Pelucones victory
73-409: Chilean Civil War may refer to: Chilean Civil War of 1829–1830 1851 Chilean revolution 1859 Chilean revolution Chilean Civil War of 1891 Topics referred to by the same term [REDACTED] This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title Chilean Civil War . If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change
146-425: A constitutional convention. Congress confirmed the return of General Freire and proceeded to dissolve itself. Immediately after, Freire resigned and was replaced by his vice-president Francisco Antonio Pinto . In August 1828, Pinto's first year in office, Chile abandoned its short-lived federalist system for a unitary form of government, with separate legislative, executive, and judicial branches. The new constitution
219-439: A democracy). Eva Bellin argues that under certain circumstances the bourgeoise and labor are more likely to favor democratization, but less so under other circumstances. Economic development can boost public support for authoritarian regimes in the short-to-medium term. According to Michael Albertus, most land reform programs tend to be implemented by authoritarian regimes that subsequently withhold property rights from
292-409: A high risk of exile or imprisonment and "democratic procedures are sufficiently meaningful for opposition groups to take them seriously as arenas through which to contest for power." Competitive authoritarian regimes lack one or more of the three characteristics of democracies such as free elections (i.e. elections untainted by substantial fraud or voter intimidation); protection of civil liberties (i.e.
365-422: A lack of independent third parties empowered to settle disputes between the dictator, regime allies, regime soldiers and the masses. Authoritarians may resort to measures referred to as coup-proofing (structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power). Coup-proofing strategies include strategically placing family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creating of an armed force parallel to
438-538: A means of control. Authoritarians increasingly seek to create an appearance of good performance, conceal state repression, and imitate democracy. While authoritarian regimes invest considerably in propaganda out of a belief that it enhances regime survival, scholars have offered mixed views as to whether propaganda is effective. Andrew J. Nathan notes that "regime theory holds that authoritarian systems are inherently fragile because of weak legitimacy, overreliance on coercion, over- centralization of decision making, and
511-650: A more free and democratic government, without interference from the Church. Their leaders were Ramón Freire , Manuel Borgoño and Francisco Antonio Pinto . The Conservatives and the Liberals began to coalesce around the church-state issue. Not only more favorably inclined toward the church, the Conservatives were also more sympathetic than the Liberals toward the colonial legacy, authoritarian government,
584-628: A region. A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories. A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders. A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes;
657-579: A strong, charismatic, manipulative leader rules through a coalition involving key lower-class groups." Examples include Argentina under Juan Perón , Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser and Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro . A typology of authoritarian regimes by political scientists Brian Lai and Dan Slater includes four categories: Lai and Slater argue that single-party regimes are better than military regimes at developing institutions (e.g. mass mobilization , patronage networks and coordination of elites) that are effective at continuing
730-749: A variety of actors (in Spain's case, including the military, the Catholic Church , Falange , monarchists , technocrats and others). Unlike totalitarian states, the regime relies on passive mass acceptance rather than popular support. According to Juan Linz the distinction between an authoritarian regime and a totalitarian one is that an authoritarian regime seeks to suffocate politics and political mobilization while totalitarianism seeks to control and use them. Authoritarianism primarily differs from totalitarianism in that social and economic institutions exist that are not under governmental control. Building on
803-541: A variety of roles, including "operating manual" (describing how the government is to function); "billboard" (signal of regime's intent), "blueprint" (outline of future regime plans), and "window dressing" (material designed to obfuscate, such as provisions setting forth freedoms that are not honored in practice). Authoritarian constitutions may help legitimize, strengthen, and consolidate regimes. An authoritarian constitution "that successfully coordinates government action and defines popular expectations can also help consolidate
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#1732764728730876-479: A way that reinforces their power. Authoritarian legislatures, for example, are forums through which leaders may enhance their bases of support, share power, and monitor elites. Additionally, authoritarian party systems are extremely unstable and unconducive to party development, largely due to monopolistic patterns of authority. Judiciaries may be present in authoritarian states where they serve to repress political challengers, institutionalize punishment, and undermine
949-670: Is "self-appointed and even if elected cannot be displaced by citizens' free choice among competitors", the arbitrary deprivation of civil liberties and little tolerance for meaningful opposition . A range of social controls also attempt to stifle civil society while political stability is maintained by control over and support of the armed forces , a bureaucracy staffed by the regime and creation of allegiance through various means of socialization and indoctrination. Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart identify authoritarianism in politicians and political parties by looking for values of security, conformity, and obedience. Authoritarianism
1022-454: Is a political system characterized by the rejection of political plurality , the use of strong central power to preserve the political status quo , and reductions in democracy , separation of powers , civil liberties , and the rule of law . Political scientists have created many typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government. Authoritarian regimes may be either autocratic or oligarchic and may be based upon
1095-581: Is a label used by various political scientists to characterize the most tyrannical strain of authoritarian systems; in which the ruling elite, often subservient to a dictator , exert near-total control of the social, political, economic, cultural and religious aspects of society in the territories under its governance. Linz distinguished new forms of authoritarianism from personalistic dictatorships and totalitarian states, taking Francoist Spain as an example. Unlike personalistic dictatorships, new forms of authoritarianism have institutionalized representation of
1168-548: Is called of the Constitutional Essays . The first of these three essays is the Moralist system (1823) of Juan Egaña , which created a unitary state, democratic (with the franchise restricted to men of the upper classes) and Catholic. The executive power was in the hands of a Supreme Director, elected for four years and to be reelected only once. This system was no sooner in place when it came under attack from
1241-499: Is generally only regarding grievances that do not undermine the stability of the regime. An illiberal democracy , or procedural democracy , is distinguished from liberal democracy , or substantive democracy , in that illiberal democracies lack features such as the rule of law , protections for minority groups , an independent judiciary and the real separation of powers . A further distinction that liberal democracies have rarely made war with one another; research has extended
1314-404: Is marked by "indefinite political tenure" of the ruler or ruling party (often in a one-party state ) or other authority. The transition from an authoritarian system to a more democratic form of government is referred to as democratization . Authoritarian regimes often adopt "the institutional trappings" of democracies such as constitutions . Constitutions in authoritarian states may serve
1387-494: The Battle of Lircay , near Talca , on April 17, 1830. The liberals were totally routed, and their leader, General Ramón Freire, was exiled first to Peru and then to Tahiti . Later in life he was allowed to return to Chile, but he never participated in politics again. Due to the chaotic situation nobody wanted to participate in the government, so President Ovalle named Diego Portales as his universal minister. Portales took over
1460-461: The Battle of Ochagavía . Meanwhile, President Vicuña and his ministers were captured and imprisoned by the victorious conservative troops. Chile was without a leader for a few weeks (from December 7 to 24, 1829). After the Battle of Ochagavía, General Freire agreed to a cease-fire with Prieto. A Government Junta was organized and took control, in order to avoid the continuance of hostilities, under
1533-459: The World Bank suggests that political institutions are extremely important in determining the prevalence of corruption and that parliamentary systems, political stability and freedom of the press are all associated with lower corruption. A 2006 study by economist Alberto Abadie has concluded that terrorism is most common in nations with intermediate political freedom . The nations with
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#17327647287301606-542: The 1990s, most of these elections had no alternative parties or candidates for voters to choose. Since the end of the Cold War, about two-thirds of elections in authoritarian systems allow for some opposition, but the elections are structured in a way to heavily favor the incumbent authoritarian regime. In 2020, almost half of all authoritarian systems had multi-party governments. Cabinet appointments by an authoritarian regime to outsiders can consolidate their rule by dividing
1679-589: The Federalists and the Liberal factions. He also angered the old aristocracy by abolishing estates inherited by primogeniture and caused a public uproar with his anticlericalism. It was not a military incident which caused the revolution, but a mere political disagreement that led to anarchy. A new presidential election was called in 1829. The clear winner (out of 9 candidates) was General Francisco Antonio Pinto , liberal and already Provisional President since
1752-515: The Liberals and presided over by Francisco Ramón Vicuña , also Liberal. Arguing that no vice-presidential candidate had a majority, they selected Joaquín Vicuña , brother of the President of the Senate, even though he only got 48 electoral votes (11.8% of the vote). That was the pretext for the conservatives to rebel. The Liberal leader par excellence , General Ramón Freire , rode in and out of
1825-491: The Southern United States after Reconstruction , as well as areas of contemporary Argentina and Mexico. Another type of authoritarian regime is the competitive authoritarian regime, a type of civilian regime that arose in the post-Cold War era. In a competitive authoritarian regime, "formal democratic institutions exist and are widely viewed as the primary means of gaining power, but ... incumbents' abuse of
1898-477: The administration while Supreme Director Freire was away capturing Chiloé from Royalist forces. Using their position, the councillors created the eight Provincial Assemblies that would become the basis for the federal system. The eight provinces were: Coquimbo, Aconcagua, Santiago, Colchagua, Maule, Concepción, Valdivia and Chiloé. The second essay thus was the Federalist written by Infante in 1826, though it
1971-483: The authoritarian regime. Adam Przeworski has challenged this, noting that while authoritarian regimes do take actions that serve to enhance regime survival, they also engage in mundane everyday governance and their subjects do not hold a posture towards the regime at all moments of their life. He writes, "People in autocracies do not incessantly live under the shadow of dramatic historical events; they lead everyday routine lives." Similarly, Thomas Pepinsky has challenged
2044-653: The authoritarian tendency to respond to challenges by exerting tighter control, instead of by adapting, may compromise the legitimacy of an authoritarian state and lead to its collapse. One exception to this general trend is the endurance of the authoritarian rule of the Chinese Communist Party which has been unusually resilient among authoritarian regimes. Nathan posits that this can be attributed to four factors such as (1) "the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics"; (2) "the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in
2117-716: The authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler." According to a 2019 study, personalist dictatorships are more repressive than other forms of dictatorship. According to Yale professor Juan José Linz there a three main types of political regimes today: democracies , totalitarian regimes and, sitting between these two, authoritarian regimes (with hybrid regimes ). According to University of Michigan professor Dan Slater, modern forms of authoritarianism are fundamentally dissimilar from historical forms of nondemocratic rule. He links modern authoritarianism to
2190-571: The beneficiaries of the land reform. Authoritarian regimes do so to gain coercive leverage over rural populations. Authoritarian regimes typically incorporate similar political institutions to that of democratic regimes, such as legislatures and judiciaries, although they may serve different purposes. Democratic regimes are marked by institutions that are essential to economic development and individual freedom, including representative legislatures and competitive political parties. Most authoritarian regimes embrace these political structures, but use it in
2263-445: The common mental image of an authoritarian state as one of grim totalitarianism, desperate hardship, strict censorship, and dictatorial orders of murder, torture and disappearances. He writes, "life in authoritarian states is mostly boring and tolerable." Yale University political scientist Milan Svolik argues that violence is a common characteristic of authoritarian systems. Violence tends to be common in authoritarian states because of
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2336-497: The concept to that of hybrid regimes . Scholars such as Seymour Lipset , Carles Boix, Susan Stokes , Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens and John Stephens argue that economic development increases the likelihood of democratization. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi argue that while economic development makes democracies less likely to turn authoritarian, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that development causes democratization (turning an authoritarian state into
2409-438: The drawing of election districts and the creation of party lists to ensure as best it can that it will prevail – and by a substantial margin"; (5) reflect at least occasional responsiveness to public opinion; and (6) create "mechanisms to ensure that the amount of dissent does not exceed the level it regards as desirable." Tushnet cites Singapore as an example of an authoritarian constitutionalist state, and connects
2482-407: The efforts of Prieto's cousin, Manuel Bulnes . The conservative army decided to halt the march for a while and camped a few miles outside the city. The government under President Vicuña immediately collapsed and they fled first to Valparaíso and then northward to Coquimbo . On December 14, 1829, General Prieto and his troops met the liberal army under Francisco de la Lastra and defeated them in
2555-574: The era of mass politics , which began with the French Revolution . Several subtypes of authoritarian regimes have been identified by Linz and others. Linz identified the two most basic subtypes as traditional authoritarian regimes and bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes: According to Barbara Geddes , there are seven typologies of authoritarian regimes: dominant party regimes, military regime, personalist regimes, monarchies, oligarchic regimes, indirect military regimes, or hybrids of
2628-406: The exclusion of potential or supposed challengers by armed force. It uses political parties and mass organizations to mobilize people around the goals of the regime. Adam Przeworski has theorized that "authoritarian equilibrium rests mainly on lies, fear and economic prosperity." Authoritarianism also tends to embrace the informal and unregulated exercise of political power , a leadership that
2701-540: The existence of left-wing authoritarianism as a psychological construct has been criticised, a study found evidence for both left-wing and right-wing authoritarianism. Authoritarianism and democracy are not necessarily fundamental opposites and may be thought of as poles at opposite ends of a scale, so that it is possible for some democracies to possess authoritarian elements, and for an authoritarian system to have democratic elements. Authoritarian regimes may also be partly responsive to citizen grievances, although this
2774-636: The first three. Subtypes of authoritarian regimes identified by Linz are corporatist or organic-statistic, racial and ethnic "democracy" and post-totalitarian. Authoritarian regimes are also sometimes subcategorized by whether they are more personalistic or populist . Personalistic authoritarian regimes are characterized by arbitrary rule and authority exercised "mainly through patronage networks and coercion rather than through institutions and formal rules." Personalistic authoritarian regimes have been seen in post-colonial Africa. By contrast, populist authoritarian regimes "are mobilizational regimes in which
2847-535: The freedom of speech, press and association) and an even playing field (in terms of access to resources, the media and legal recourse). Authoritarianism is considered a core concept of fascism and scholars agree that a fascist regime is foremost an authoritarian form of government, although not all authoritarian regimes are fascist. While authoritarianism is a defining characteristic of fascism, scholars argue that more distinguishing traits are needed to make an authoritarian regime fascist. Totalitarianism
2920-432: The government and the opposition do not alternate in power at least once following free elections. Authoritarian states might contain nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures and elections which are managed to entrench authoritarian rule and can feature fraudulent, non-competitive elections. Since 1946, the share of authoritarian states in the international political system increased until
2993-419: The ideas of a strong central government, respect for tradition, and strong support for the Catholic Church . Their most prominent leaders were José Gregorio Argomedo , Juan Egaña and José Joaquín Prieto . Opposed to them were the Liberals (Spanish: Pipiolos ). This group was mainly composed of the followers of José Miguel Carrera , and were strongly influenced by European liberal ideas. They defended
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3066-406: The implementation of succession rules reduce the occurrence of coup attempts. Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting. According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighboring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in
3139-486: The issues of anticlericalism and regionalism . Presidents and constitutions rose and fell quickly in the 1820s. The Chilean political scene divided itself into two groups that were already embryonic during the days of independence. The followers of O'Higgins became the Conservatives or Bigwigs ( Spanish : Pelucones ). This group was mainly composed of the remnants of the colonial aristocracy, and defended
3212-1205: The least terrorism are the most and least democratic nations, and that "transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy may be accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism." Studies in 2013 and 2017 similarly found a nonlinear relationship between political freedom and terrorism, with the most terrorist attacks occurring in partial democracies and the fewest in "strict autocracies and full-fledged democracies." A 2018 study by Amichai Magen demonstrated that liberal democracies and polyarchies not only suffer fewer terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, but also suffer fewer casualties in terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, which may be attributed to higher-quality democracies' responsiveness to their citizens' demands, including "the desire for physical safety", resulting in "investment in intelligence, infrastructure protection, first responders, social resilience, and specialized medical care" which averts casualties. Magen also stated that terrorism in closed autocracies sharply increased starting in 2013. Within national democratic governments, there may be subnational authoritarian enclaves. A prominent examples of this includes
3285-571: The liberal side was under the command of Ramón Freire and Francisco de la Lastra . President Pinto promptly resigned on July 14, handing acting presidential duties not to the vice president but rather to that man's brother, the President of the Senate Francisco Ramón Vicuña . On December 7, 1829 conservative troops under General Prieto approached Santiago from the South, this army having been assembled largely through
3358-548: The link to point directly to the intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Chilean_Civil_War&oldid=1215017009 " Category : Disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages Chilean Civil War of 1829%E2%80%931830 [REDACTED] Pelucones [REDACTED] Military of Chile The Chilean Civil War of 1829–1830 ( Spanish : Guerra Civil de 1829–1830 )
3431-463: The mid-1970s but declined from then until the year 2000. Prior to 2000, dictatorships typically began with a coup and replaced a pre-existing authoritarian regime. Since 2000, dictatorships are most likely to begin through democratic backsliding whereby a democratically elected leader established an authoritarian regime. Authoritarianism is characterized by highly concentrated and centralized government power maintained by political repression and
3504-651: The modern West, with core commitments to human rights and self-governance implemented by means of varying institutional devices") and from purely authoritarian regimes (which reject the idea of human rights or constraints on leaders' power). He describes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes as (1) authoritarian dominant-party states that (2) impose sanctions (such as libel judgments) against, but do not arbitrarily arrest , political dissidents; (3) permit "reasonably open discussion and criticism of its policies"; (4) hold "reasonably free and fair elections", without systemic intimidation, but "with close attention to such matters as
3577-435: The neutral figure José Tomás Ovalle , who was acceptable to both sides. This junta ruled the country from December 24, 1829 to February 18, 1830. Power was retained by Ramón Freire who organized a liberal convention with the intention of calling for new general elections and the formation of a new Congress. At the same time, the conservatives who were in control of Santiago also called for their own convention, where an agreement
3650-424: The new Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic (RSFSR), was described by Vladimir Lenin as a "revolutionary" document. It was, he said, unlike any constitution drafted by a nation-state. The concept of "authoritarian constitutionalism" has been developed by legal scholar Mark Tushnet . Tushnet distinguishes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes from "liberal constitutionalist" regimes ("the sort familiar in
3723-407: The opposition and co-opting outsiders. Hindrances to free and fair elections in authoritarian systems may include: The foundations of stable authoritarian rule are that the authoritarian prevents contestation from the masses and other elites. The authoritarian regime may use co-optation or repression (or carrots and sticks) to prevent revolts. Authoritarian rule entails a balancing act whereby
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#17327647287303796-436: The predominance of personal power over institutional norms. ... Few authoritarian regimes – be they communist, fascist, corporatist, or personalist – have managed to conduct orderly, peaceful, timely, and stable successions." Political scientist Theodore M. Vestal writes that authoritarian political systems may be weakened through inadequate responsiveness to either popular or elite demands and that
3869-420: The presidency several times (1823–27, 1828, 1829, 1830) but could not sustain his authority. From May 1827 to September 1831, with the exception of brief interventions by Freire, the presidency was occupied by General Francisco Antonio Pinto , Freire's former vice president. The conservative side was under the military leadership of General José Joaquín Prieto and the political guidance of Diego Portales , while
3942-488: The promotion of political elites"; (3) "the differentiation and functional specialization of institutions within the regime"; and (4) "the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's legitimacy among the public at large." Some scholars have challenged notions that authoritarian states are inherently brittle systems that require repression and propaganda to make people comply with
4015-600: The proponents of a federalist system. The abolition of slavery in this constitution – long before most other countries in the Americas – is considered one of the liberals' few lasting achievements. In their impatience, the Federalist leaders forced Congress to adopt some laws giving federal rights to the provinces. In 1825, José Miguel Infante was President of the Directorial Council that was in charge of
4088-415: The proportion of authoritarian regimes with elections and support parties has risen in recent years. This is largely due to the increasing popularity of democracies and electoral autocracies, leading authoritarian regimes to imitate democratic regimes in hopes of receiving foreign aid and dodging criticism. According to a 2018 study, most party-led dictatorships regularly hold popular elections. Prior to
4161-411: The regime's grip on power by inhibiting re coordination on a different set of arrangements." Unlike democratic constitutions, authoritarian constitutions do not set direct limits on executive authority; however, in some cases such documents may function as ways for elites to protect their own property rights or constrain autocrats' behavior. The Soviet Russia Constitution of 1918 , the first charter of
4234-714: The regime's incumbency and diminishing domestic challengers; Lai and Slater also argue that military regimes more often initiate military conflicts or undertake other "desperate measures" to maintain control as compared to single-party regimes. John Duckitt suggests a link between authoritarianism and collectivism , asserting that both stand in opposition to individualism . Duckitt writes that both authoritarianism and collectivism submerge individual rights and goals to group goals, expectations and conformities . According to Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, authoritarian regimes that are created in social revolutions are far more durable than other kinds of authoritarian regimes. While
4307-408: The regular military; and developing multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another. Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring and reduce the likelihood of mass protests. However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness, and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract. A 2016 study shows that
4380-416: The resignation of Freire in 1827, with 118 electoral votes and 29.1% of the vote. The problem happened with the vice presidential election. The winner should have been the first runner-up, Francisco Ruiz-Tagle with 98 electoral votes or 24.1% of the vote, or the second runner-up, General José Joaquín Prieto , with 61 votes or 15.0% of the vote, both conservatives. Nonetheless, Congress was controlled by
4453-727: The rule of a party or the military . States that have a blurred boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid democracies", " hybrid regimes " or "competitive authoritarian" states. The political scientist Juan Linz , in an influential 1964 work, An Authoritarian Regime: Spain , defined authoritarianism as possessing four qualities: Minimally defined, an authoritarian government lacks free and competitive direct elections to legislatures , free and competitive direct or indirect elections for executives , or both. Broadly defined, authoritarian states include countries that lack human rights such as freedom of religion , or countries in which
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#17327647287304526-539: The rule of law. Democratic and authoritarian arguably differ most prominently in their elections. Democratic elections are generally inclusive, competitive, and fair. In most instances, the elected leader is appointed to act on behalf of the general will. Authoritarian elections, on the other hand, are frequently subject to fraud and extreme constraints on the participation of opposing parties. Autocratic leaders employ tactics like murdering political opposition and paying election monitors to ensure victory. Despite this,
4599-626: The ruler has to maintain the support of other elites (frequently through the distribution of state and societal resources) and the support of the public (through distribution of the same resources): the authoritarian rule is at risk if the balancing act is lopsided, as it risks a coup by the elites or an uprising by the mass public. According to a 2019 study by Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman , authoritarian regimes have over time become less reliant on violence and mass repression to maintain control. The study shows instead that authoritarians have increasingly resorted to manipulation of information as
4672-492: The running of the government bringing with him the political ideas that were to shape Chile for the rest of the century. After the defeat at the Battle of Lircay , the Liberal side finally decided to negotiate and signed the Treaty of Cuz-Cuz , that brought an end to the anarchy and their political dominance and ushered 30 years of conservative governments. Authoritarian List of forms of government Authoritarianism
4745-466: The state places them at a significant advantage vis-à-vis their opponents." The term was coined by Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way in their 2010 book of the same name to discuss a type of hybrid regime that emerged during and after the Cold War . Competitive authoritarian regimes differ from fully authoritarian regimes in that elections are regularly held, the opposition can openly operate without
4818-536: The supremacy of executive powers, and a unitary state . Together with these two political tendencies, which in time developed into the two main political parties of the 19th century, there were also some minority groups. One of them was the Federalist Party under the leadership of José Miguel Infante , who promoted a model of government based on the one adopted by the United States. Another group
4891-422: The theory and finds that more democratic countries tend to have few wars (sometimes called militarized interstate disputes ) causing fewer battle deaths with one another and that democracies have far fewer civil wars . Research shows that the democratic nations have much less democide or murder by government. Those were also moderately developed nations before applying liberal democratic policies. Research by
4964-409: The vote and 20 electoral votes, defeated Francisco Antonio Pinto who received 42.9% of the vote and 15 electoral votes. The system very quickly proved to be a failure. Blanco Encalada resigned, and was replaced by Eyzaguirre in 1827. He in turn was deposed by colonel Enrique Campino Salamanca , who called back general Ramón Freire . The first (of many) measures of the new government was to call for
5037-499: Was a civil war in Chile fought between conservative Pelucones and liberal Pipiolos forces over the constitutional regime in force. This conflict ended with the defeat of the liberal forces and the approval of a new constitution in 1833 , that was in force until 1925. The resignation and self-exile of General Bernardo O'Higgins in 1823 did not put an end to the political infighting. Civil conflict continued, focusing mainly on
5110-450: Was finalized in 1828 by José Joaquín de Mora together with Melchor Santiago Concha . This became the third or Liberal essay. The government became a unitary system, but maintained the eight Provincial Assemblies created by the federalist essay. The executive was in the hands of a President, elected for five years who was prohibited from running for re-election. By adopting a moderately liberal constitution in 1828, Pinto alienated both
5183-428: Was never formally adopted. On July 14, 1826 Congress passed a law calling for a new election. The Supreme Director was to be replaced by a President. The first elected president was Manuel Blanco Encalada , who, with 59.5% of the vote and 22 electoral votes, defeated José Miguel Infante who only obtained 40.5% of the vote and 15 electoral votes. For the position of vice president Agustín Eyzaguirre , with 57.1% of
5256-488: Was reached which nominated Francisco Ruiz-Tagle as acting president. Immediately that Ruiz-Tagle took over as president, the principal leaders of the Liberal side ( Manuel Borgoño , Francisco de la Lastra and Juan Gregorio de las Heras ) were eliminated from the army rosters. This guaranteed the restart of the hostilities. President Ruiz-Tagle and all the cabinet resigned on April 1, and José Tomás Ovalle , as vice president assumed power. The last engagement happened at
5329-544: Was the Estanqueros or Monopolists ( estanco means monopoly), a very heterogeneous political group under the leadership of Diego Portales . The name came out of the fact that most of them were merchants, and their leader, Portales, was in charge of the tobacco monopoly. Their principal figures were Juan Francisco Meneses (ex-monarchist); Manuel José Gandarillas (Carrera supporter) and José Antonio Rodríguez Aldea (O'Higgins supporter). The time between 1823 and 1828
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