Misplaced Pages

Anti-Federalism

Article snapshot taken from Wikipedia with creative commons attribution-sharealike license. Give it a read and then ask your questions in the chat. We can research this topic together.

Anti-Federalism was a late-18th-century political movement that opposed the creation of a stronger U.S. federal government and which later opposed the ratification of the 1787 Constitution . The previous constitution, called the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union , gave state governments more authority. Led by Patrick Henry of Virginia , Anti-Federalists worried, among other things, that the position of president , then a novelty, might evolve into a monarchy . Though the Constitution was ratified and supplanted the Articles of Confederation, Anti-Federalist influence helped lead to the passage of the Bill of Rights .

#400599

65-506: The name "Anti-Federalists" is a misnomer . It was imposed upon the movement by their opponents, the Federalists , and was supposed to mark them as men who "stood against the very political ideas they embraced". According to historian Carol Berkin : Perhaps the nationalists' most brilliant tactic in the battle of ideas ahead of them, however, was their decision to call themselves "Federalists" and their cause, "Federalism." The men behind

130-619: A "dubious distinction". Probably of greater importance to the Virginia debate, in any case, were George Washington's support for the proposed Constitution and the presence of Madison and Edmund Randolph , the governor, at the convention arguing for ratification. Defunct Newspapers Journals TV channels Websites Other Economics Gun rights Identity politics Nativist Religion Watchdog groups Youth/student groups Miscellaneous Other In Federalist No. 1 , Hamilton listed six topics to be covered in

195-479: A group. Instead, they used the medium of print to spread their ideas individually. In many states the opposition to the Constitution was strong (although Delaware, Georgia, and New Jersey ratified quickly with little controversy), and in two states— North Carolina and Rhode Island —it prevented ratification until the definite establishment of the new government practically forced their adherence. Individualism

260-569: A leading member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Virginia (1789–1797), secretary of state (1801–1809), and ultimately the fourth president of the United States (1809–1817). John Jay, who had been secretary for foreign affairs under the Articles of Confederation from 1784 through their expiration in 1789, became the first Chief Justice of the United States in 1789, stepping down in 1795 to accept election as governor of New York,

325-402: A list emerged, claiming that he alone had written two-thirds of The Federalist essays. Some believe that several of these essays were written by Madison (Nos. 49–58 and 62–63). The scholarly detective work of Douglass Adair in 1944 postulated the following assignments of authorship, corroborated in 1964 by a computer analysis of the text: In six months, a total of 85 articles were written by

390-490: A list of the only rights that people had. However, Hamilton's opposition to a Bill of Rights was far from universal. Robert Yates , writing under the pseudonym " Brutus ", articulated this view point in the so-called Anti-Federalist No. 84 , asserting that a government unrestrained by such a bill could easily devolve into tyranny. References in The Federalist and in the ratification debates warn of demagogues of

455-593: A measured defense and extensive explanation of the proposed Constitution to the people of the state of New York. He wrote in Federalist No. 1 that the series would "endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention." Hamilton recruited collaborators for the project. He enlisted John Jay , who after four essays ( Federalist Nos. 2 , 3 , 4 , and 5 ), fell ill and contributed only one more essay, Federalist No. 64 , to

520-469: A number of misnomers remain in common usage  — which is to say that a word being a misnomer does not necessarily make usage of the word incorrect. The term anachronym refers to this type of misnomer. "Anachronym" should not be confused with anacronyms , which refers to words (such as laser and sonar ) with acronymic origin but which are now used syntactically as words in their own right. The Federalist Papers The Federalist Papers

585-456: A one-man chief executive. In Federalist No. 39 , Madison presents the clearest exposition of what has come to be called " Federalism ". In Federalist No. 51 , Madison distills arguments for checks and balances in an essay often quoted for its justification of government as "the greatest of all reflections on human nature." According to historian Richard B. Morris , the essays that make up The Federalist Papers are an "incomparable exposition of

650-549: A post he held for two terms, retiring in 1801. The Federalist articles appeared in three New York newspapers: The Independent Journal , the New-York Packet , and the Daily Advertiser , beginning on October 27, 1787. Although written and published with haste, The Federalist articles were widely read and greatly influenced the shape of American political institutions. Hamilton, Madison and Jay published

715-636: A result, shortly after the Constitution became operative in 1789, Congress sent a set of twelve amendments to the states. Ten of these amendments were immediately ratified and became known as the Bill of Rights , with one of the other two becoming the 27th Amendment —almost 200 years later. Thus, while the Anti-Federalists were unsuccessful in their quest to prevent the adoption of the Constitution, their efforts were not totally in vain. The Anti-Federalists thus became recognized as an influential group among

SECTION 10

#1732801588401

780-481: Is a collection of 85 articles and essays written by Alexander Hamilton , James Madison , and John Jay under the collective pseudonym "Publius" to promote the ratification of the Constitution of the United States . The collection was commonly known as The Federalist until the name The Federalist Papers emerged in the twentieth century. The first seventy-seven of these essays were published serially in

845-469: Is questionable. Separate ratification proceedings took place in each state, and the essays were not reliably reprinted outside of New York; furthermore, by the time the series was well underway, a number of important states had already ratified it, for instance Pennsylvania on December 12. New York held out until July 26; certainly The Federalist was more important there than anywhere else, but Furtwangler argues that it "could hardly rival other major forces in

910-842: The Independent Journal , the New York Packet , and The Daily Advertiser between October 1787 and April 1788. A compilation of these 77 essays and eight others were published in two volumes as The Federalist: A Collection of Essays, Written in Favour of the New Constitution, as Agreed upon by the Federal Convention, September 17, 1787 , by publishing firm J. & A. McLean in March and May 1788. The last eight papers (Nos. 78–85) were republished in

975-734: The Founding Fathers of the United States . With the passage of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, the Anti-Federalist movement was exhausted. Some activists joined the Anti-Administration party that James Madison and Thomas Jefferson were forming about 1790–91 to oppose the policies of Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton . Hamilton's Pro-Administration faction became the Federalist Party , while

1040-545: The United States Bill of Rights . The idea of adding a Bill of Rights to the Constitution was originally controversial because the Constitution, as written, did not specifically enumerate or protect the rights of the people, rather it listed the powers of the government and left all that remained to the states and the people. Alexander Hamilton , the author of Federalist No. 84, feared that such an enumeration, once written down explicitly, would later be interpreted as

1105-432: The Constitution be amended with a bill of rights. (The Federalists contended that a conditional ratification would be void, so the recommendation was the strongest support that the ratifying convention could give to a bill of rights short of rejecting the Constitution.) Four of the next five states to ratify, including New Hampshire , Virginia , and New York , included similar language in their ratification instruments. As

1170-427: The Constitution because they thought that a stronger government threatened the sovereignty and prestige of the states, localities, or individuals; those that saw in the proposed government a new centralized, disguised "monarchic" power that would only replace the cast-off despotism of Great Britain; and those who simply feared that the new government threatened their personal liberties. Some of the opposition believed that

1235-459: The Constitution were not, of course, federalists at all. They were advocates of a strong national government whose authority diminished the independence of the states. [...] By co-opting the name "Federalists," the pro-Constitution forces deprived their opponents of the ability to signal clearly and immediately what they stood for. The Anti-Federalists were against the ratification of the Constitution for many reasons. The Anti-Federalists believed that

1300-548: The Constitution would be successfully ratified. James Madison, a Federalist at the time and the primary architect of the Constitution, introduced draft proposals of what would become the first ten amendments of the United States Constitution and advocated for their passage. In particular, the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution reinforced the reservation of the powers to the states or

1365-440: The Constitution, a classic in political science unsurpassed in both breadth and depth by the product of any later American writer." On June 21, 1788, the proposed Constitution was ratified by the minimum of nine states required under Article VII. In late July 1788, with eleven states having ratified the new Constitution, the process of organizing the new government began. The Federal Convention (Constitutional Convention) sent

SECTION 20

#1732801588401

1430-440: The Constitution, as drafted, would lead to a loss of individual liberties, an erosion of state sovereignty, and the potential for the rise of tyranny. They advocated for a more decentralized form of government with greater protections for individual rights and stronger representation for the states. Principally, they were afraid that the national government would be too robust and would, thus, threaten states and individual rights. In

1495-504: The Constitution. They argued that the strong national government proposed by the Federalists was a threat to the rights of individuals and that the president would become a king. They objected to the federal court system created by the proposed constitution. Minority groups also contributed, such as Mercy Otis Warren who disguised herself as "A Colombian Patriot," thought to be Elbridge Gerry . Warren's most notable pamphlet discussed

1560-488: The McLean edition for essay numbers 77–85. While the authorship of 73 of The Federalist essays is fairly certain, the identities of those who wrote the twelve remaining essays are disputed by some scholars. The modern consensus is that Madison wrote essays Nos. 49–58, with Nos. 18–20 being products of a collaboration between him and Hamilton; No. 64 was by John Jay. The first open designation of which essay belonged to whom

1625-720: The New York newspapers between June 14 and August 16, 1788. The authors of The Federalist intended to influence the voters to ratify the Constitution. In Federalist No. 1 , they explicitly set that debate in broad political terms: It has been frequently remarked, that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not, of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend, for their political constitutions, on accident and force. In Federalist No. 10 , Madison discusses

1690-422: The New York publishing firm J. & A. McLean announced that they would publish the first 36 essays as a bound volume; that volume was released on March 22, 1788, and was titled The Federalist Volume 1. New essays continued to appear in the newspapers; Federalist No. 77 was the last number to appear first in that form, on April 2. A second bound volume was released on May 28, containing Federalist Nos. 37–77 and

1755-432: The approval of the authors. In 1863, Henry Dawson published an edition containing the original text of the papers, arguing that they should be preserved as they were written in that particular historical moment, not as edited by the authors years later. Modern scholars generally use the text prepared by Jacob E. Cooke for his 1961 edition of The Federalist ; this edition used the newspaper texts for essay numbers 1–76 and

1820-531: The author of each individual essay. After examining word choice and writing style, studies generally agree that the disputed essays were written by James Madison. However, there are notable exceptions maintaining that some of the essays which are now widely attributed to Madison were, in fact, collaborative efforts. The Federalist Papers were written to support the ratification of the Constitution, specifically in New York . Whether they succeeded in this mission

1885-439: The authors of that work have been justly supposed to be entitled to great respect in expounding the Constitution. No tribute can be paid to them which exceeds their merit; but in applying their opinions to the cases which may arise in the progress of our government, a right to judge of their correctness must be retained." In a letter to Thomas Ritchie in 1821, James Madison stated of the Constitution that "the legitimate meaning of

1950-434: The authors. Hopkins wished as well that "the name of the writer should be prefixed to each number," but at this point Hamilton insisted that this was not to be, and the division of the essays among the three authors remained a secret. The first publication to divide the papers in such a way was an 1810 edition that used a list left by Hamilton to associate the authors with their numbers; this edition appeared as two volumes of

2015-423: The broad Antifederalist sense, they held that states should be significantly autonomous and independent in their authority, applying the right to self-administration in all significant internal matters without the unwanted interjections of the federal government. The Anti-Federalists debated with their Federalist colleagues, including Alexander Hamilton and James Madison , on the functional model and competencies of

Anti-Federalism - Misplaced Pages Continue

2080-417: The case that there is no need to amend the Constitution by adding a Bill of Rights , insisting that the various provisions in the proposed Constitution protecting liberty amount to a "bill of rights." Federalist No. 78 , also written by Hamilton, lays the groundwork for the doctrine of judicial review by federal courts of federal legislation or executive acts. Federalist No. 70 presents Hamilton's case for

2145-550: The central government under the Articles of Confederation was sufficient. Still others believed that while the national government under the Articles was too weak, the national government under the Constitution would be too strong. Another complaint of the Anti-Federalists was that the Constitution provided for a centralized rather than federal government (and in The Federalist Papers , James Madison admitted that

2210-401: The compiled "Works of Hamilton". In 1818, Jacob Gideon published a new edition with a new listing of authors, based on a list provided by Madison. The difference between Hamilton's list and Madison's formed the basis for a dispute over the authorship of a dozen of the essays. Both Hopkins's and Gideon's editions incorporated significant edits to the text of the papers themselves, generally with

2275-456: The essays at a rapid pace. At times, three to four new essays by Publius appeared in the papers in a single week. Garry Wills observes that this fast pace of production "overwhelmed" any possible response: "Who, given ample time could have answered such a battery of arguments? And no time was given." Hamilton also encouraged the reprinting of the essays in newspapers outside New York state, and indeed they were published in several other states where

2340-645: The essays. Madison did not immediately dispute Hamilton's list, but provided his own list for the 1818 Gideon edition of The Federalist . Madison claimed 29 essays for himself, and he suggested that the difference between the two lists was "owing doubtless to the hurry in which [Hamilton's] memorandum was made out." A known error in Hamilton's list—Hamilton incorrectly ascribed No. 54 to John Jay, when in fact, Jay wrote No. 64—provided some evidence for Madison's suggestion. Statistical analysis has been undertaken on several occasions in attempts to accurately identify

2405-517: The first 20 papers are broken down as 11 by Hamilton, five by Madison and four by Jay. The rest of the series, however, is dominated by three long segments by a single writer: Nos. 21–36 by Hamilton, Nos. 37–58 by Madison, written while Hamilton was in Albany, and No. 65 through the end by Hamilton, published after Madison had left for Virginia. The Federalist Papers (specifically Federalist No. 84 ) are notable for their opposition to what later became

2470-473: The first decision to mention The Federalist ). By 2000 , The Federalist had been quoted 291 times in Supreme Court decisions. The amount of deference that should be given to The Federalist Papers in constitutional interpretation has always been somewhat controversial. As early as 1819, Chief Justice John Marshall noted in the famous case McCulloch v. Maryland , that "the opinions expressed by

2535-515: The fiscal system that Hamilton had created. Misnomer A misnomer is a name that is incorrectly or unsuitably applied. Misnomers often arise because something was named long before its correct nature was known, or because an earlier form of something has been replaced by a later form to which the name no longer suitably applies. A misnomer may also be a word that is used incorrectly or misleadingly. The word "misnomer" does not mean " misunderstanding " or " popular misconception ", and

2600-498: The group opposing Hamilton soon became the Democratic-Republican Party . When Jefferson took office as the third president in 1801, he replaced Federalist appointees with Democratic-Republicans and sought to focus on issues that allowed the states to make more of their own decisions in matters. He also repealed the whiskey excise and other federal taxes, shut down some federal offices and broadly sought to change

2665-418: The impact of The Federalist on New York citizens was "negligible". As for Virginia, which ratified the Constitution only at its convention on June 25, Hamilton writes in a letter to Madison that the collected edition of The Federalist had been sent to Virginia; Furtwangler presumes that it was to act as a "debater's handbook for the convention there", though he claims that this indirect influence would be

Anti-Federalism - Misplaced Pages Continue

2730-530: The invitation, and Hamilton rejected three essays written by Duer. Duer later wrote in support of the three Federalist authors under the name "Philo-Publius", meaning either "Friend of the People" or "Friend of Hamilton" based on Hamilton's pen name Publius . Hamilton chose the pseudonymous name "Publius". While many other pieces representing both sides of the constitutional debate were written under Roman names, historian Albert Furtwangler contends that " 'Publius'

2795-615: The man of 'federal principles' approved of 'federal measures,' which meant those that increased the weight and authority or extended the influence of the Confederation Congress." As the Federalists moved to amend the Articles, eventually leading to the Constitutional Convention , they applied the term anti-federalist to their opposition. The term implied, correctly or not, both opposition to Congress and unpatriotic motives. The Anti-Federalists rejected

2860-403: The means of preventing rule by majority faction and advocates a large, commercial republic . This is complemented by Federalist No. 14 , in which Madison takes the measure of the United States, declares it appropriate for an extended republic, and concludes with a memorable defense of the constitutional and political creativity of the Federal Convention. In Federalist No. 84 , Hamilton makes

2925-642: The new Constitution had the characteristics of both a centralized and federal form of government) and that a truly federal form of government was a leaguing of states as under the Articles of Confederation. During the period of debate over the ratification of the Constitution, numerous independent local speeches and articles were published all across the country. Initially, many of the articles in opposition were written under pseudonyms, such as "Brutus" (likely Melancton Smith ), "Centinel" (likely Samuel Bryan ), and " Federal Farmer ." Eventually, famous revolutionary figures such as Patrick Henry came out publicly against

2990-477: The people. During the American Revolution and its immediate aftermath, the term federal was applied to any person who supported the colonial union and the government formed under the Articles of Confederation . After the war, the group that felt the national government under the Articles was too weak appropriated the name Federalist for themselves. Historian Jackson Turner Main wrote, "to them,

3055-529: The planned federal government. The Anti-Federalists believed that almost all the executive power should be left to the country's authorities, while the Federalists wanted centralized national governments. They also believed that a large central government would not serve the interests of small towns and rural areas, as opposed to the urban interests that most Federalist delegates aligned with. Generally, Anti-federalists were more likely to be small farmers than lawyers and merchants and came from rural areas rather than

3120-410: The previously unpublished Nos. 78–85. The last eight papers (Nos. 78–85) were republished in the New York newspapers between June 14 and August 16, 1788. A 1792 French edition ended the collective anonymity of Publius, announcing that the work had been written by "Mm. Hamilton, Maddisson e Gay, citoyens de l'État de New York". In 1802, George Hopkins published an American edition that similarly named

3185-474: The proposed Constitution to the Confederation Congress, which in turn submitted it to the states for ratification at the end of September 1787. On September 27, 1787, "Cato" first appeared in the New York press criticizing the proposition; "Brutus" followed on October 18, 1787. These and other articles and public letters critical of the new Constitution would eventually become known as the " Anti-Federalist Papers ". In response, Alexander Hamilton decided to launch

3250-478: The ratification by Virginia, the tenth state, placed pressure on New York to ratify. In light of that, Furtwangler observes, "New York's refusal would make that state an odd outsider." Only 19 Federalists were elected to New York's ratification convention, compared to the Anti-Federalists' 46 delegates. While New York did indeed ratify the Constitution on July 26, the lack of public support for pro-Constitution Federalists has led historian John Kaminski to suggest that

3315-418: The ratification contests"—specifically, these forces included the personal influence of well-known Federalists, for instance Hamilton and Jay, and Anti-Federalists , including Governor George Clinton . Further, by the time New York came to a vote, ten states had already ratified the Constitution and it had thus already passed—only nine states had to ratify it for the new government to be established among them;

SECTION 50

#1732801588401

3380-524: The ratification convention in Massachusetts . By this point, five of the states had ratified the Constitution with relative ease, but the Massachusetts convention was far more disputed and contentious. After a long debate, a compromise (known as the " Massachusetts compromise ") was reached. Massachusetts would ratify the Constitution with recommended provisions in the ratifying instrument that

3445-491: The ratification debate was taking place. However, they were only irregularly published outside New York, and in other parts of the country they were often overshadowed by local writers. Because the essays were initially published in New York, most of them begin with the same salutation : "To the People of the State of New York". The high demand for the essays led to their publication in a more permanent form. On January 1, 1788,

3510-442: The series. Jay also distilled his case into a pamphlet in the spring of 1788, An Address to the People of the State of New-York ; Hamilton cited it approvingly in Federalist No. 85 . James Madison, present in New York as a Virginia delegate to the Confederation Congress, was recruited by Hamilton and Jay and became Hamilton's primary collaborator. Gouverneur Morris and William Duer were also considered. However, Morris turned down

3575-427: The subsequent articles: Furtwangler notes that as the series grew, this plan was somewhat changed. The fourth topic expanded into detailed coverage of the individual articles of the Constitution and the institutions it mandated, while the two last topics were merely touched on in the last essay. The papers can be broken down by author as well as by topic. At the start of the series, all three authors were contributing;

3640-506: The term, arguing that they were the true Federalists. In both their correspondence and their local groups, they tried to capture the term. For example, an unknown anti-federalist signed his public correspondence as "A Federal Farmer" and the New York committee opposing the Constitution was called the "Federal Republican Committee." However, the Federalists carried the day and the name Anti-Federalist forever stuck. The Anti-Federalists were composed of diverse elements, including those opposed to

3705-452: The three men. Hamilton, who had been a leading advocate of national constitutional reform throughout the 1780s and was one of the three representatives for New York at the Constitutional Convention , in 1789 became the first secretary of the treasury , a post he held until his resignation in 1795. Madison, who is now acknowledged as the father of the Constitution — despite his repeated rejection of this honor during his lifetime, became

3770-401: The time of publication, the authors of The Federalist Papers attempted to hide their identities due to Hamilton and Madison having attended the convention. Astute observers, however, correctly discerned the identities of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay. Establishing authorial authenticity of the essays that constitute The Federalist Papers has not always been clear. After Hamilton's death in 1804,

3835-707: The treatment of minorities and American natural rights; this pamphlet was titled "History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution". This produced a body of political writing; the best and most influential of these articles and speeches were gathered by historians into a collection known as the Anti-Federalist Papers in allusion to the Federalist Papers . The authors of these works did not organize together as

3900-527: The urban areas many federalists represented. In their journey to protect the interests of rural areas and farmers, the Anti-Federalists believed: The arguments of the Anti-Federalists influenced the formation of the Bill of Rights. As a response to the Anti-Federalists’s demands of a bill of rights to guarantee specific liberties, the Federalists agreed to consider amendments to be added to the new Constitution. This helped assuage its critics and ensure that

3965-517: The variety who through divisive appeals would aim at tyranny. The Federalist begins and ends with this issue. In the final paper Hamilton offers "a lesson of moderation to all sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them on their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a successful demagogue". The matter

SECTION 60

#1732801588401

4030-476: Was a cut above ' Caesar ' or ' Brutus ' or even ' Cato '. Publius Valerius helped found the ancient republic of Rome. His more famous name, Publicola, meant 'friend of the people'." Hamilton had applied this pseudonym to three letters in 1778, in which he attacked fellow Federalist Samuel Chase and revealed that Chase had taken advantage of knowledge gained in Congress to try to dominate the flour market. At

4095-554: Was further clarified by the Ninth Amendment . Federal judges, when interpreting the Constitution, frequently use The Federalist Papers as a contemporary account of the intentions of the framers and ratifiers. They have been applied on issues ranging from the power of the federal government in foreign affairs (in Hines v. Davidowitz ) to the validity of ex post facto laws (in the 1798 decision Calder v. Bull , apparently

4160-411: Was provided by Hamilton who, in the days before his ultimately fatal gun duel with Aaron Burr , provided his lawyer with a list detailing the author of each number. This list credited Hamilton with a full 63 of the essays (three of those being jointly written with Madison), almost three-quarters of the whole, and was used as the basis for an 1810 printing that was the first to make specific attribution for

4225-505: Was the strongest element of opposition; the necessity, or at least the desirability, of a bill of rights was almost universally felt. In Rhode Island, resistance against the Constitution was so strong that civil war almost broke out on July 4, 1788, when anti-federalist members of the Country Party led by Judge William West marched into Providence with over 1,000 armed protesters. The Anti-Federalists played upon these feelings in

#400599