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76-621: The Cantonal rebellion was a cantonalist insurrection that took place during the First Spanish Republic between July 1873 and January 1874. Its protagonists were the "intransigent" federal Republicans, who wanted to establish immediately the Federal Republic from the bottom-up without waiting for the Constituent Cortes to draft and approve the new Federal Constitution, as defended by the president of

152-605: A "separatist" movement by the Government of the Republic, the current historiography highlights that the rebellion only sought to reform the structure of the state, without ever wanting to break the unity of Spain. On 11 February 1873, the day after the abdication of Amadeo I , the National Assembly proclaimed Spain to be a Republic by 258 votes against 32, but without defining it as unitary or federal, postponing

228-625: A coup d'état to start the federal Republic "from below", outside the Government and the Cortes, which made Figueras fear for his life. On 10 June, Figueras, who was already suffering a severe depression from the death of his wife, fled to France. The attempted coup d'état came the next day when a mass of federal Republicans, instigated by the "intransigents", surrounded the building of the Congress of Deputies in Madrid while General Contreras, commanding

304-522: A fundamental social relation of bourgeois society, where it is used for appropriation of labor by capitalists. Marx considered that public property will replace the private property, as a natural historical change of a property relationship. All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions. The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property. The distinguishing feature of Communism

380-558: A movement of ruin, death and desolation, as you supposed, but a movement that is a natural consequence of the very federal Republic that you have proclaimed. After the abandonment of the Courts, the Public Health Committee that was established in Madrid under the presidency of Roque Barcia , thought about moving to Cartagena , «because no other city possessed the characteristics of its port, well sheltered and defended by

456-409: A separate form was not foreseen, instead there was social ownership of the means of production . In Alaska since the 1950s was working off the model of public property in the resource sector. There was almost one third of the state with huge reserves of oil. For the realization of the right onto the public property in 1976 was founded Alaska Permanent Fund , which included 25% of the annual fee of

532-576: A series of strong and artillery castles that made Cartagena invulnerable both by sea and by land.» The Public Health Committee constituted the War Commission, chaired by General Juan Contreras who undertook to revolt Cartagena, Valencia, Barcelona, Seville and Murcia. The insurrection began in Cartagena at five in the morning on 12 July, following the instructions of a "Revolutionary Public Salvation Junta" that had been set up an hour earlier on

608-405: A unique difference lies in the limitations put on its alienability . That is, a crucial feature of public property lies in the inability of their owners to sell or grant them to others. According to Alchian, private property is that which can be transferred at the discretion of its owners, whilst public property is that which cannot. Consequently, because of the absence of exchange in much of what

684-415: A vote of confidence, but he obtained the support of only 93 deputies, compared to 119 that the "moderate" Nicolás Salmerón obtained. What had happened was that since Pi y Margall's policy of persuasion and repression had failed to stop the cantonal rebellion, the "moderate" sector had withdrawn its support by voting in favor of Nicolás Salmerón . The next day Pi y Margall resigned after 37 days of office. On

760-406: Is a sovereign Assembly, the product of universal suffrage, and all citizens can freely issue their ideas, meet and associate. It is possible to proceed against them with rigorous justice. You can work without hesitation and with perfect conscience But at the same time in the early morning of 14 July, Pi y Margall sent a long telegram to the civil governor of Murcia to try to convince the insurgents of

836-439: Is government-provided and not charged for separately to users, but open to the public. However, it is incorrect to say that all public property can be used freely by the public. Many public goods are provided only to subsets of the population, such as care for the elderly and playgrounds for children. That is, the 'public' may vary and does not in fact determine its public or private nature. Karl Marx described private property as

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912-651: Is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products, that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few. In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property. – Marx & Engels: Library: 1848: The Communist Manifesto : Chapter 2 Generally, in Marxism, private property

988-561: Is public property and thereby the absence of market prices reflecting its value , it is difficult for a government to appraise its holdings. This can lead to problems with economic calculation . Both rights with respect to public and private property are in part determined by governments. The owner of a private property can control it at own discretion, whilst the state reserves the right to charge taxes and nationalize it, or temporarily use it. The difference between public and private property lies in their alienability. Most public property

1064-596: Is the canton that legitimizes the federation and not the other way around: And so this chamber, after it declared that the form of government was the federal Republic, in my opinion and in accordance with my principles ..., has no powers other than to elect the central power, but not to interfere with the cantons and municipalities, once their autonomy is recognized, nor to limit individual rights. The cantons, which were in their right, in my opinion, to be established within their sovereignty, because they have it in themselves, they have been able to do it without permission from

1140-467: Is understood as property that is used by bourgeoisie to increase capital . In the modern representative democracy , "public property" is said to be owned by the people as a commons or held in trust by the government for common benefit. In many Commonwealth realms , such property is said to be owned by the Crown . Examples include Crown land , Crown copyright , and Crown Dependencies . According to

1216-715: The 1977 Constitution of the Soviet Union : State property, i. e. the common property of the Soviet people, is the principal form of socialist property. The land, its minerals, waters, and forests are the exclusive property of the state. The state owns the basic means of production in industry, construction, and agriculture; means of transport and communication; the banks; the property of state-run trade organisations and public utilities, and other state-run undertakings; most urban housing; and other property necessary for state purposes. – Article 11 But "public property" itself as

1292-448: The quintos and the reserves, because «the country demands the sacrifice of all its children, and he who does not do so to the best of his strength, will not be liberal or Spanish». The "intransigent" response to the "order and progress" policy of the Pi y Margall government was to leave the Cortes on 1 July, motivated by Madrid's civil governor limiting the guarantees of individual rights. In

1368-546: The state of emergency proposed by the " moderate " sector of his party, which included the suspension of the Cortes, because he trusted that the rapid approval of the federal Constitution and the way of dialogue would bring the rebels into reason. However, he did not hesitate to suppress the rebels, as evidenced by the telegram sent by the Minister of the Interior to all civil governors on 13 July, as soon as he became aware of

1444-415: The "intransigent" federal republicans (paradoxically) rose up against. When the policy of the Pi y Margall government failed to combine persuasion with repression to end the insurrection, the government that replaced him chaired by the " moderate " Nicolás Salmerón did not hesitate to employ the army led by generals Arsenio Martínez Campos and Manuel Pavia to crush the rebellion, a policy that accentuated

1520-443: The "intransigents" was to demand that the Courts be converted into a Convention , from which a Public Health Board would emanate that would hold executive power, a proposal that was rejected by the majority of deputies who supported the government. Then on 27 June, the "intransigents" filed a vote of censure against the government, which included the paradoxical request that its president Pi y Margall be passed to their ranks. The crisis

1596-474: The Canton of Cartagena that what they were doing was not defending the federal Republic but putting it in danger: Universal suffrage constitutes the legality of all powers. The current Cortes, a product of the freest universal suffrage that has been known, must be followed by every good Republican, as we do not want to openly contradict our principles. It is a real crime to want to organize a federal state without

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1672-564: The Constituent Courts, we bring the Federal Republic , without major disturbances, without noise and without blood After the abandonment of the Cortes, the "intransigents" urged the immediate and direct formation of cantons , initiating the cantonal rebellion. They formed a Public Health Committee in Madrid to lead it, although « what prevailed was the initiative of the local federal republicans, who became owners of

1748-717: The Executive Power of the Republic Francisco Pi y Margall , a Proudhonian Mutualist supported by the "centrist" and " moderate " sectors of the Federal Democratic Republican Party . Pi y Margall was the principal translator of Proudhon's works, according to George Woodcock "These translations were to have a profound and lasting effect on the development of Spanish anarchism after 1870, but before that time Proudhonian ideas, as interpreted by Pi, already provided much of

1824-481: The Federal Republic without waiting for the Constituent Courts to convene, but the government adhered to the law. Pi y Margall received hundreds of telegrams that said: Limit yourself to consecrate the will of the municipalities and regions; the Federation will be made from the bottom-up and will not be the work of a Cortes but that of a nation In May, the elections for the Constituent Courts were held. Because of

1900-533: The Manifesto they made public on 2 July they showed their determination "to immediately raise the reforms that the Republican Party had been sustaining in its tireless propaganda" justified because in their judgment: Separately, the Government of the Republic and the majority have embarked on a fatal march in their last determinations, destroying in one blow the building of our propaganda and tearing up

1976-565: The Murcian Canton, then appointing Antonete Gálvez general commander of the Army, Militia and Navy forces. In the Manifesto that was made public that same afternoon, the "Public Salvation Junta", constituted "by the will of the majority of the republican people of this town" justified the proclamation of the Murcian Canton as an act of defense of the Federal Republic. Then commanded by Antonete Gálvez and General Juan Contreras, president of

2052-472: The Republic also identified itself with the abolition of the hated quintas (compulsory military service for young people). Responsible for the task of restoring order was the Minister of the Interior Francisco Pi y Margall , paradoxically the main defender of "pactist" federalism from the bottom-up, which the juntas were putting into practice. Pi achieved the dissolution of the juntas and

2128-742: The War Committee that had moved from Madrid, the cantonal army seized the naval base's warships without causing casualties. The civil governor telegraphed the president of the Executive Power Francisco Pi y Margall that neither the Volunteers of the Republic nor the Civil Guard obeyed his orders to abandon Murcia . When he went to Madrid he was stopped by insurgents at the Alguazas station, 20 kilometers from

2204-595: The capital. Thus, on the morning of 15 July, the «Revolutionary Junta» of Murcia was established, chaired by the deputy Jerónimo Poveda , who raised the red flag in the City Hall and then in the archbishop's palace that became the seat of the Junta. In the Manifesto he made public, the "Revolutionary Junta" of Murcia presented the first measures he had taken ("pardon for all political prisoners", "the seizure of church assets", "the redistribution of property" etc.) and explained

2280-411: The cause, opened a vein with the tip of his razor and stained the crescent with his blood, replacing the flag of Turkey with the red cantonal flag". At that same time, 5 a.m. on 12 July, a group of volunteers in charge of Cárceles invaded the town hall, installing the "Revolutionary Public Salvation Junta" on the ground floor while other groups occupied the gates of the city wall. Notified by the mayor of

2356-437: The central power, which is not the one that gives life to the people, but, on the contrary, the cantons are what give life to the central power; and this is the difference between what you believe and what we believe; because if the central power is born from the delegation of the cantons, why do you want the delegate to be the one that gives powers to the delegate? Well, I hold that the cantonal movement has not been in any way ...

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2432-541: The city, the next day the civil governor of Murcia Antonio Altadill arrived in Cartagena, accompanied by the Murcian federal deputy Antonio Gálvez Arce , known as Antonete . After assessing that the insurgents controlled the city, the governor advised the City Council to resign, which they did “in the presence of the governor of the province”. Shortly after, the Junta raised the red flag over City Hall and proclaimed

2508-742: The country, while the suitor Carlos VII had formed a rival government in Estella , while the collusion of France allowed them to receive external help. Another focus of conflict for the Pi y Margall government was the Petroleum Revolution that had started in Alcoy on 7 July with a strike in the paper industry. The social and cantonal unrest in Andalusia, such as Carmona, San Fernando, Sanlucar de Barrameda, Seville and Málaga, were added to this conflict. Still, Pi y Margall refused to declare

2584-427: The courts having previously determined the limits of the nation's power. The road to the realization of the federal Republic is simple. Let's not complicate it because of the impatience of men who are more attentive, perhaps to their vanity, than to the interests of the country. Please amplify these observations. Pi y Margall's policy of combining persuasion and repression to end the cantonal rebellion can also be seen in

2660-430: The day after the proclamation of the Republic in Madrid, Pi y Margall managed to convince them to give up by telegrams sent to them from Madrid. The second took place on 8 March, when an attempted coup d'état took place in Madrid, the radicals were trying to prevent the republic from proclaiming itself federal by preventing the convening of the Constituent Courts. This time, the telegrams of Pi y Margall were not enough. It

2736-587: The decision to future Constituent Courts . That same day, the self-proclaimed National Assembly appointed the Federal Republican Estanislao Figueras as president of the republic. His government needed to reestablish the order that was being altered by the federal republicans themselves, who had understood the proclamation of the Republic as a new revolution. Federal republicans seized power by force in many places, where they formed "revolutionary juntas " that did not recognize

2812-517: The defenses had been taken. The chief of the fort's garrison, the postman Sáez, "in his eagerness to fly a red flag despite not having one, hoisted the Turkish flag believing that the crescent would not be seen, but the Navy commander saw it, communicating it to the Minister of the Navy [the telegram read: The castle of Galeras has raised the Turkish flag ]. A volunteer, watching over the prestige of

2888-432: The deputy for Cartagena, a federal Republican of the " moderate " sector, who after stating that "I have always been on the side of the policy represented by Mr. Pi y Margall" accused him of having crossed his arms – "A great way to make order!" he said – to which Pi replied that "the Government has not had weaknesses, what is lacking are material means". The next day Pi y Margall asked the Cortes to quickly discuss and approve

2964-488: The direction of the Murciano Canton, which was thus established. On 15 July, General Juan Contreras made public a Manifesto in which he communicated that he had just risen in arms to the shout of Federal cantons! And showed off the forces that supported him, especially the Navy, and asked the chiefs and officers of the "centralist" forces – he called those who remain faithful to the government of Pi y Margall and

3040-562: The dissolution of the regular army and its replacement by militia troops, and the creation of public health boards and committees as governing bodies of a popular nature». On 18 July, once the rebellion began in Cartagena and other cities, the Madrid Public Health Committee ordered: That at all points where the federal party has the necessary strength, Public Health Committees are formed, as representatives of

3116-520: The enemies of the Federal Republic. Pi y Margall replied in that same session: What Mr. Navarrete and his acolytes claim is that the Government should have been a revolutionary government, which would have assumed a certain dictatorship, ceasing to have the Constituent Courts. [...] If the Republic had come from the bottom-up, the Cantons would have been established, but the period would have been long, laborious and full of conflicts. Whereas now, through

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3192-520: The essential sovereignty of the people. That under the authority of these revolutionary committees, the administrative and economic autonomy of the Municipality, the province and the Canton be proclaimed, to which corresponds the election of the judges, town halls, deputies or legislatures, governors, large cantonal assemblies and economic and administrative agents. That these committees will not be dissolved until fifteen days after having enacted

3268-399: The federal pact, to prevent the people from being deceived, as has happened so far. On 22 August, when only the cantons of Málaga and Cartagena were up and running, the "intransigent" deputy Casualdero intervened in the Cortes to explain that the uprising was not illegal and seditious but had been the result of the putting into practice of the true federal ideal, from the bottom-up. That it

3344-475: The flag of freedom and justice, in whose name we have fought against so many reactions. It was not worthy of the reformist center to sanction with its presence proposals that, even if they were honest, are for sure, blind, upsetting and liberticidal. Only the deputy Navarrete remained in the Cortes who, on that same day, explained the reasons for their withdrawal, accusing the Pi y Margall government of lacking energy and of having compromised and even faltered against

3420-550: The government of Figueras, because it was a coalition government with the former monarchists of the Radical Party , and branded the "Republicans of Madrid" as lukewarm. In many villages of Andalusia, the Republic was something so identified with the distribution of land that the peasants demanded the municipalities immediately parcel out the most significant farms in the town ... some of which previously formed part of communal property before confiscation . In almost all places

3496-570: The government, because of the blockade work carried out by the "intransigent" ministers, led to a proposal to grant the President of the Executive Power the power to appoint and dismiss their ministers freely. Its approval would allow Pi to replace the intransigent ministers with others from the " moderate " sector, thus creating a coalition government between the Pimargalian "centrists" and the "moderates" of Castelar and Salmerón. The response of

3572-402: The ideas he has professed all his life. These disorders are born from the fact that the country is not constituted: build the country first and then order will come: you do not need generals, that is a mistake. It is a serious mistake to want to establish order through force, because evil depends on the fact that the Republic is not constituted. This is the big difference that separates one from

3648-473: The incomes of private oil-producing companies. That fund is the public property of the state population.What is expressed in payment of dividends to all citizens(except convicted criminals). The average value of the dividends is between $ 600 and $ 1500, for the 2020 it was $ 992. In Canada, the Public Debt and Property are under the exclusive legislative authority of the parliament of Canada, rather than

3724-521: The initiative of a liaison with the committee from Madrid, Manuel Cárceles Sabater . The signal for the uprising was given by the Galeras Castle which fired a cannon, warning that the African regiment, which was going to relieve the garrison of volunteers, had retired. According to other versions of events, the cannon shot was the previously agreed signal to indicate to the frigate Almansa that

3800-656: The initiative of the Spanish section of the International Workers Association (AIT) – spreading in the following days through the regions of Valencia , Murcia and Andalusia . In these areas, cantons were formed, whose federation would constitute the base of the Spanish Federal Republic. The political theory on which the cantonal movement was based was the "pactist" federalism of Francisco Pi y Margall against whose government

3876-608: The inspiration for the federalist movement which sprang up in the early 1860s." According to the Encyclopædia Britannica "During the Spanish revolution of 1873, Pi y Margall attempted to establish a decentralized, or “cantonalist," political system on Proudhonian lines." The rebellion began on 12 July 1873 with the Canton of Cartagena – although three days earlier the Petroleum Revolution had broken out in Alcoy at

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3952-528: The instructions given to Republican General Ripoll, leading an army consisting of 1677 infantry, 357 horses and 16 pieces of artillery, from a base of operations in Córdoba: I trust both your prudence and the temperament of your soul. Do not enter Andalusia in war. Make the people understand that an army was formed only to guarantee the right of all citizens and enforce the agreements of the Assembly. Reassure

4028-618: The insurrection anyway. He claimed that theory was intended for an occupation of power "through armed revolution" not for a "Republic [that] has come by the agreement of an Assembly, in a legal and peaceful manner". The Pi y Margall government was overwhelmed by the cantonal rebellion and also by the continuation of the Third Carlist War , since the supporters of Don Carlos campaigned with total freedom in Vascongadas , Navarra and Catalonia , and extended their action throughout

4104-417: The legislature – not to fire "neither against the people nor against their brothers in arms." He also promised that: I will not sheath my sword until the people have their dream federation. Our behavior will be to help the people who must be free Pi y Margall acknowledged that what the "Intransigents" were doing was putting his own "pactist" federalism theory into practice from the bottom up, but he condemned

4180-561: The militia of the Volunteers of the Republic , took the Ministry of War. The " moderates " Emilio Castelar and Nicolás Salmerón proposed that Pi and Margall occupy the vacant presidency of the Executive Power as he was the most prestigious leader within the Republican party. "Castelar and Salmerón believed that Pi y Margall, close to the intransigents, who had given them their ideological base and organization, could control and satisfy

4256-496: The municipal administration according to the federal system» and also announced that they were going to appoint a commission that «attends the armament and defenses of the Murcian Canton» and another that «establishes relations with the neighboring provinces». Both would be "under the orders of General Contreras and citizen Antonio Gálvez", implicitly establishing the subordination of the Junta of Murcia to that of Cartagena in

4332-407: The new Constitution of the Federal Republic . Immediately, the government of Pi y Margall met with the opposition of the "intransigents", because they did not include some of the historical policies of the federalists in their program, such as "the abolition of tobacco, the lottery , court costs and the consumption tax , which was replaced in 1870 due to lack of resources". The ineffectiveness of

4408-639: The new Constitution to stop the continuation of the cantonal rebellion. Two days later, on 17 July, the Spanish Draft Constitution of 1873 had been written by Emilio Castelar , but three "Intransigent" members of the Constitutional Commission presented an alternative draft. In this climate of division Pi y Margall tried to form a new government that grouped all the sectors of the Chamber together. For this he asked for

4484-405: The next government of the also "moderate" Emilio Castelar , who, after suspending the sessions of the Cortes, began the siege of Cartagena, the last stronghold of the rebellion. Cartagena would not fall into the hands government until 12 January, a week after the coup of Pavia that ended the federal Republic giving way to the dictatorship of Serrano . Although the cantonal rebellion was considered

4560-551: The other: some want order to be made before anything else, and we believe that order will be the product of the Republican Government and the consolidation of the Federal Republic. A month and a half after having resigned, and when the Cortes were about to be suspended at the proposal of the new president Emilio Castelar , Pi y Margall explained to the House why at that time he had defended the federal construction from

4636-472: The parliamentary left through a conciliation cabinet." Finally, the "intransigents" accepted the proposal, although under the condition that it was the Courts that elected the members of the government to preside over Pi y Margall. The government program presented by Pi y Margall to the Cortes was based on the need to end the Third Carlist War , separate Church and State , abolish slavery and pass reforms in favor of working women and children. It also included

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4712-468: The presidency of the veteran "intransigent" Republican José María Orense , by 218 votes against two. As soon as the Constituent Courts next met, Estanislao Figueras returned his powers to the Chamber and proposed that Pi y Margall be appointed to replace him, but the intransigents were opposed to this and got Pi to give up on his attempt at taking power. Figueras then learned that the "intransigent" generals Juan Contreras and Blas Pierrad were preparing

4788-475: The proclamation of the "Murcian Canton" the day before in Cartagena: [...] Work vigorously in that province. Surround yourself with all available forces, mainly those of "Volunteers" and sustain order at full speed. All the commanders in Madrid, without exception, have offered their support to the Cortes and the government to save the federal Republic. The insurrections today lack every reason to be since there

4864-464: The proposal because they understood it as the imposition of "tyranny" and the "loss of democracy," although the government assured them that it would only apply to the Carlists and not to the federal Republicans. Once the proposal was approved by the Cortes, the government published a manifesto in which, after justifying the extraordinary powers it had received, it announced conscription to the Army of

4940-401: The reasons for its constitution: Murcianos: the delay of the Government in constituting this region definitively in federation, and the appointment of disaffected bosses to military positions in this region, have forced the republicans to proclaim the Murcian Canton. [...] Desiring to return to our families the peace so long disturbed, we make the following statements: we recognize and abide by

5016-432: The rebels "beyond the logical local particularities" pursued the same purposes: "the substitution of all types of governmental or jurisdictional authorities, the abolition of taxes (especially the unpopular taxes on consumption, tobacco and salt), the secularization of church property, social reforms favorable to the great mass of the dispossessed that had no other good than their labor force, a pardon for all political crimes,

5092-519: The replacement of the municipalities that were forcibly suspended, in "a clear proof of his commitment to respect legality even against the wishes of his own supporters", although he maintained the armed republican and old monarchical militias. Pi y Margall also needed to deal twice with the proclamation of a " Catalan State " by the Provincial Deputation of Barcelona , dominated by "intransigent" federal Republicans. First on 12 February,

5168-418: The return of communal property to the people through a law that modified confiscation , but the law was not approved. Another, the purpose of which was to transfer land to tenants in exchange for the payment of a census, was also rejected by the Cortes. The one that was passed was a law that dictated rules "to redeem rents and pensions." Finally, the program included, as a priority, the drafting and approval of

5244-444: The same day of his resignation, 18 July, the "intransigent" deputy Casalduero intervened. He accused Pi y Margall of having betrayed the ideas that he had defended until then – the construction of the Federation from the bottom up – and that he had been swept away by the " moderate " sector that advocated repression. What have you done to deputy Pi? Ah! You have lost him, because you wanted him to govern with your principles and against

5320-410: The shy, moderate the impatient; manifest to them that with their eternal conspiracies and frequent disorders they are killing the Republic. Always keep your authority high. Appeal, first and foremost, to persuasion and advice. When they are not enough do not hesitate to fall on the rebels with force. The Assembly is today the sovereign power. On 14 July a debate took place in the Cortes at the proposal of

5396-503: The situation in their respective cities ». Although there were cases like the one in Málaga where local authorities led the uprising, most of them formed revolutionary juntas. Two weeks after the withdrawal of the Cortes, the revolt was a fact in Murcia , Valencia and Andalusia . Although there was no organizational center of the rebellion and each canton made its own proclamations,

5472-465: The sovereignty of the Constituent Courts and declare that our attitude is only the execution of one of their agreements. We accept the struggle to which the country calls us and we oppose any movement of mutiny or disorder, contrary and always harmful to freedom and the country. In the manifesto, the revolutionary Junta of Murcia established that the «Revolutionary Juntas of the People will organize in them

5548-612: The top-down, and not from bottom-up as he had always advocated: Cantonalism Too Many Requests If you report this error to the Wikimedia System Administrators, please include the details below. Request from 172.68.168.133 via cp1102 cp1102, Varnish XID 536895629 Upstream caches: cp1102 int Error: 429, Too Many Requests at Thu, 28 Nov 2024 05:44:32 GMT Communal property American economist Armen A. Alchian explored what distinguishes public property from private property, concluding that

5624-491: The withdrawal of the rest of the parties, an overwhelming victory was achieved by the Federal Democratic Republican Party . But this situation was misleading because in reality the federal Republican deputies of the Cortes were divided into three groups: Despite this division, they had no problem proclaiming the Federal Democratic Republic on 8 June, a week after the Constituent Courts were opened under

5700-467: Was necessary that four days later, on 12 March, Estanislao Figueras himself went to Barcelona and asked the provincial government to withdraw the independence declaration. A third attempted coup d'état by the Radical Party, attempting to paralyze the convocation of the Constituent Courts, took place on 23 April. The "intransigent" Republicans and the press put pressure on the government to proclaim

5776-609: Was resolved the next day, as the "intransigents" feared, with the entry of the "moderates" into the government and the strengthening the Pimargalians' presence. The program of the new government was summed up in the motto "order and progress". On 30 June, Pi y Margall asked the Cortes for extraordinary powers to end the Carlist war, although limited to the Basque Country and Catalonia. The "intransigents" viciously opposed

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