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76-701: The Act provided for 43.585 million acres (176,380 km) of new national parklands in Alaska; the addition of 9.8 million acres (40,000 km) to the National Wildlife Refuge System; twenty-five wild and scenic rivers, with twelve more to be studied for that designation; establishment of Misty Fjords and Admiralty Island National Monuments in Southeast Alaska; establishment of Steese National Conservation Area and White Mountains National Recreation Area to be managed by

152-415: A bill (S. 101) proposed by Democrat Dennis Chávez that would have created a permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee (FEPC) to prevent discrimination in the workplace . The filibuster lasted weeks, and Senator Chávez was forced to remove the bill from consideration after a failed cloture vote, even though a majority of senators supported the bill. In 1949, in response to filibusters of amendments to

228-579: A bill. On May 19, 1978, H.R. 39 was passed by the House of Representatives . H.R. 39 was referred to the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources for mark up and combined with a number of other bills pertaining to Alaska lands. Senator Ted Stevens (R-Alaska) was instrumental in making significant changes to the original House resolution. The final bill submitted by the Senate energy committee

304-516: A filibuster on the Natural Gas Policy Act, the Senate set a series of precedents to restrict filibusters after cloture has been invoked. For instance, the Senate held that if cloture has been invoked on a measure, the presiding officer must take the initiative in ruling nongermane amendments out of order. At first, the only effect of cloture on the time available for debate was to limit each senator to one hour of debate. In 1979,

380-429: A filibuster. A filibuster can also be conducted through the use of other dilatory measures, such as proposing dilatory amendments or making dilatory motions. Throughout the Senate's history, senators have frequently made efforts to curtail the use of the Senate's filibuster. Notably, in 2013 and 2017, the Senate used the nuclear option to set a series of precedents that reduced the threshold for cloture on nominations to

456-461: A memo to the task force noted, "While the substance is obviously controversial, there is apparently great disquiet in the Capitol over whether we understand the interactivity between reconciliation and health, procedurally, and in terms of timing and counting votes for both measures." In 2001, President George W. Bush was unable to obtain sufficient Democratic support for his tax cut proposals. As

532-411: A motion to proceed ripens one hour after the Senate convenes on the following calendar day. If cloture is invoked, the motion to proceed is not debatable. Under rule XXVIII, paragraph 2, added on January 24, 2013, a cloture motion on a compound motion to go to conference ripens two hours after it is filed. If cloture is invoked, the compound motion is not debatable. The modern-era filibuster—and

608-406: A new national bank. After Whig Senator Henry Clay proposed a rules change to limit debate, Democratic Senator William R. King threatened an even longer filibuster, saying that Clay "may make his arrangements at his boarding house for the winter". Other senators sided with King, and Clay backed down. In 1917, during World War I , at the urging of President Woodrow Wilson , the Senate adopted

684-488: A quorum after they finish their speeches, which has the effect of preventing the presiding officer from putting the pending question to the Senate even though no senator seeks recognition. This is commonly regarded as the "silent filibuster." In 1975, the Senate revised its cloture rule so that three-fifths of senators duly chosen and sworn could limit debate (except for measures amending the Standing Rules, on which

760-434: A result, policy in these areas is increasingly determined by executive preference, and is more easily changed after elections, rather than through more permanent legislative policy. The Supreme Court's caseload has declined significantly, with various commenters suggesting that the decline in major legislation has been a major cause. Meanwhile, more policy issues are resolved judicially without action by Congress—despite

836-719: A result, the Bush tax cuts of 2001 and 2003 were each passed using reconciliation, which required that the tax cuts expire within the 10-year budget window to avoid violating the Byrd rule in the Senate. The status of the tax cuts would remain unresolved until the late 2012 " fiscal cliff ," with a portion of the cuts being made permanent by the American Taxpayer Relief Act of 2012 . In the 111th Congress , President Barack Obama briefly enjoyed an effective 60-vote Democratic majority (including independents caucusing with

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912-422: A rule by a vote of 76–3 to allow cloture to be used to limit debate on a measure. This took place after a group of twelve anti-war senators managed to kill a bill that would have allowed Wilson to arm merchant vessels in the face of unrestricted German submarine warfare . Under the new rule, at any time while a measure was pending, a senator could present a cloture motion signed by 16 senators. One hour after

988-508: A simple majority. Since then, nominations can be confirmed without the support of 60 senators, though they may nonetheless be delayed by a filibuster. Moreover, a number of rulemaking statutes have been enacted to limit the scope of the filibuster by imposing an automatic time limit on Senate debate of certain questions. These include the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (which created the budget reconciliation process),

1064-583: A treaty (two-thirds of senators present), expelling a member of Congress (two-thirds of members voting in the house in question), overriding presidential vetoes (two-thirds of members voting of both houses), and proposing constitutional amendments (two-thirds of members voting of both houses). Through negative textual implication, the Constitution also gives a simple majority the power to set procedural rules. In Federalist No. 22 , Alexander Hamilton described supermajority requirements as being one of

1140-482: A two-thirds majority of those present and voting is still needed to invoke cloture). By returning to an absolute number of all senators, rather than a proportion of those present and voting, the change also made any filibusters easier to sustain on the floor by a small number of senators from the minority party without requiring the presence of their minority colleagues. This further reduced the majority's leverage to force an issue through extended debate. In 1977, during

1216-430: Is as follows: After cloture is invoked, the Senate automatically proceeds to consider the measure on which cloture was invoked (if it was not before the Senate already). The following restrictions then apply: Under rule XXII, paragraph 3, added on January 24, 2013, a cloture motion signed by 16 senators (including the majority leader, minority leader, 7 other majority senators and 7 other minority senators) presented on

1292-556: Is entitled to speak for as long as they wish. Only when debate concludes (whether naturally or using cloture ) can the measure be put to a vote. Rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the United States Senate allows the Senate to vote to limit debate by invoking cloture on the pending question. In most cases, however, this requires a majority of three-fifths of the senators duly chosen and sworn (60 votes if there

1368-421: Is no more than one vacancy), so a minority of senators can block a measure, even if it has the support of a simple majority. Even once cloture has been invoked, in most cases debate can continue for a further 30 hours, and most major bills are subject to two or three filibusters before the Senate can vote on passage. Even bills supported by 60 or more senators (as well as nominations) may therefore be delayed by

1444-666: The Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act in 1980, the Steese NCA's special values include Birch Creek National Wild River , crucial caribou calving grounds and home range, and Dall sheep habitat. While various land uses are allowed in the Steese NCA, the area is managed so that its scenic, scientific, cultural and other resources are protected. The Steese NCA is split into the North and South Units, located on either side of

1520-626: The Bureau of Land Management ; the addition of 9.1 million acres (37,000 km) to the Wilderness Preservation System , and the addition of 3.35 million acres (13,600 km) to Tongass and Chugach National Forests . The act provided for the creation or expansion of several Conservation System Units (CSUs) including: In 1971 the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA)

1596-580: The Congressional Review Act and the District of Columbia Home Rule Act . Since debate on such measures ends without cloture being invoked, they are not subject to the 60-vote threshold. Only a small number of supermajority requirements were explicitly included in the original United States Constitution , including conviction on impeachment (two-thirds of senators present), agreeing to a resolution of advice and consent to ratification of

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1672-767: The Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010 , which was enacted days later, following a 56–43 vote in the Senate. The near-60-vote Senate majority that Democrats held throughout the 111th Congress was also critical to passage of other major Obama initiatives, including the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act of 2009 (passed 60–38, with three Republicans voting "Yea"), and the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (passed 60–39, with three Republicans voting "Yea" and one Democrat voting "Nay"). However,

1748-773: The National Park Service became concerned as 1978 dragged on that no action would be taken on the "national interest lands" included in the Morton Proposal, and as early as July 1978 the Park Service had taken the first steps to secure additional protection when it began to draft national monument proclamations for proposed NPS areas. President Carter used the Antiquities Act to designate 56 million acres (230,000 km) as 17 National Monuments by executive order on December 1, 1978. Much of

1824-638: The Republican Party won a majority of seats in the Senate . Conservationists and other proponents of the legislation recognized that if they did not accept the compromise then on the table, they would be forced to begin again in the next Congress with decidedly less support. The bill was passed in late November, and signed into law by President Carter in December. Senator Gravel, meanwhile, took considerable blame in Alaska for forcing Carter's hand with

1900-603: The Steese Highway . The popular Pinnell Mountain National Recreation Trail skirts the edge of the North Unit. [REDACTED]  This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents of the Bureau of Land Management . This article related to a protected area in Alaska is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . This article about a location in

1976-567: The Yukon-Koyukuk Census Area, Alaska is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Filibuster in the United States Senate A filibuster is a tactic used in the United States Senate to delay or block a vote on a measure by preventing debate on it from ending. The Senate's rules place few restrictions on debate; in general, if no other senator is speaking, a senator who seeks recognition

2052-560: The nuclear option , voting 48–52 to overrule a decision of the chair and set the cloture threshold for all nominations, other than those to the Supreme Court of the United States , at a simple majority of senators present and voting. All Republicans and three Democrats voted in favor of sustaining the decision of the chair. The Democrats' stated motivation was what they saw as an expansion of filibustering by Republicans during

2128-503: The "Morton Proposal." These lands were withdrawn from all forms of public appropriation under the public land laws pending action from Congress, setting the stage for the eventual passage of ANILCA. As stated, the "d-2" provision of ANCSA set a deadline for the Secretary to withdraw lands within nine months of the passage of ANCSA. In addition, ANCSA also set a deadline for Congress to act on the Secretary's withdrawal within five years of

2204-502: The "design of the Virginians [...] was to talk away the time, so that we could not get the bill passed." Although between 1789 and 1806 the Senate's rules provided for a motion for the previous question , this motion was itself debatable, so it could not be used as an effective cloture mechanism. Rather, it was used by the Senate to reverse its decision to consider a measure (much like today's motion to postpone). Beginning in 1811,

2280-478: The 113th Congress, debate on certain motions to proceed to bills would be limited to four hours, and the minority would be guaranteed the opportunity to offer amendments. Postcloture debate time on district judge nominations was limited to two hours, and postcloture debate time on executive nominations, other than those at Level I of the Executive Schedule, was limited to eight hours. Permanent changes to

2356-488: The 2013 precedent to include Supreme Court nominees. This was done in order to allow a simple majority to confirm Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court. The vote was 48–52 against sustaining the decision of the chair on a point of order raised by Majority Leader Mitch McConnell . 61 Senators from both parties later wrote a letter to Senate leadership, urging them to preserve the filibuster for legislation. In 2019,

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2432-551: The Antiquities Act. Though Carter was hardly held blameless for the creation of the new national monuments, Gravel was taken to task for the unpopular decision as well and was denied his party's nomination for his Senate seat in the 1980 election . With the passage of time, however, and now, several decades later, support for the vision of ANILCA has increased, even among former detractors in Alaska ;– as

2508-878: The Democratic Party holding a substantial majority in the 111th Congress, the "public option" provision in the Affordable Care Act was removed because one senator— Joe Lieberman of Connecticut—threatened to filibuster the bill if it remained. Presidents of both parties have increasingly filled the policymaking vacuum with expanded use of executive power, including executive orders in areas that had traditionally been handled through legislation. For example, Barack Obama effected major changes in immigration policy by issuing work permits to some undocumented workers, while Donald Trump issued several significant executive orders after taking office in 2017, along with undoing many of Obama's initiatives. As

2584-583: The Democrats) in the Senate. During that time period, the Senate passed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), commonly known as "Obamacare", on December 24, 2009 by a vote of 60–39 (after invoking cloture by the same margin). However, Obama's proposal to create a public health insurance option was removed from the health care legislation because it could not command 60-vote support. House Democrats did not approve of all aspects of

2660-601: The House of Representatives set a series of precedents to make the previous question a way of limiting debate, and throughout the 19th century, some senators unsuccessfully attempted to introduce this version of the previous question into the Senate's rules. During most of the pre–Civil War period, the filibuster was seldom used to block measures, as northern senators desired to maintain southern support over fears of disunion and secession , and made compromises over slavery in order to avoid confrontation with new states admitted to

2736-637: The Interior to withdraw up to 80 million acres of land from development for conservation purposes. These lands, referred to as "d-2" lands, were to be available for potential congressional designation as National Parks, Wildlife Refuges, Wild and Scenic rivers, or National Forests. The "d-2" provision of ANCSA gave the Secretary nine months to withdraw lands before they would re-open to development. On December 17, 1972, Interior Secretary Rogers Morton forwarded 127.1 million acres (514,000 km) of selected lands to Congress under 17(d)(1) and 17(d)(2), known as

2812-482: The Journal and motions to proceed to the consideration of bills, the cloture rule was amended to allow cloture to be filed on "any measure, motion, or other matter pending before the Senate, or the unfinished business". However, the Senate simultaneously made invoking cloture more difficult by requiring two-thirds of senators duly chosen and sworn to vote in favor of a cloture motion. Moreover, future proposals to change

2888-665: The Obama administration, especially with respect to nominations for the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit , and out of frustration with filibusters of executive branch nominees for agencies such as the Federal Housing Finance Agency . On April 6, 2017, Senate Republicans eliminated the sole exception to the 2013 change by invoking the nuclear option to extend

2964-464: The Senate bill, but after 60-vote Senate control was permanently lost in February 2010 due to the election of Scott Brown to fill the seat of the late Ted Kennedy , House Democrats decided to pass the Senate bill intact, and it became law. Several House-desired modifications to the Senate bill—those sufficient to pass scrutiny under the Byrd rule—were then made under reconciliation through

3040-408: The Senate convened on the second calendar day of session following the filing of the cloture motion, the business then pending would be set aside, and the presiding officer would put to the Senate the question, "Is it the sense of the Senate that the debate shall be brought to a close?" If two-thirds of senators present and voting voted in favor of cloture, the measure would become unfinished business to

3116-399: The Senate has cratered: in the 85th Congress , over 25% of all bills introduced in the Senate were eventually enacted; by 2005, that number had fallen to 12.5%; and by 2010, only 2.8% of introduced bills became law—a 90% decline from 50 years prior. During times of unified party control, majorities have attempted (with varying levels of success) to enact their major policy priorities through

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3192-440: The Senate imposed a 100-hour limit on the total time available for consideration of a clotured measure. The tactic of using points of order to delay legislation because they were not counted as part of the limited time allowed for debate was rendered ineffective by this rule change. In 1986, this time limit was reduced to 30 hours. Generally, motions to proceed are debatable and can be filibustered. However, on March 5, 1980,

3268-639: The Senate rules were themselves specifically exempted from being subject to cloture. In 1953, Senator Wayne Morse set a record by filibustering for 22 hours and 26 minutes while protesting the Tidelands oil legislation. Then-Democratic senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina broke this record in 1957 by filibustering the Civil Rights Act of 1957 for 24 hours and 18 minutes, during which he read laws from different states and recited George Washington's farewell address in its entirety, although

3344-413: The Senate voted 38–54 against sustaining a decision of the chair and thus set a precedent that a nondebatable motion to proceed to executive session to consider a specific nomination (or treaty) is in order. Therefore, nominations can now be brought up without the threat of a filibuster on the motion to proceed. In 2005, a group of Republican senators, led by Majority Leader Bill Frist , proposed having

3420-580: The Senate voted 49–51 to overturn a ruling of the chair to set a precedent that postcloture debate on nominations—other than those to the Supreme Court of the United States , to the United States courts of appeals and to positions at Level I of the Executive Schedule —is two hours. All Republicans except Senators Susan Collins and Mike Lee voted against sustaining the decision of the chair. The current procedure for invoking cloture

3496-416: The Standing Rules of the Senate provided for a simplified cloture procedure for bipartisan motions to proceed and for compound motions to go to conference. Despite these modest changes, 60 votes were still required to overcome a filibuster, and the "silent filibuster"—in which a senator can, in practice, delay a bill even if they leave the floor—remained unaffected. On November 21, 2013, Senate Democrats used

3572-625: The Union in pairs to preserve the sectional balance in the Senate, most notably in the Missouri Compromise of 1820. One of the early notable filibusters occurred in 1837 when a group of Whig senators filibustered to prevent allies of the Democratic President Andrew Jackson from expunging a resolution of censure against him. In 1841, a defining moment came during a filibuster on a bill to charter

3648-488: The absence of a threatened filibuster. Thus, the presence or absence of cloture attempts is not necessarily a reliable indicator of the presence or absence of a threatened filibuster. Because filibustering does not depend on the use of any specific rules, whether a filibuster is present is always a matter of judgment. The supermajority rule has made it very difficult, often impossible, for Congress to pass controversial legislation in recent decades. The number of bills passed by

3724-509: The bill expedited the enactment of the 1971 Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act. Steese National Conservation Area The Steese National Conservation Area encompasses 1,200,000 acres (4,900 km ) of public land about 100 miles (160 km) northeast of Fairbanks, Alaska , and is administered by the Bureau of Land Management as part of the National Landscape Conservation System . Created by

3800-402: The bill ultimately passed. In 1959, anticipating more civil rights legislation, the Senate, under the leadership of Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson , restored the cloture threshold to two-thirds of senators present and voting . Although the 1949 rule had eliminated cloture on rules changes themselves, the resolution was not successfully filibustered, and on January 5, 1959, the resolution

3876-413: The bill, cloture was invoked by a 71–29 vote on June 10, 1964. This was only the second successful cloture vote since 1927. From 1917 to 1970, the Senate took a cloture vote nearly once a year (on average); during this time, there were a total of 49 cloture votes. After a series of filibusters in the 1960s over civil-rights legislation, the Senate began to use a two-track system introduced in 1972 under

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3952-423: The bill. With adjournment fast approaching, a provision to extend the (d)(2) protections for one more year to allow for additional time to pass a bill was passed in the House, and introduced in the Senate on October 16, 1978. Gravel threatened a filibuster , and the provision did not pass the Senate. The sunset provision of section (d)(2) of ANCSA was set to expire on December 18, 1978. The Interior Department and

4028-490: The budget reconciliation process, resulting in legislation constrained by narrow budgetary rules . Meanwhile, public approval for Congress as an institution has fallen to its lowest levels ever, with large segments of the public seeing the institution as ineffective. Shifting majorities of both parties—and their supporters—have often been frustrated as major policy priorities articulated in political campaigns are unable to obtain passage following an election. Despite

4104-457: The exclusion of all other business; no dilatory motions or amendments would be allowed; all amendments would be required to have been submitted before the cloture vote; and each senator would be limited to one hour of debate (which must be relevant to the clotured measure). The first cloture vote occurred in 1919 to end debate on the Treaty of Versailles . Although cloture was invoked, the treaty

4180-478: The existence of potential simple majority support in the Senate—;on topics such as the legalization of same-sex marriage. The implied threat of a filibuster—and the resulting 60-vote requirement in the modern era—has had major impacts on the ability of recent majorities to enact their top legislative priorities into law. The effects of the 60-vote requirement are most apparent in periods where

4256-496: The floor simultaneously by designating specific periods during the day when each one will be considered. The notable side effect of this change was that by no longer bringing Senate business to a complete halt, filibusters became politically easier for the minority to sustain. As a result, the number of filibusters began increasing rapidly, eventually leading to the modern era in which an effective supermajority requirement exists to pass legislation, with no practical requirement that

4332-433: The general process of changing the rules by setting a precedent that conflicted with the plain text of the rules. However, a group of 14 senators—seven Democrats and seven Republicans, collectively dubbed the " Gang of 14 "—reached an agreement to temporarily defuse the conflict. From April to June 2010, under Democratic control, the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration held a series of monthly public hearings on

4408-460: The history and use of the filibuster in the Senate. On October 6, 2011, in a further effort to restrict the postcloture filibuster, the Senate voted 48–51 against sustaining a decision of the chair in order to set a precedent that motions to suspend the rules are not in order after cloture has been invoked. During the 113th Congress, two packages of procedural changes were adopted, one temporary for that Congress and one permanent. Firstly, during

4484-546: The lands designated as National Monument were part of the original Morton Proposal. An additional 40 million acres (160,000 km) were withdrawn under the authority of section 204(c) of the Federal Land Policy and Management Act by Interior Secretary Cecil Andrus . Carter stated that he had been forced to use the Antiquities Act by Congress's failure to act in a reasonable time, but his actions nevertheless caused wide protest across Alaska. President Carter

4560-435: The leadership of Majority Leader Mike Mansfield and Majority Whip Robert Byrd . Before this system was introduced, a filibuster would stop the Senate from moving on to any other legislative activity. Tracking allows the Senate, by unanimous consent , to set aside the measure being filibustered and consider other business. If no senator objects, the Senate can have two or more pieces of legislation or nominations pending on

4636-467: The main problems with the previous Articles of Confederation , and identified several evils which would result from such a requirement: Originally, the Senate's rules did not provide for a procedure for the Senate to vote to end debate on a question so that it could be voted on, which opened the door to filibusters. Indeed, a filibuster took place at the very first session of the Senate. On September 22, 1789, Senator William Maclay wrote in his diary that

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4712-413: The minority party actually hold the floor or extend debate. Since then, a measure could be delayed simply by a senator placing a hold on it; in this case, the leadership will generally not attempt to advance the measure unless cloture is invoked on it (usually by a 60-vote majority). In particular, as a courtesy to senators who have holds on a bill or nomination, senators generally suggest the absence of

4788-430: The need to work toward passage of an acceptable bill, rather than no bill at all. However, in 1978, 75 seats in the House had changed hands, producing a much more conservative body than the one that had supported Carter's use of the Antiquities Act. Proponents were forced to continue to work compromises, and the bill's passage was further delayed. In early November 1980, Jimmy Carter lost re-election to Ronald Reagan , and

4864-423: The next day Senator Henry M. Jackson (D-Washington) introduced the Senate version of the bill. These bills were the first of many failed proposals leading to the eventual passage of ANILCA seven years later. Over the course of the seven years many bills were introduced with a wide range of proposals for disposal of the selected lands. As the sunset date approached in 1978 both chambers of Congress scrambled to pass

4940-463: The passage of ANCSA; if the Secretary did not act to withdraw lands earmarked for special protections within nine months of the passage of ANCSA, or Congress did not act to implement the Secretary's selection within five years of the passage of ANCSA, the lands would be reopened to development. On January 29, 1973, Congressman James A. Haley (D-Florida) introduced the Morton proposal as H.R. 12336, and

5016-482: The president and both houses of Congress are controlled by the same political party. In the 103rd Congress , President Bill Clinton enjoyed Democratic majorities in both chambers of Congress. However, the Clinton health care plan of 1993 , formulated by a task force led by First Lady Hillary Clinton , was unable to pass, in part due to the filibuster and the limitations of budget reconciliation. As early as April 1993,

5092-406: The presiding officer rule that a filibuster on judicial nominees was unconstitutional, as it was inconsistent with the president's power to appoint judges with the advice and consent of a simple majority of senators. Senator Trent Lott , the former Republican leader, used the word "nuclear" to describe the plan, and so it became known as the " nuclear option ". The term thereafter came to refer to

5168-765: The protection. The final bill accelerated logging in the Tongass National Forest, the nation's largest, by giving the US Forest Service a yearly $ 40,000,000 appropriation to cut timber, not subject to the appropriation laws but derived from the taxes on oil etc, and by providing that 450 million board feet of trees would be clearcut each year. This was the price conservationists paid in the compromise. Under Title VIII, Subsistence Management And Use, not just Alaska Natives qualified but also rural residents were granted hunting and fishing rights when fish and game are not under outside threat. In addition

5244-425: The resulting 60-vote supermajority requirement—has had significant policy and political effects on all three branches of the federal government. As the filibuster has evolved from a rare practice that required holding the floor for extended periods into a routine 60-vote supermajority requirement, Senate leaders have increasingly used cloture motions as a regular tool to manage the flow of business, often even in

5320-630: The spectacular parks, monuments, refuges and other areas set aside by the 1980 legislation have become a significant boon to Alaska tourism and the State's economy. A telephone poll in 2000 showed that 45 percent of Alaskans supported the protection of the ANILCA-designated 1002 coastal plain area of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, the most controversial aspect of ANILCA's protected areas, while 49 percent opposed

5396-506: The towns would not support NPS authorities, not enforce NPS regulations, and would shelter individuals who broke the regulations. Though these protests continued for some time, the designation of the monuments broke the legislative opposition to ANILCA. Some in Congress, and various oil and gas industry, and other development interest, continued to oppose passage of the bill, but in the wake of Carter's proclamations most opponents recognized

5472-488: Was agreed to by a 72–22 vote. The 1959 change also eliminated the 1949 exemption for amendments to the rules, allowing cloture to once again be invoked on future changes. One of the most notable filibusters of the 1960s occurred when southern senators attempted to block the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by filibustering for a continuous 75 hours, including a 14-hour-and-13-minute address by Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia . After 60 days of consideration of

5548-607: Was burned in effigy in Fairbanks . Residents in the Cantwell area undertook a large act of civil disobedience known as the Great Denali Trespass  – they went into the park, fired off guns, made campfires, and conducted various other activities prohibited under Federal regulations. The towns of Eagle and Glennallen , both in the shadow of new monuments, produced official proclamations stating that

5624-484: Was deemed unacceptable by the Carter administration and supporters of H.R. 39 in the House. With limited time left before adjournment, the House and Senate conferenced in order to resolve differences between the two bills. Senator Mike Gravel (D-Alaska) inserted himself into the negotiations, making a number of new demands not included in either bill. Changes made to the bill did not satisfy Gravel, and he refused to support

5700-468: Was signed into law to resolve the long-standing issues surrounding aboriginal land claims in Alaska, as well as to stimulate economic development throughout Alaska. Section 17(d)(1) gave the Secretary of the Interior ninety days to withdraw from development any lands necessary "to insure that the public interest in these lands is properly protected." Additionally, Section 17(d)(2) directed the Secretary of

5776-486: Was then rejected against the wishes of the cloture rule's first champion, President Wilson. During the 1930s, Senator Huey Long of Louisiana used long filibusters to promote his populist policies. He recited Shakespeare and read out recipes for " pot-likkers " during one of his filibusters, which occupied 15 hours of debate. In 1946, five Democratic senators, John H. Overton , Richard Russell Jr. , Millard Tydings , Clyde R. Hoey and Kenneth McKellar , filibustered

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