles Moyer . The following year, the WFM became involved in the Colorado Labor Wars , a struggle centered in the Cripple Creek mining district in 1903 and 1904, and took the lives of 33 union and non-union workers. The WFM initiated

8614-469: The WFM, he was convinced that the system under which working people toiled was unjust. He described the execution of the Haymarket leaders in 1887 as a turning point in his life, predisposing him toward membership in the largest organization of the day, the Knights of Labor . Haywood had watched men die in unsafe mine tunnels, and had marched with Coxey's Army . Haywood had suffered a serious hand injury in

8760-475: The Working Classes," in which he advocated a series of reforms including limits on the length of the work day, a living wage, the elimination of child labour, the rights of labour to organise, and the duty of the state to regulate labour conditions. Throughout the world, action by labourists has resulted in reforms and workers' rights , such as the two-day weekend , minimum wage , paid holidays , and

8906-517: The World (IWW) and a member of the executive committee of the Socialist Party of America . During the first two decades of the 20th century, Haywood was involved in several important labor battles, including the Colorado Labor Wars , the Lawrence Textile Strike , and other textile strikes in Massachusetts and New Jersey . Haywood was an advocate of industrial unionism , and syndicalism ,

SECTION 60

#1732772356254

9052-557: The achievement of the eight-hour day for many workers. There have been many important labour activists in modern history who have caused changes that were revolutionary at the time and are now regarded as basic. For example, Mary Harris Jones , better known as "Mother Jones", and the National Catholic Welfare Council were important in the campaign to end child labour in the United States during

9198-552: The area to fix wage rates. Artisans and workers would also create small craft clubs or trade clubs in each town or locality and these groups such as the hatters in London, shipwrights in Liverpool , or cutlers in Sheffield could use their clubs to unionize. Workers could also use the ubiquitous friendly societies , which had increasingly cropped up British society since 1700, as cover for union activities. In politics,

9344-402: The arrested IWW members began their trial, presided over by Judge Kenesaw Mountain Landis . The trial lasted five months, the longest criminal trial up to that time; Haywood himself testified for three days. All 101 defendants were found guilty, and Haywood (along with fourteen others) was sentenced to twenty years in prison. Despite the efforts of his supporters, Haywood was unable to overturn

9490-472: The authorities with another strike, saying, "Open the jail gates or we will close the mill gates." Legal efforts and a one-day strike on September 30 did not prompt the authorities to drop the charges. Haywood was indicted in Lawrence for misuse of strike funds, a move that kept him from returning to the city and eventually led to his arrest on the Boston Common . However, on November 26, Ettor and Giovannitti were acquitted, and upon their release were treated to

9636-414: The century, that show instances of labourers "combining" together to raise wages had become a phenomenon in various regions and professions. These early trade unions were fairly small and limited in scope and were separated from unions in other geographical areas or unions in other professions. The unions would strike, collectively bargain with employers, and, if that did not suffice, petition parliament for

9782-401: The company decided to keep it closed. But in mid-August, ASARCO restarted its Globe smelter. Striking employees were re-hired only if they declared that they had quit the union. On Thanksgiving Day 1903, a crowd of strikers attacked 7 workers at the Globe smelter, also badly beating a policeman who came to their aid. Nine of the assailants were tried and sentenced to 6 months in jail. The strike

9928-413: The connecting link in the proposition that is scabby at both ends," Haywood complained. "This fight, which is entering its third year, could have been won in three weeks if it were not for the fact that the trade unions are lending assistance to the mine operators." The obvious solution, it seemed to Haywood, was for all of the workers to join the same union, and to take collective action in concert against

10074-454: The conviction. On March 31, 1921, he skipped bail while out on appeal and fled to the Russian SFSR . IWW officials were taken by surprise that Haywood had jumped bail, with his own attorney declaring that, "Haywood has committed hara-kiri so far as the labor movement is concerned if he has really run away. He will be disowned by the IWW and all sympathizers." A bond in the amount of $ 15,000 posted by millionaire supporter William Bross Lloyd

10220-462: The country. Unionists who agreed with the manifesto were invited to attend a convention to found the new union which was to become the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). At 10 a.m. on June 27, 1905, Haywood addressed the crowd assembled at Brand's Hall in Chicago. In the audience were two hundred delegates from organizations all over the country representing socialists , anarchists , miners, industrial unionists and rebel workers. Haywood opened

10366-433: The craft-organized locomotive firemen kept their engines running, helping their employers to break a strike called by the railroad engineers. Debs had been head of the locomotive firemen's union, but he resigned to create the American Railway Union (ARU), organized industrially to include all railroad workers. In June 1894, the ARU voted to join in solidarity with the ongoing Pullman Strike . Railroad traffic throughout

10512-504: The defeat of the WFM in the 1903–05 Cripple Creek strike due — he believed — to insufficient labor solidarity. The WFM miners had sought to extend the benefits of union to the mill workers who processed their ore. Since the government had crushed the ARU, the railroad workers were again organized along craft lines, similar to the AFL. Those same railroad unions continued to haul the ore from mines that were run by strike breakers, to mills that were run by strike breakers. "The railroaders form

10658-415: The early 19th century, but were becoming increasingly dead letter by the mid 18th century. Consequently, from 1760 on, real wages began to fall and food prices began to rise giving increased motivation for political and social agitation. As the guild system became increasingly obsolete and parliament abolished the old medieval labour protections, forswearing responsibility for maintaining living standards,

10804-768: The early 20th century. Historically labour markets have often been constrained by national borders that have restricted movement of workers. Labour laws are also primarily determined by individual nations or states within those nations. While there have been some efforts to adopt a set of international labour standards through the International Labour Organisation (ILO), international sanctions for failing to meet such standards are very limited. In many countries labour movements have developed independently and represent those national boundaries. Modern labour parties originated from an increase in organising activities in Europe and European colonies during

10950-478: The economic power, the means of life, in control of the machinery of production and distribution, without regard to capitalist masters. Other speakers at the convention included Eugene Debs , leader of the Socialist Party of America ; Mary Harris "Mother" Jones , an organizer for the United Mine Workers of America ; and Lucy Parsons , a major labor organizer whose husband was hanged in relation to

11096-494: The employees to quit working. They then went to the Globe smelter and did likewise; 5 or 6 workers at the Globe smelter were beaten and kicked by the strikers. By the time the company manager learned of the strike, the smelters were closed and the fires extinguished. The strikers forced three of the furnaces to shut down so quickly that molten metal congealed in the pipes, requiring laborious repair work. The number of workers idled at

11242-543: The enforcement of the Elizabethan statues. The first groups in England to practice early trade unionism were the West of England wool workers and the framework knitters in the Midlands . As early as 1718 a royal proclamation was given in opposition to the formation of any unsanctioned bodies of journeymen attempting to affect wages and employment. Despite the presumption that unionising was illegal, it continued throughout

11388-566: The federal government the opportunity to take action against Haywood and the IWW. Using the newly passed Espionage Act of 1917 as justification, the Department of Justice raided forty-eight IWW meeting halls on September 5, 1917. The Department of Justice, with the approval of President Woodrow Wilson , then proceeded to arrest 165 IWW members for "conspiring to hinder the draft , encourage desertion, and intimidate others in connection with labor disputes." In April 1918, Haywood and 100 of

11534-477: The first vice-president of the National Civic Federation , which was "dedicated to the fostering of harmony and collaboration between capital and organized labor". But Haywood had become convinced by the experiences of striking railroad workers that a different union philosophy, some form of industrial unionism, was necessary for workers to obtain justice. This had become apparent in 1888 when

11680-570: The future. The strikes in both Colorado City and Cripple Creek were called off. On 1 May, after the strike had ended, the WFM negotiated a wage increase for the mill workers at the Portland and Telluride mills. Wages of $ 1.80 per day for the lowest-paid workers increased to $ 2.25. Again, the mills of the Colorado Reduction and Refining Company held out, and refused to increase wages. Western Federation of Miners union members working at

11826-609: The gamble in Lawrence, a first in American labor history. He and the IWW used announcements in socialist newspapers to solicit host families, then screened strikers to see who might be willing to send their children into the care of strangers. On February 10, 1912, the first group of "Lawrence Strike Children" bid tearful goodbyes to their parents and, with chaperones to guide them, boarded a train for New York. The children arrived safely in Manhattan that evening where they were taken to

11972-498: The good will and understanding of those who profit by exploiting us [...] They are shocked that action organizations, sit-ins, civil disobedience and protests are becoming our everyday tools, just as strikes, demonstrations and union organization became yours to insure that bargaining power genuinely existed on both sides of the table [...] Our needs are identical to labor's needs: decent wages, fair working conditions, livable housing, old age security, health and welfare measures [...] That

12118-486: The governor, writing: "It has been brought to my attention that men have been severely beaten, and there is grave danger of destruction of property. I accordingly notify you of the existence of a mob, and armed bodies of men are patrolling the territory, from which there is a danger of commission of felony." Historian Benjamin Rastall declared that there was "No apparent necessity for the presence of troops... Colorado City

12264-534: The head of the labour movement demanding the lowering of taxes, the abolition of pensions and sinecures, and an end to payments of the war debt. This radicalism increased in the aftermath of the end of the Napoleonic Wars , as a general economic downturn in 1815 led to a revival in pro-labour politics. During this time, half of each worker's wages was taxed away, unemployment greatly increased, and food prices would not drop from their war time highs. After

12410-608: The incident as a kidnapping that occurred to extradite them to Idaho before the courts in Denver could intervene. The extradition was so extraordinary that the president of the AFL, Samuel Gompers , directed his union to raise funds for the defense . However, the United States Supreme Court denied a habeas corpus appeal, ruling that the arrest and extradition were legal, with only Justice Joseph McKenna dissenting. While in jail in Idaho, Haywood

12556-478: The interests of workers generally. Political ideologies: Topics: National movements Bill Haywood Progressive Era Repression and persecution Anti-war and civil rights movements Contemporary William Dudley Haywood (February 4, 1869 – May 18, 1928), nicknamed "Big Bill" , was an American labor organizer and founding member and leader of the Industrial Workers of

12702-583: The jail anyway, the prisoners were secretly taken to the Oxford Hotel , near the train station, where they were again held incommunicado . On Sunday morning, the three men were put on the special train, guarded by Colorado militia, which sped out of Denver through Wyoming , and by nightfall they were in Idaho. To thwart any attempts to free the prisoners, the train sped through the principal towns, and stopped for water and to change engines and crew only at out-of-the-way stations. Trade union members regarded

12848-413: The jury returned on July 29 and acquitted Haywood. During the subsequent trial of Pettibone, Darrow conducted a powerful cross-examination against Orchard before falling ill and withdrawing from the trial, leaving Orrin N. Hilton of Denver to head the defense. After a second jury acquitted Pettibone, the charges against Moyer were dropped. Despite his radical views, Haywood emerged from the trial with

12994-529: The labour movement. Labour festivals have long been a part of the labour movement. Often held outdoors in the summer, the music, talks, food, drink, and film have attracted hundreds of thousands of attendees each year. Labour festival is a yearly feast of all the unionism gathering, to celebrate the fulfillment of their goals, to bring solutions to certain hindrances and to reform unjust actions of their employers or government. A degree of strategic biracial cooperation existed among black and white dockworkers on

13140-539: The last of the apprentice laws which had been intended to protect wage rates and employment, but which had also fallen into serious disuse many decades before. The United Kingdom saw an increasing number of large-scale strikes, mainly in the north. In 1811 in Nottinghamshire , a new movement known as the Luddite , or machine-breaker, movement, began. In response to declining living standards, workers all over

13286-499: The local union. Crane became "rather influential" in the union, and forty-two union men were fired. It was "practically admitted" that the dismissals were simply for joining the union. Charles MacNeill, vice-president and general manager of the United States Reduction and Refining Company (USRRC), refused to negotiate with the union, declining even to accept a document with the union's list of demands. The demands were

13432-455: The mid-19th century between 1838 and 1848. It takes its name from the People's Charter of 1838, which stipulated the six main aims of the movement as: Eventually, after Chartism died out, the United Kingdom adopted the first five reforms. The Chartist movement had a lasting impact in the development of the political labour movement. In the United Kingdom, the term " new unionism " was used in

13578-611: The militia; private contractors such as the Pinkertons , Baldwin–Felts , and Thiel detective agencies; and various labor entities, Mine Owners' Associations , and vigilante groups and business-dominated groups such as the Citizens' Alliance . The WFM strikes considered part of the Colorado labor wars include: Two scholars of American labor violence concluded, "There is no episode in American labor history in which violence

13724-462: The mill strike could be negotiated without the strike spreading to the mines. On 14 March, the union locals at Cripple Creek declared a strike against 12 mines shipping ore to the Colorado Reduction and Refining mills, and 750 miners walked out. By this time, the Portland and Telluride mills had signed agreements with the union. Two mines, the Vindicator and Mary McKinney agreed not to sell ore to

13870-425: The mills, and escort non-union employees to and from work. The Colorado City mayor, the chief of police, and the city attorney complained to the governor in a letter that "there is no disturbance here of any kind." At least 600 citizens of Colorado City opposed the deployment by signing petitions or sending wires to the governor stating, for example, that "a few occasional brawls" did not justify military occupation. But

14016-616: The mine owners. Backed by the pro-union Victor and Cripple Creek Daily Press , the unions elected union members to public office, and split the mining district from El Paso County, by creating Teller County. Teller County was a union county where the eight-hour workday was enforced, and workers were paid union scale. Unions used social pressure, boycotts, and strikes to ensure that union goals were enforced. The unions were powerful enough to simply announce wages and hours, and any businesses that failed to comply were boycotted. Non-union products were eliminated from saloons and grocery stores. Outside

14162-415: The mines, and found that his only support came from other miners. When Haywood listened to Ed Boyce of the WFM addressing a group of miners in 1896, he discovered radical unionism and welcomed it. Haywood also shared Boyce's skepticism of the role played by the AFL. He criticized labor officials who were, in his view, insufficiently supportive of labor militants. For example, Haywood recalled with disdain

14308-473: The mines. Republican James Peabody ran a campaign for governor of Colorado pledging to restore a conservative government which would be responsive to business and industry. He nonetheless expressed warm sentiments toward unionism while campaigning in the Cripple Creek District. Labor organizations were not persuaded and opposed his candidacy, but the Republicans gained control of the state government when

14454-544: The murder of Frank Steunenberg failed, but in 1918 he was one of 101 IWW members jailed for anti-war activity during the First Red Scare . He was sentenced to twenty years. In 1921, while out of prison during an appeal of his conviction, Haywood fled to the Soviet Union , where he spent the remaining years of his life and where he died in 1928. Paul Freeman , John Reed , Charles Ruthenberg , and Haywood are

14600-466: The nation was "largely paralyzed. The effectiveness of the industrial form of unionism was evident from the start." The strike was eventually crushed by massive government intervention that included 2600 Deputy U.S. Marshals , and 14,000 state and federal troops in Chicago alone. Debs attempted to seek help from the AFL, asking that AFL railroad brotherhood affiliates present the following proposition to

14746-494: The negotiations, but the Portland mill and Telluride mill signed agreements to hire back fired union members, and not to discriminate against union members going forward. The strikes against those two mills were called off, but those against the two Colorado Reduction and Refining mills continued. The governor agreed to withdraw the National Guard troops. Manager MacNeill finally succumbed to the governor's arm-twisting, and verbally promised not to discriminate against union workers in

14892-460: The office of adjutant general, For secretary of Colorado's state military board, Peabody appointed John Q. MacDonald , manager of the Union smelter at Florence , part of the USRRC, the company in the middle of a Western Federation of Miners strike. Peabody appointed two aides-de-camp, Spencer Penrose and Charles M. MacNeill , who were, respectively, treasurer and vice-president/general manager of

15038-409: The old Elizabethan laws empowering magistrates to fix wages to meet the costs of living; however, after three weeks the strike was ended when the police arrested the strike leaders. A renewed stimulus to organised labour in the United Kingdom can be traced back to the 1808 failure of the 'Minimum Wage Bill' in parliament which supporters had seen as a needed countermeasure for the endemic poverty among

15184-489: The only four Americans to be buried at the Kremlin Wall Necropolis . Born in 1869 in Salt Lake City , Utah Territory , his father, a former Pony Express rider, died of pneumonia when Haywood was three years old. His mother Elizabeth was an Episcopalian. At age nine, Haywood injured his right eye while whittling a slingshot with a knife, permanently blinding that eye. He never had his damaged eye replaced with

15330-458: The opening remarks of Samuel Gompers when the AFL leader appeared before Illinois Governor Richard Oglesby on behalf of the Haymarket prisoners: I have differed all my life with the principles and methods of the condemned. Gompers was an advocate of craft unionism , the idea that workers should be separated into unions according to their skills. The AFL disdained to organize workers who were not skilled. Furthermore, in 1900, Gompers became

15476-497: The passage of the Corn Laws there was mass rioting throughout United Kingdom. Many working-class papers started being published and received by a wide audience, including Cobbet's " Weekly Political Register , Thomas Wooler 's The Black Dwarf , and William Hone 's Reformists's Register . In addition, new political clubs focused on reform, called Hampden Clubs , were formed after a model suggested by Major Cartwright. During

15622-591: The past." This legislation was intended to ensure just compensation for workers throughout the country so they could maintain a "competent livelihood". This doctrine of parliamentary involvement remained in place until about 1700 at which point the practice of wage regulation began to decline, and in 1757 parliament outright rescinded the Weavers Act of 1756, abandoning its power of wage regulation and signaling its newfound dedication to laissez-faire economics. The Elizabethan Apprentice Laws lasted in England until

15768-543: The policy, the company negotiated, and the Pinkerton guards were replaced by guards nominated by the union. The new agreement stipulated that miners suspected of theft would be searched by a fellow miner in the presence of a watchman. To ensure a cooperative work force, mine managers and superintendents found it useful to urge all miners to join the union. El Paso County included both heavily working class Cripple Creek and more conservative Colorado Springs , home to many of

15914-522: The poor working conditions in the textile industry, workers in Manchester attempted to march on London to deliver petitions in a demonstration known as the Blanketeers march, which ultimately failed. From this point onward the British government also began using hired spies and agent provocateurs to disrupt the labour movement. The most infamous early case of government anti-labour espionage

16060-425: The possibility that "the group might take extralegal action against all organized labor." The alliance stepped into the middle of labor disputes, and one of their early accomplishments was preventing amicable settlements between companies and their unions. Other employers' alliances in Colorado followed the constitutional formula of the Citizens' Alliance of Denver. James McParland , famous for his role in prosecuting

16206-531: The power of unions was gaining strength. In his 1972 book Colorado's War On Militant Unionism , George Suggs, Jr. reported that antiunion employers' organizations in Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, and Wisconsin had effectively stopped the growth of unions through open shop campaigns. In 1903, David M. Parry delivered a speech at the annual convention of the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) that

16352-425: The radical social agitator Thomas Spence , was formed. Spence, a pamphleteer in London since 1776, believed in the socialized distribution of land and changing England into a federalized government based on democratically elected parish communes. The society was small and had only a limited presence in English politics. Other leaders such Henry Hunt , William Cobbet , and Lord Cochrane , known as Radicals , rose to

16498-663: The ranks of the Socialist Party, joined by thousands of other IWW members and their sympathizers. In 1913, Haywood was involved in the Paterson silk strike . He and approximately 1,850 strikers were arrested during the course of the strike. Despite the long holdout and fundraising efforts, the strike ended in failure on July 28, 1913. While in Paris in 1913 he heard about the Dublin lockout in Ireland. He collected 1000 francs in aid of

16644-453: The referendum, and did not pass the enabling legislation. Governor Peabody, elected with pro-business support, had the opportunity to rescue the amendment, but opted not to do so. In 1906, President Theodore Roosevelt would write that Peabody's failure to pass an 8-hour law was "a grave error" and "unpardonable." In Idaho Springs , WFM miners struck in May 1903 for an eight-hour day. In July,

16790-447: The rehiring of the union workers, the right to organize, and a wage increase. Thwarted in their efforts to negotiate, the mill workers went on strike on February 14 to protest the dismissals. When other mills also declined to accept the union's terms, they were struck as well. There was close cooperation between the mill operators and El Paso County law enforcement. General Manager MacNeill received an appointment as deputy sheriff, and for

16936-532: The relevance of labour to globalization is not new, and it is far more significant in shaping the world than is usually recognized. The movement gained major impetus during the late 19th and early 20th centuries from the Catholic Social Teaching tradition which began in 1891 with the publication of Pope Leo XIII 's foundational document, Rerum novarum , also known as "On the Condition of

17082-581: The right of the workers to organize themselves, and the right to an 8-hour working day. In 1871 workers in France rebelled and the Paris Commune was formed. From the mid-19th century onward the labour movement became increasingly globalised: Labour has been central to the modern globalization process. From issues of the embodied movement of workers to the emergence of a global division of labour, and organized responses to capitalist relations of production,

17228-505: The risk of ship owners pitting one race against the other. Black and white dockworkers also cooperated during protracted labour strikes, including the general levee strikes in 1892 and 1907 as well as smaller strikes involving skilled workers such as screwmen in the early 1900s: Negroes in the United States read the history of labour and find it mirrors their own experience. We are confronted by powerful forces telling us to rely on

17374-506: The same demand for 8-hour days, but agreed to keep working when management agreed to grant to its Pueblo employees any concessions won by the WFM strikers in Denver. Likewise the owners of the Argo smelter in Denver agreed to match any concessions by the Grant or Globe smelters On 19 July, Asarco brought 62 workers from Missouri to Denver, but when they learned of the strike, all but 20 left town. The Grant smelter had out-of-date equipment, and

17520-427: The smelter for several days, but the smelter replaced the strikers, and resumed normal operation. Extra deputies were hired, and arrangements made to house workers on the smelter grounds. The strike failed. In August 1902, the WFM organized the mill workers of Colorado City, who refined the ore brought down from the Cripple Creek District. The mill operators hired Pinkerton detective A.H. Crane to infiltrate and spy upon

17666-495: The society increased rapidly and by the end of the year it may have had as many as three thousand chapters in the United Kingdom. Fearful of this new English Jacobinism , the government responded with wide-scale political repression spearheaded by prime minister Pitt the Younger . Paine was forced to flee the country after his work was deemed to be seditious , booksellers selling Paine's or other radical works were arrested,

17812-409: The soldiers dispersed union pickets. They searched union member's homes and they put the union hall under surveillance. Governor Peabody worked in close association with Craig to form an employer-based citizens' alliance for his home town of Canon City, which the governor later joined. He appointed an anti-union mine manager and former sheriff's deputy from the Cripple Creek District, Sherman Bell , to

17958-449: The struck mills, and were not struck. Some mines had contracts with the struck mills, and could not stop shipping ore without incurring legal penalties. The governor spoke to representatives of the union, but he simultaneously sought information about obtaining "an allotment of Krag guns," because "a serious strike was imminent." Governor Peabody invited both sides to meet in the governor's office on 14 March. Manager MacNeill walked out of

18104-399: The three had set foot in Idaho while Orchard was stalking Steunenberg and planning his murder, under Idaho law, conspirators were considered to be legally present at the scene of the crime. Using this provision, the local county prosecutor in Idaho drew up extradition papers for Haywood, Moyer, and George Pettibone , which falsely alleged that they had been physically present in Idaho at

18250-440: The time of the murder. McParland arrived in Denver on Thursday, February 15, and presented the extradition papers to Colorado Governor Jesse Fuller McDonald , who, by prior arrangement with Idaho Governor Frank R. Gooding , accepted them immediately. McParland had planned the arrests for early Sunday morning, when a special train would be ready to take the prisoners to Idaho. The prosecution plans were upset when Moyer went to

18396-519: The trial, though he did not lead Orchard's cross-examination . During the trial, Orchard admitted that he had acted as a paid informant of the Mine Owners' Association , in effect working for both sides. He also admitted to accepting money from Pinkerton detectives, and had caused explosions during mining disputes before he had met Moyer or Haywood. After Darrow's final summation, the jury retired on July 28, 1907. After deliberating nine hours,

18542-534: The two smelters was 773, about half of whom were union members. The union established pickets at the two smelters, in spite of a court injunction against picketing. On 7 July, the Globe smelter brought back 20 employees to do repair work caused when the furnaces were extinguished unexpectedly, while a police force of 31 guarded both plants. The picketing remained peaceful, and the police guards were withdrawn on 21 July. WFM members at ASARCO's Eiler smelter in Pueblo made

18688-422: The waterfronts of New Orleans , Louisiana during the early 20th century. Although the groups maintained racially separate labour unions, they coordinated efforts to present a united front when making demands of their employers. These pledges included a commitment to the "50-50" or "half-and-half" system wherein a dock crew would consist of 50% black and 50% white workers and agreement on a single wage demand to reduce

18834-419: The workday for Cripple Creek miners from eight to ten hours without raising pay. This action provoked a strike by the miners . In response, mine owners brought in strike breakers. The miners intimidated the strike breakers, so the mine owners raised a private army of an estimated 1,200 armed men. The gunmen were deputized by El Paso County Sheriff F. M. Bowers . The miners were also armed, and were prepared for

18980-419: The workers and travelled to Dublin. In January 1915, Haywood replaced Vincent St. John as General Secretary-Treasurer of the IWW , which he held until October 1917. He returned to the position of GST from February 1918 until December of the same year when he was replaced by Peter Stone . Haywood and the IWW frequently clashed with the government during their labor actions. The onset of World War I gave

19126-422: The workers began to form the earliest versions of trade unions. The workers on the lowest rungs found it necessary to organise in new ways to protect their wages and other interests such as living standards and working conditions. There is no record of enduring trade unions existing prior to the 18th century. Beginning from 1700 onward there are records of complaints in the United Kingdom, which increase through

19272-420: The working class. At their 1901 convention the WFM delegates proclaimed that a "complete revolution of social and economic conditions" was "the only salvation of the working classes." WFM leaders openly called for the abolition of the wage system. By the spring of 1903 the WFM was the most militant labor organization in the country. This was a considerable change from the WFM's founding Preamble, which envisioned

19418-474: The working classes of industrial United Kingdom. After the failure of the Minimum Wage Bill displayed the government's commitment to laissez-faire policy, labourers expressed their discontent in the form of the first large scale strikes in the new factory districts. Agitation did not end until it was agreed that weavers would receive a 20% increase in wages. In 1813 and 1814 Parliament would repeal

19564-399: Was a "brazen, illegal exercise of power," Governor Peabody ignored it. District Judge Frank W. Owers ruled the expulsions illegal, and issued an injunction against the League to prevent interference with the return of the union miners. Eight WFM members returned to Idaho Springs, were arrested and tried for the powerhouse explosion, and were acquitted. Owers then issued bench warrants for 129 of

19710-492: Was a diatribe against organized labor. He argued that unions' goals would result in "despotism, tyranny, and slavery." Parry advocated the establishment of a great national anti-union federation under the control of the NAM, and the NAM responded by initiating such an effort. Among those present at the Chicago conference was President James C. Craig of the Citizens' Alliance of Denver. Within three weeks after its creation on April 9,

19856-518: Was arrested for the crime, and evidence was found in his hotel room. Famed Pinkerton detective James McParland , who had infiltrated and helped to destroy the Molly Maguires , was placed in charge of the investigation. Before the trial, McParland ordered that Orchard be placed on death row in the Boise penitentiary, with restricted food rations and under constant surveillance. After McParland had prepared his investigation, he met with Orchard over

20002-408: Was as systematically used by employers as in the Colorado labor war of 1903 and 1904." The WFM as well embraced more violent strike tactics, and "entered into the one of the most insurgent and violent stages that American labor history had ever seen." In late 1902, the Western Federation of Miners boasted seventeen thousand members in one hundred locals. In January 1894, mine owners tried to lengthen

20148-524: Was destroyed by fires in 1896. Carpenters and other construction workers rushed to the area to rebuild the city, and unions arose to organize them. The carpenter's union and other unions owed their leverage to the Western Federation of Miners. The strike victory in 1894 enabled the WFM to build labor organizations at the district, state, and regional levels. Mining companies acted on a concern about miners stealing high grade ore by hiring Pinkerton guards. In one case three hundred miners walked out to protest

20294-549: Was elected to the Socialist Party National Executive Committee. However, the aggressive tactics of Haywood and the IWW, along with their call for abolition of the wage system and the overthrow of capitalism, created tension with moderate, electorally-oriented leaders of the Socialist Party. Haywood and the IWW focused on direct action and strikes, which often led to violence, and were less concerned with political tactics. When Haywood

20440-510: Was forfeited as a result of Haywood's flight. In Soviet Russia, Haywood became a labor advisor to Lenin 's Bolshevik government, and served in that position until 1923. Haywood also participated in the founding of the Kuzbass Autonomous Industrial Colony . Various visitors to Haywood's small Moscow apartment in later years recalled that he felt lonely and depressed , and expressed a desire to return to

20586-416: Was never officially called off. Organized labor The labour movement is the collective organisation of working people to further their shared political and economic interests. It consists of the trade union or labour union movement , as well as political parties of labour. It can be considered an instance of class conflict . The labour movement developed as a response to capitalism and

20732-521: Was put forth by the Socialist Party of Colorado as their candidate in the 1906 Colorado gubernatorial election . He finished with over 16,000 votes, just under eight percent. Haywood's trial in Boise began on May 9, 1907, with famed Chicago defense attorney Clarence Darrow defending him. The government had only the testimony of Orchard, the confessed bomber, to implicate Haywood and the other defendants, and Orchard's checkered past and admitted violent history were skillfully exploited by Darrow during

20878-405: Was quiet... No destruction of property had occurred, and 65 deputies would seem an ample number." Gilbert later testified that the troops were necessary not to suppress existing violence, but to prevent it. The investigation revealed enormous pressure on the sheriff from the refining companies to secure state troops. More than three hundred National Guard soldiers arrived in Colorado City to protect

21024-628: Was quoted speaking at public meetings in New York City to the effect that he had never advocated the use of the ballot by the workers but had instead favored the tactics of direct action, an initiative recalling Haywood from the NEC was launched by the State Executive Committee of the Socialist Party of New York. In February 1913 the recall of Haywood was approved by a margin of more than 2-to-1. Following his defeat, Haywood left

21170-535: Was that of Oliver the Spy who, in 1817, incited and encouraged the Pentrich Rising , which led to the leadership being indicted on treason charges and executed. In spite of government suppression, the labour movement in the United Kingdom continued, and 1818 marked a new round of strikes as well as the first attempt at establishing a single national union that encompassed all trades, led by John Gast and named

21316-528: Was usurped in its regulation of wages by parliament in the 16th century with the passage of the Elizabethan Era apprentice laws such as the 1562 Statute of Artificers which placed the power to regulate wages and employment in the hands of local officials in each parish. Parliament had been responding to petitions made by English weavers in 1555 who asserted that the owners were "giving much less wages and hire for weaving of clothes than they did in

#253746