Cayman Islands English , also called Caymanian English , is an English variety spoken in the Cayman Islands . Its early development was influenced by Early Modern English , Guinea Coast Creole English , and the Igbo and Twi languages of West Africa. More recent influences include Standard English , Jamaican Patois and African-American Vernacular English . It has been described as both a non-creole and a semi-creole, due to its differences from and similarity to Caribbean Creole languages .
23-443: About 90% of Caymanians speak English, as the official language of the islands, but Cayman Islands English encompasses a broad range of dialects. Bay Island English is a related English variant which developed from Cayman Islands English. Cayman Island English has its roots in the language used by the earliest settlers on the islands, including turtle fishers, pirates, enslaved Africans, and deserters from Cromwell's Jamaican army. It
46-842: Is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . This Cayman Islands -related article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Bay Islands English Bay Islands English is an English variety spoken on the Bay Islands Department ( Guanaja , Roatán , Utila ), Honduras. Ethnologue reported that there were 22,500 native speakers in 2001. Mainlanders know this language as Caracol , which literally means " conch ". Genealogically this variety descends from Cayman Islands English . The NURSE vowel varies in quality in Bay Islands English. Roatan speakers usually realize it as either [ï] or [ʌ], as do Utilian speakers (although among them,
69-482: Is a feature of Cayman Islands English, noted by Aarona Booker Kohlman and John A. Holm. Ross Graham says this is likely influenced by the Twi language . Hubert Devonish says this is common to many Western Caribbean creole languages, although Kohlman and Holm suggest this might have a connection to Elizabethan Cockney English. The use of broad English [æ] as in bangle is retained while [r] in words like turn and sermon
92-428: Is a feature of Cayman Islands English, noted by Aarona Booker Kohlman and John A. Holm. Ross Graham says this is likely influenced by the Twi language . Hubert Devonish says this is common to many Western Caribbean creole languages, although Kohlman and Holm suggest this might have a connection to Elizabethan Cockney English. The use of broad English [æ] as in bangle is retained while [r] in words like turn and sermon
115-499: Is also possible for these sounds ([w] and [ β ]) to be realized as variants of a single phoneme. Warantz also claims that [w] occurs categorically before /a/, /ʌ/, and /ə/ and variably with [β] in all other environments. However, the phonemic contrast in Bay Island English is generally neutralized in all environments, with possible realizations including [w], [v], [β], [ ɥ ], [ ʋ ], [b], and [ ɞ ]. Graham has judged [w̥] as
138-493: Is found sporadically among creole-influenced speakers. This Honduras -related article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . This pidgin and creole language -related article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Cayman Islands English Cayman Islands English , also called Caymanian English , is an English variety spoken in the Cayman Islands . Its early development
161-459: Is likely a result of influence from Scottish English , which also has this phenomenon, and neither RP nor GA having a strong dominant influence on the dialect's historical phonological development. Bay Islands English is generally rhotic . Most white speakers always pronounce it as /r/ . It is often elided in post-vocalic, and especially in unstressed word-final position, among black speakers. Bay Islands English has poor distinction between
184-691: Is often unvoiced. Possessive pronouns such as his and hers are often replaced with their subjective form, such as he and she . Noun determiners and prepositions are also often excluded, as in When I get Spotts, little rain come down (or "When I got to Spotts, a little rain came down"). Devonish suggests this more pronounced than in Caribbean Creoles. It's also common for some Caymanians to insert - en before - ing ; Patricia Hamilton notes such as examples as fishening or groanening . This pidgin and creole language -related article
207-569: Is often unvoiced. Possessive pronouns such as his and hers are often replaced with their subjective form, such as he and she . Noun determiners and prepositions are also often excluded, as in When I get Spotts, little rain come down (or "When I got to Spotts, a little rain came down"). Devonish suggests this more pronounced than in Caribbean Creoles. It's also common for some Caymanians to insert - en before - ing ; Patricia Hamilton notes such as examples as fishening or groanening . This pidgin and creole language -related article
230-484: Is only unlikely to occur before [i] and [e]. [ɥ] can only occur before [i] and [ɪ]. [β] occurs before [ɪ], [e], and [ɛ]. [v] occurs in the same positions as in Standard English, but never where SE has [w]. Whenever [v] occurs intervocally or as the first element of a consonant cluster, it may be dropped altogether. This results in pronunciations such as [nɒ:r] ( never ), [hʌn] ( having ) and [pe:d] ( paved ). [b]
253-484: The FERN vowel as a front vowel, while only about 3/18 Roatan speakers pronounce it with a front vowel (in their case, it is never pronounced as [i]). Graham (1997) has noted that all speakers make a distinction between the vowel qualities in the words "learn" and "girl", while 26/28 speakers distinguish the vowel in "learn" from those in "third" and "bird". He has also theorized that the fern-fir-fur split in Bay Islands English
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#1732775534754276-569: The FIR vowel.) Some Utila speakers also realize the FUR vowel as [ ɔ ], although pronouncing "turtle" as [tɔɹtil] is also common for Roatan speakers. The FERN vowel is the most varied of the three, as it has possible realizations like [ɔ(:)], [ɒ(:)], [ ɑ (:)], [ʌ(:)], [ ɛ (:)], [ɛ̱(:)], and [i(:)]. Approximately 12/18 Roatan speakers pronounce it as a low back vowel, while this is not the norm for Utilian speakers. Approximately 5/6 Utilian female speakers pronounce
299-418: The balance favors [ï] over [ʌ]). The dialect largely features the fern-fir-fur split . The FUR vowel is predominantly realized as [ʌ] by Roatan speakers. About 3/4 of male Utila speakers also realize it in this way, but about 5/6 of female Utila speakers realize it as either [ɛ̱] or [ï]. (Among them, [ɛ̱] is also the most common pronunciation for the FERN vowel, while [ï] is also the most common pronunciation for
322-609: The language than was realised by scholars such as Kohlman and Holm. Ross Graham says that Caymanian English's creole elements could be inherited from an earlier creole language spoken by the Black Caymanians, similar to Jamaican Creole, which gradually became decreolised due to contact with British Caymanians. Intonation in Cayman Islands English often falls on the last syllable of polysyllabic words. The use of [v] for [w], such as ven instead of when ,
345-464: The language than was realised by scholars such as Kohlman and Holm. Ross Graham says that Caymanian English's creole elements could be inherited from an earlier creole language spoken by the Black Caymanians, similar to Jamaican Creole, which gradually became decreolised due to contact with British Caymanians. Intonation in Cayman Islands English often falls on the last syllable of polysyllabic words. The use of [v] for [w], such as ven instead of when ,
368-404: The most common realization, and the usual realization of /v/ post-vocally. A word-final /v/ (as in have , live or love ) is often raised through the influence of the following element, thus causing it to be realized as either [w̥] or a vowel with a [ɞ]-like quality. This results in intervocal sequences such as [ɐw̥], [ɛw̥], and [ɵw̥]. [w] can occur before both front and non-front values, and it
391-409: The official language of the islands, but Cayman Islands English encompasses a broad range of dialects. Bay Island English is a related English variant which developed from Cayman Islands English. Cayman Island English has its roots in the language used by the earliest settlers on the islands, including turtle fishers, pirates, enslaved Africans, and deserters from Cromwell's Jamaican army. It
414-541: The sounds [v] and [w]. The two sounds are often merged with each other (and sometimes, [b], resulting in a four-way whine-wine-vine-bine merger) or substituted in opposing positions. Graham cites the influence of the Twi language , which lacks /v/ in its phoneme inventory, and other West African languages with the same feature as a likely cause for this. A similar process also occurs in Bermudian , Bahamian , Saban , Vincentian , and other Caribbean Englishes . However, it
437-716: The way younger Caymanians speak, while Bay Island English in turn derives from Cayman Island English. While not much has been written on Cayman Islands English, according to linguist John A. Holm , it "seems to have borrowed English-based creole features similar to Jamaican Patois , Bay Islands English and San Andrés and Providencia Creole without having undergone creolization". Others, such as Hubert Devonish, dispute this and point to features in Caymanian English that are common to Caribbean Creole languages. Devonish says that phrases such as im now to swim ("he knows [how] to swim") indicate more creolisation in
460-641: The way younger Caymanians speak, while Bay Island English in turn derives from Cayman Island English. While not much has been written on Cayman Islands English, according to linguist John A. Holm , it "seems to have borrowed English-based creole features similar to Jamaican Patois , Bay Islands English and San Andrés and Providencia Creole without having undergone creolization". Others, such as Hubert Devonish, dispute this and point to features in Caymanian English that are common to Caribbean Creole languages. Devonish says that phrases such as im now to swim ("he knows [how] to swim") indicate more creolisation in
483-474: Was influenced by Early Modern English , Guinea Coast Creole English , and the Igbo and Twi languages of West Africa. More recent influences include Standard English , Jamaican Patois and African-American Vernacular English . It has been described as both a non-creole and a semi-creole, due to its differences from and similarity to Caribbean Creole languages . About 90% of Caymanians speak English, as
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#1732775534754506-659: Was influenced by English, Spanish, and West African languages, such as Igbo and Twi . An early creole or pidgin contact language , Guinea Coast Creole English , was likely a direct influence, as with the Caribbean Creole languages. Because of the Cayman Islands' remoteness, Caymanian English also retains elements of Elizabethan English speech , including elements from Elizabethan Cockney, Cornish, Scottish and Yorkshire dialects. African-American Vernacular English and Jamaican Patois have also influenced
529-523: Was influenced by English, Spanish, and West African languages, such as Igbo and Twi . An early creole or pidgin contact language , Guinea Coast Creole English , was likely a direct influence, as with the Caribbean Creole languages. Because of the Cayman Islands' remoteness, Caymanian English also retains elements of Elizabethan English speech , including elements from Elizabethan Cockney, Cornish, Scottish and Yorkshire dialects. African-American Vernacular English and Jamaican Patois have also influenced
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