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28-619: Following Argentina’s return to democracy in 1983 with the election of Raúl Alfonsín, the new democratic government sought justice for the human rights violations perpetuated by the military government. The creation of CONADEP , the publication of Nunca Más report , the reform to the Military Justice Code, and the Trial of the Juntas ( Juicio de las Juntas ) were some of the measures taken to shed light on what had happened during

56-532: A (premature) "victory rally" in which a coffin draped in the UCR colors was burned before the television cameras. The bonfire ignited the electorate's bitter memories of Isabel Perón's tenure and helped result in a solid victory for the UCR. The Peronists were given a majority in the Senate and 12 of 22 governorships. The UCR secured only 7 governors, though the nation's largest province, Buenos Aires, would be governed by

84-539: A limited right of assembly and free speech. Argentina's wide array of political parties, jointly pressing for elections through a "Multiparty" convened by centrist UCR leader Ricardo Balbín in 1981, geared for the imminent return to democracy. Six years of intermittent wage freezes, policies adverse to industry and restrictive measures like the Circular 1050 had left GDP per capita at its lowest level since 1968 and real wages lower by around 40%. Given these conditions,

112-461: A whole created rifts within the military itself: while the non-Carapintada military did not fully support the rebellion, they were unwilling to repress the Carapintadas until the final uprising under Menem. The rebellions also created tensions and power struggles between the government and military for several years afterward. Rather than attempting to organically cultivate military support for

140-608: The Casa Rosada (Argentina's presidential palace), promising to end the conflict, before traveling to Campo de Mayo to negotiate with Rico. On April 19, 1987, the Carapintadas surrendered. The Carapintadas revolted again under Rico's command in January 1988 in Monte Caseros . Six other regiments joined Rico in solidarity, adding up to a total of 350 soldiers. An unconditional surrender followed 5 days later, whereupon Rico

168-852: The Justicialist Party , struggled to find candidates for not only the top of the ticket, but for a number of the more important local races, as well. Following conferences that dragged on for two months after the UCR nominated Alfonsín, the Justicialists' left wing (the target of much of the repression before and after the 1976 coup) proved little match for the CGT's influence within the party. They nominated ideological opposites Ítalo Lúder , who had served as acting President during Mrs. Perón's September 1975 sick leave, for President and former Chaco Province Governor Deolindo Bittel as his running mate; whereas Lúder had authorized repression against

196-628: The National Reorganization Process , the junta's government, would improve the general state of Argentina. As that regime's third dictator, General Leopoldo Galtieri , awoke in the early hours of June 18, 1982, to find a letter requesting he resign, however, he had no doubt that the Process had run its course. Against the wishes of Galtieri's commanders, the Joint Chiefs chose Army General Reynaldo Bignone not so much

224-581: The Proceso de Reorganización Nacional and bring the perpetrators to justice. [REDACTED] Raúl Alfonsín Aldo Rico On April 15, 1987, Lieutenant Colonel Aldo Rico led the first uprising of the Carapintadas at the Campo de Mayo Infantry School in Buenos Aires. The Carapintadas referred to this uprising as Operación Dignidad , a reflection of their demands for honor and respect to be shown to

252-504: The Armed Forces, something that the Carapintadas felt had been lost under the new democratic regime. Among this general sentiment, there was also a call for the end to the trials for human rights violations and removal of the army chief of staff. In future uprisings, the Carapintadas would include expansion of the military budget among their demands. President Alfonsín addressed an estimated 200,000 protestors who had gathered in front of

280-465: The Dirty War. The uprisings of the Carapintadas had significant effects on the trajectory of Argentine civil-military relations and transitional justice processes. President Alfonsín’s government inherited a substantial amount of debt from its military predecessor, which led to intense slashing of the military budget. This was interpreted as an attempt to undercut and weaken the military in addition to

308-662: The UCR candidate's slogan, Ahora, Alfonsín ("Now is the Time for Alfonsín"). Lúder, aware of intraparty tensions, limited his campaign ads and rhetoric largely to an evocation of the founder of the Justicialist Party, the late Juan Perón . Polls gave neither man an edge for the contest, which was scheduled for October 30. A few days for the elections (which a record turnout), the Justicialist candidate for Governor of Buenos Aires Province , Herminio Iglesias , threw

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336-557: The UCR's Alejandro Armendáriz . Alfonsín persuaded Bignone after the elections to advance the inaugural to December 10, 1983. The Alfonsín-Martínez tandem won the election by 51.75% of votes against the 40.16% of Luder-Bittel tandem. Alfonsín 's 51.75% vote percentage would be broken by Cristina Fernández de Kirchner 's record of 54.11% vote percentage in 2011. Movement for Dignity and Independence The Movement for Dignity and Independence ( Spanish : Movimiento por la Dignidad y la Independencia ), usually shortened as "MODIN",

364-617: The US anti- leftist mission in the region. Both men have more than tangential connection to the organized torture and human rights violations that were carried out by the Argentine military during the nation's Dirty War . In October 1989, president elect Carlos Menem signed a pardon for a number of detained military men; including 39 held by events during the military dictatorship , and 164 Carapintadas. In spite of this, on December 3, 1990 Seineldín again staged what would become known as

392-478: The democratic civilian government, Alfonsín’s administration had instead attempted to force the Armed Forces to respect civilian control. Additionally, the government’s response to the uprisings weakened civilian faith in the new democracy’s ability to manage the military and proceed with human rights rectification. The passing of the Due Obedience Law shortly after the first Carapintada uprising in 1987

420-418: The first to do so; he proved to be highly unpopular and Bignone immediately thwarted the move. Amid growing calls for quicker elections, police brutally repressed a December 16, 1982, demonstration in Buenos Aires' central Plaza de Mayo , resulting in the death of one protester and Bignone's hopes for an indefinite postponement of elections. Devoting themselves to damage control, the regime began preparing for

448-643: The humiliation of the human rights trials and denunciation of the National Reorganization Process. The first rebellion was also the first outright expression of the Argentine Armed Forces regarding the memory of the Dirty War. In the eyes of the Carapintadas, the National Reorganization Process had been a necessary war against Communist subversion and the military had saved the Argentine way of life. The rebellions as

476-447: The left in 1975, Bittel was a populist renowned for his defense of Habeas Corpus during the subsequent dictatorship. Constrained by time, Alfonsín focused his strategy on accusing the Justicialists, who had refused to condemn Bignone's military amnesty, of enjoying the dictator's tacit support. Alfonsín enjoyed the valuable support of a number of Argentine intellectuals and artists, including playwright Carlos Gorostiza , who devised

504-416: The most violent Carapintada uprising. After the takeover of eight regiments, the rebellion ended with several deaths and 300 arrested. Because of President Menem’s positive relations with the military, the uprising did not gain much military support and was shut down by the loyalist military within 36 hours. A few days later, Menem signed the pardon for all the most important people convicted for misdeeds during

532-595: The mutineers' demands were conceded by the government, such as the replacement of General Caridi with General Gassino and a military pay increase. As was reported in the Buenos Aires Herald at the time, and in The Journal of Commerce and other US publications, both Rico and Seineldín spent time in Central America , where they trained Argentine cadres and other troops involved in supporting

560-582: The new President as the usher towards a democratic transition, which President Bignone announced would take place in March 1984. Inheriting an economy struggling under crushing interest rates imposed by the Central Bank Circular 1050, Bignone's new president of the institution, Domingo Cavallo , rescinded the policy in July, a move towards economic liberalization complemented by Bignone's restoring

588-601: The resignation of General Caridi and that his replacement be pro-Carapintada; full amnesty beyond the Due Obedience law; and an increase in military salaries. However, by this rebellion, the demands of the Carapintada were beginning to become much more vague than the previous uprisings under Rico. They were later followed by around 1,000 troops of the three armed forces. The mutineers surrendered days later, but only Seineldín and Major Hugo Abete were arrested. Several of

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616-571: The return of some freedoms quickly led to a wave of strikes, including two general strikes led by Saúl Ubaldini of the CGT labor federation (then the largest in South America). Fanning antagonism on the part of hard-liners in the regime, this led Admiral Jorge Anaya (later court-martialed for gross malfeasance in the 1982 Falklands War ) to announce his candidacy for President in August, becoming

644-442: The tragedy and, on April 28, declare a blanket amnesty for those involved (including himself). Among the first prominent political figures to condemn the amnesty was the leader of the UCR's progressive wing, Raúl Alfonsín , who easily secured his party's nomination during their convention in July. Alfonsín chose as his running mate Víctor Martínez , a more conservative UCR figure from Córdoba Province . Their traditional opponents,

672-573: The transition by shredding evidence of their murder of between 15,000 and 30,000 dissidents (most of which were students, academics and labor union personnel uninvolved in the violence Argentina suffered from 1973 to 1976). Hoping to quiet demands that their whereabouts be known, in February 1983 Buenos Aires Police Chief Ramón Camps publicly recognized the crime and asserted that the " disappeared " were, in fact, dead. Provoking popular indignation, Camps' interview forced President Bignone to cease denying

700-402: Was an Argentine political party, led by the former Carapintada Aldo Rico . It became the third most voted party in the 1993 legislative elections. They ended in the fourth place the following year, during the elections for the 1994 constituent assembly. The party split up in 1995, and in 2010 changed its name to Partido del Campo Popular . This article about an Argentine political party

728-579: Was expelled from the army and imprisoned, while other Carapintada members were forced to retire, expelled from the army, or exiled. The third uprising took place in December of that year, when members of the Albatros special unit , led by Mohamed Alí Seineldín , took control of the military barracks in Villa Martelli . The demands of this rebellion were similar to the previous two: they requested

756-626: Was held in Argentina on 30 October 1983 and marked the return of constitutional rule following the self-styled National Reorganization Process dictatorship installed in 1976. Voters fully chose the president, governors, mayors, and their respective national, province and town legislators; with a turnout of 85.6%. In 1976 the military announced a coup d'état against President Isabel Perón with problems of financial instability, inflation, endemic corruption, international isolation and violence that typified her last year in office. Many citizens believed

784-590: Was seen by many human rights groups and activists as Alfonsín making concessions with what remained of authoritarian rule. Leaders of the Carapintadas later entered politics. Aldo Rico formed MODIN and ran for president in 1995 , while Gustavo Obeid formed the Peoples Reconstruction Party . Both parties have a right-wing nationalist orientation. 1983 Argentine general election Reynaldo Bignone Military Raúl Alfonsín UCR A general election

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