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107-599: Algerian government victory Armed Islamic Group (from 1993) Minor involvement: [REDACTED]   Sudan (alleged) [REDACTED]   Iran (alleged) Egyptian Islamic Jihad (until 1995) Abdelhak Layada  ( POW ) Djafar al-Afghani   † Cherif Gousmi   † Djamel Zitouni   † Antar Zouabri   † [REDACTED] Armed Forces [REDACTED] police Gendarmerie State Security Local militias Escalation 1994–1996 Massacres and reconciliation 1996–1999 Defeat of

214-906: A close ally of the jihadists enemy the Soviet Union , these jihadists tended to consider the Afghan jihad a "prelude" to jihad against the Algerian FLN state. After the Marxist government in Afghanistan fell, many of the Salafist-Jihadis returned to Algeria and supported the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and later the GIA insurgents. During and after the 1988 October Riots Islamists "set about building bridges to

321-526: A direct affront to the military hierarchy and cohesion. After a project to realign electoral districts came to light in May, the FIS called for a general strike. Violence ensued and on 3 June 1991 a state of emergency was declared, many constitutional rights were suspended, and parliamentary elections postponed until December. The FIS began to lose the initiative and within a month the two leaders (Mandani and Benhadj) of

428-637: A former aid to Bouyali, along with many " Afghans ", broke with his former friend Abdelkader Heresay and left the MIA ( Islamic Armed Movement ), founding his own Jihadi group around July 1992. Meliani was arrested in July and executed in August 1993. Meliani was replaced by Mohammed Allal, aka Moh Leveilley, who was killed on 1 September 1992 by the Algerian military when they attacked a meeting held to unify command of

535-463: A general label for pro-FIS guerrillas), declaring their allegiance to FIS. It national amir was Madani Merzag. By the end of 1994, they controlled over half the guerrillas of the east and west, but barely 20% in the center, near the capital, which was where the GIA were mainly based. They issued communiqués condemning the GIA's indiscriminate targeting of women, journalists and other civilians "not involved in

642-410: A manifesto entitled The Sharp Sword , presenting Algerian society as resistant to jihad and lamented that the majority of the people had "forsaken religion and renounced the battle against its enemies," but was careful to deny that the GIA had ever accused Algerian society itself of impiety ( kufr ). Convinced of Zouabri's salafist orthodoxy, Egyptian veteran of the Afghan jihad Abu Hamza restarted

749-601: A mediator to seek a truce between the government and the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat . On August 21, 1993, Seif Allah Djafar, aka Mourad Si Ahmed, aka Djafar al-Afghani, a 30-year-old black marketer with no education beyond primary school, became GIA amir. Violence escalated under Djafar, as did the GIA's base of support outside of Algeria. Under him, the group named and assassinated specific journalists and intellectuals (such as Tahar Djaout ), saying that "The journalists who fight against Islamism through

856-451: A message ordering foreigners to "leave the country. We are giving you one month. Anyone who exceeds that period will be responsible for his own sudden death." By the end of 1993 26 foreigners had been killed. In November 1993 Sheik Mohamed Bouslimani "a popular figure who was prominent" in Hamas party of Mahfoud Nahnah was kidnapped and executed after "refusing to issue a fatwa endorsing

963-664: A military school in Batna, then in 1981 of the Cherchell Military Academy . He was then made commander of the Tamanrasset military region in 1982, then the 3rd Military Region on the Moroccan border in 1984, then that of Constantine in 1987. He became a general in 1988, then head of ground forces in 1989. After disagreeing with President Chadli Bendjedid about proposals for army reorganisation, he left

1070-462: A mutual agreement on 14 January 1995: the Sant'Egidio platform . This presented a set of principles: respect for human rights and multi-party democracy, rejection of army rule and dictatorship, recognition of Islam, Arab and Berber ethnic identity as essential aspects of Algeria's national identity, demand for the release of FIS leaders, and an end to extrajudicial killing and torture on all sides. To

1177-405: A new law gave amnesty to most guerrillas, motivating large numbers to "repent" and return to normal life. The violence declined substantially after Antar Zouabri was killed in 2002, Rachid Abou Tourab succeeded him and was allegedly killed by close aides in July 2004. He was replaced by Boulenouar Oukil. By 2004, GIA membership had dwindled, and they only had around 30 members left. On 7 April 2005,

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1284-407: A new regime based on Sharia law. In order to destabilize the state, the GIA instigated terror throughout the country. Using acts of violence such as planned assassinations, vehicle bombings, kidnappings. They often attacked members of the Algerian army and the police force. As time passed the GIA did not limit their violence to only stately officials. They used violence as a means of social control on

1391-503: A partly negotiated solution to the Algerian Civil War . On 25 December 1994 Zéroual reluctantly allowed hijacked Air France Flight 8969 to leave Algerian territory after 3 civilians, including a French embassy chef, were murdered by the four hijackers. Although some urged Zéroual to run in the 2009 presidential election , he said in a published statement on 14 January 2009 that he would not run, while also suggesting that it

1498-564: A political act", the 1995 presidential elections. The next few months saw the killing of some 100 Islamist prisoners in the Serkadji prison mutiny , and a major success for the security forces in the battle of Ain Defla , resulting in the deaths of hundreds of guerrilla fighters. Armed Islamic Group of Algeria It was created from smaller armed groups following the 1992 military coup and arrest and internment of thousands of officials in

1605-589: A presence outside Algeria, in France, Belgium, Britain, Italy and the United States, and launched terror attacks in France in 1994 and 1995 . The "undisputed principal Islamist force" in Algeria in 1994, by 1996, militants were deserting "in droves", alienated by its execution of civilians and Islamist leaders. In 1999, a government amnesty law motivated large numbers of jihadis to "repent". The remnants of

1712-541: A strategy of "immediate action to destabilize the enemy", by creating "an atmosphere of general insecurity" through "repeated attacks". It considered opposition to violence among some in the FIS as not only misguided but impious. It was far less selective than the MIA, which insisted on ideological training; as a result, it was regularly infiltrated by the security forces, resulting in a rapid leadership turnover as successive heads were killed. The various groups arranged several meetings to attempt to unite their forces, accepting

1819-489: A unilateral truce starting in October. These events marked the end of "organized jihad in Algeria," according to one source (Gilles Kepel) Although Zouabri was seldom heard of after this and the jihad exhausted, massacres "continued unabated" through 1998 led by independent amirs with added "ingredients of vendetta and local dispute" to the putative jihad against the government. Armed groups "that had formerly belonged to

1926-462: A way out. At the same time, the number of visas granted to Algerians by other countries began to drop substantially. The violence continued throughout 1994, although the economy began to improve during this time; following negotiations with the IMF, the government succeeded in rescheduling debt repayments, providing it with a substantial financial windfall, and further obtained some 40 billion francs from

2033-444: A weekly magazine, Usrat al-Ansar as a GIA propaganda outlet. Abu Qatada "provided the intellectual and ideological firepower" to justify GIA actions, and the journal became "a trusted source of news and information about the GIA for Islamists around the world." The GIA soon broadened its attacks to civilians who refused to live by their prohibitions, and then foreigners living in Algeria. A hostage released on 31 October 1993 carried

2140-495: Is necessary to kill the non-believers for the good reason that they wish to substitute their authority for that of God. The FIS made "spectacular" progress in the first year of its existence, with an enormous following in the urban areas. Its doctors, nurses and rescue teams showed "devotion and effectiveness" helping victims of an earthquake in Tipaza Province ; its organized marches and rallies "applied steady pressure on

2247-458: Is thought by many that security forces as well as Islamists were involved, as the government had infiltrated the insurgents. Children were widely used, particularly by the rebel groups. Total fatalities have been estimated at 44,000 to between 100,000 and 200,000. The conflict began in January 1992, when the new and enormously popular Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) party appeared poised to defeat

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2354-604: The Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) was born shortly afterwards in Algiers on 18 February 1989, and came into legal existence in September 1989. The front was led by two men. Abbassi Madani —a professor at University of Algiers and ex-independence fighter—represented a relatively moderate religious conservatism and symbolically connected the party to the Algerian War of Independence , the traditionally emphasized source of

2461-631: The Sahara desert, and bearded men feared to leave their houses lest they be arrested as FIS sympathizers. The government officially dissolved the FIS on 4 March and its apparatus was dismantled. Of the few FIS activists that remained free, many took this as a declaration of war. Throughout much of the country, remaining FIS activists, along with some Islamists too radical for FIS, took to the forests and mountains with whatever weapons were available and became guerrilla fighters. The very sparsely populated but oil-rich Sahara would remain mostly peaceful for almost

2568-404: The Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC), rejected the amnesty. It dissociated itself from the previous indiscriminate killing of civilians and reverted to the classic MIA-AIS tactics of targeting combatant forces. This break away was led by Hassan Hattab . In October 2003, they announced their support for Al-Qaeda and in 2006, Ayman al-Zawahiri announced a "blessed union" between

2675-726: The United States , Argentina , Bahrain , Japan , New Zealand , the United Kingdom and the United Nations ,. The GIA remains a Proscribed Organisation in the United Kingdom under the Terrorism Act 2000 . Canada once listed GIA as a terrorist entity until 18 June 2024. According to Algerian veterans of the Afghan jihad who founded the GIA, the idea of forming an armed group to fight jihad against

2782-488: The "eradicators". A few shadowy pro-government paramilitaries, such as the Organisation of Young Free Algerians (OJAL), emerged and began attacking civilian Islamist supporters. On 10 March 1994, over 1000 (mainly Islamist) prisoners escaped Tazoult prison in what appeared to be a major coup for the guerrillas; later, conspiracy theorists would suggest that this had been staged to allow the security forces to infiltrate

2889-546: The ANP in 1989, and briefly became ambassador to Romania . However, after Bendjedid's forced resignation in January 1992, his career prospects became more promising. In July 1993, he became Minister of Defense; in January 1994 he was promoted to head of the High Council of State . In November 1995, he was elected President, a post which he retained until the next elections. He was reputed to be politically dialoguist, supporting

2996-597: The Al-Ansar bulletin/magazine in London. During the month of Ramadan (January–February 1997) hundreds of civilians were killed in massacres some with their throats cut. The massacres continued for months and culminated in August and September when hundreds of men women and children were killed in the villages of Rais , Bentalha , Beni Messous. Pregnant women were sliced open, children were hacked to pieces or dashed against walls, men's limbs were hacked off one by one, and, as

3103-478: The Algerian government was developed not after the coup but in 1989 after leaders of the Islamic Armed Movement (MIA) of Mustafa Bouyali , were freed from prison, but was not acted on due to the spectacular electoral political success of the FIS. Embracing Sayyid Qutb's Takfir (excommunication) of secular governments and assertion that engaging in armed Jihad against Jaahili societies

3210-435: The FIS and MIA and not obedient to its orders. It adopted the radical Omar El-Eulmi as a spiritual guide, and Layada affirmed that "political pluralism is equivalent to sedition". He also believed jihad in Algeria was fard ayn , or an individual obligation of adult male Muslims. Layada threatened not just security forces but journalists ("grandsons of France") and the families of Algerian soldiers. From its inception on,

3317-434: The FIS were arrested and later sentenced to twelve years in prison. Support for armed struggle began to develop among Bouyali's followers and veterans of the Afghan jihad and on 28 November the first act of jihad against the government occurred when a frontier post (at Guemmar ) was attacked and the heads of army conscripts were cut off. Despite this, the FIS participated in the legislative elections, and on 26 December 1991 won

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3424-455: The FIS. According to Max Abrahms , "the false flag allegation arose because the civilian attacks hurt the GIA—not because of any evidence" to support it. Abrahms describes the proliferation of false flag conspiracy theories, such as 9/11 conspiracy theories , as a commonplace reaction to the generally counterproductive effects of terrorist violence, but notes that it is a fallacy to assume that

3531-413: The FIS. Instead, Zéroual embarked on a new plan: he scheduled presidential elections for 1995, while promoting "eradicationists" such as Lamari within the army and organizing "self-defense militias" in villages to fight the guerrillas. The end of 1994 saw a noticeable upsurge in violence. Over 1994, Algeria's isolation deepened; most foreign press agencies, such as Reuters , left the country this year, while

3638-561: The FLN government after independence. In the 1980s the government imported two renowned Islamic scholars, Mohammed al-Ghazali and Yusuf al-Qaradawi , to "strengthen the religious dimension" of the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN) party's "nationalist ideology". Rather than doing this, the clerics worked to promote "Islamic awakening" as they were " fellow travelers " of the Muslim Brotherhood and supporters of Saudi Arabia and

3745-563: The FLN government, and interest in jihad against it include: a population explosion in the 1960s and 70s that outstripped the stagnant economy's ability to supply jobs, housing, food and urban infrastructure to massive numbers of young in the urban areas; a collapse in the price of oil, whose sale supplied 95% of Algeria's exports and 60% of the government's budget; a single-party state ostensibly based on Arab socialism , anti-imperialism , and popular democracy , but ruled by high-level military and consisting primarily of French-speaking clans from

3852-557: The Faithful , Mohammed Said as head of government, the US-based Haddam as foreign minister, and Mekhloufi as provisional interior minister. However, the very next day Said Mekhloufi announced his withdrawal from the GIA, claiming that the GIA had deviated from Islam and that this "Caliphate" was an effort by Mohammed Said to take over the GIA, and Haddam soon afterwards denied ever having joined it, asserting that this Caliphate

3959-604: The GIA 1999–2002 The Algerian Civil War ( Arabic : الحرب الأهلية الجزائرية ), known in Algeria as the Black Decade ( Arabic : العشرية السوداء , French : La décennie noire ), was a civil war fought between the Algerian government and various Islamist rebel groups from 11 January 1992 (following a coup negating an Islamist electoral victory) to 8 February 2002. The war began slowly, as it initially appeared

4066-544: The GIA called for and implemented the killing of anyone collaborating with or supporting the authorities, including government employees such as teachers and civil servants. Layada did not last long and was arrested in Morocco in May 1993. Besides the GIA, the other major branch of the Algerian resistance was the Islamic Armed Movement (MIA). It was led by the ex-soldier "General" Abdelkader Chebouti, and

4173-468: The GIA conducted a violent campaign of civilian massacres , sometimes wiping out entire villages in its area of operation (notably those in Bentalha and Rais ). It attacked and killed other Islamists who had left the GIA or attempted to negotiate with the government. It also targeted foreign civilians living in Algeria, killing more than 100 expatriate men and women in the country. The group established

4280-427: The GIA had deviated from Islam and that this caliphate was an effort by ex-FIS leader Mohammed Said to take over the GIA. The GIA continued attacks on its usual targets, notably assassinating artists, such as Cheb Hasni , and in late August added a new practice to its activities: threatening insufficiently Islamist schools with arson . At the end of October, the government announced the failure of its negotiations with

4387-411: The GIA proper were hunted down over the next two years, and had practically disappeared by 2002, with the exception of a splinter group called the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC), which announced its support for Al-Qaeda in October 2003 and continued fighting an insurgency that would eventually spread to other countries in the region. Social conditions that led to dissatisfaction with

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4494-404: The GIA proper were hunted down over the next two years, leaving a splinter group the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC), which announced its support for Al-Qaeda in October 2003. The extent to which the group was infiltrated and manipulated by Algerian security services is disputed. The GIA is considered a terrorist organisation by the governments of Algeria , France ,

4601-583: The GIA since approximately 1998 and is currently assessed by the CIA to be the most effective armed group remaining inside Algeria. Both the GIA and GSPC leadership continue to proclaim their rejection of President Bouteflika's amnesty, but in contrast to the GIA, the GSPC has stated that it avoids attacks on civilians. Zouabri was himself killed in a gun battle with security forces 9 February 2002. The GIA, torn by splits and desertions and denounced by all sides even in

4708-403: The GIA used violence as an instrument of change to have a social transformation within Algeria. The state, in the eyes of the GIA, was an enemy of Islam. There was a rhetoric that the state was the incarnation of taghout. In order to destroy it, they would use a strategy of organized rural and urban guerrillas. The society backed fighters would have the capabilities to overthrow the state and create

4815-458: The GIA was reported to have killed 14 civilians at a fake road block. Three weeks later on 29 April, Oukil was arrested. Nourredine Boudiafi was the last known "emir" of the GIA. He was arrested sometime in November 2004, his arrest was announced by the Algerian government in January 2005. A splinter group of the GIA that formed on the fringes of Kabylie (north central coast) in 1998, called

4922-578: The GIA" continued to kill, some replacing jihad with simple banditry, others settling scores with the pro-government "patriots" or others, some enlisting themselves in the services of landowners and frightening illegal occupants off of property. In 1999 the "Law on Civil Concord" granting amnesty to fighters was officially rejected by the GIA but accepted by many rank-and-file Islamist fighters; an estimated 85 percent surrendered their arms and returned to civilian life. The Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat ( GSPC ) splinter faction appears to have eclipsed

5029-466: The GIA's tactics." Djafar was killed by French security forces February 26, 1994 during the raid on Air France flight 8969 . Cherif Gousmi , aka Abu Abdallah Ahmed, became amir March 10, 1994. Under him, the GIA reached its "high water mark", and became the "undisputed principal Islamist force" in Algeria. In May, Islamist leaders Abderrezak Redjam (allegedly representing the FIS), Mohammed Said ,

5136-474: The GIA, while the AIS, under attack from both sides, declared a unilateral ceasefire with the government in 1997. In the meantime, the 1997 parliamentary elections were won by a newly created pro-Army party supporting the president. In 1999, following the election of Abdelaziz Bouteflika as president, violence declined as large numbers of insurgents "repented", taking advantage of a new amnesty law. The remnants of

5243-470: The GIA. Meanwhile, under Cherif Gousmi (its leader since March), the GIA became the most high-profile guerrilla army in 1994, and achieved supremacy over the FIS. In May, several Islamist leaders that were not jailed (Mohammed Said, Abderraraq Redjem), including the MEI's Said Makhloufi, joined the GIA. This was a surprise to many observers, and a blow to the FIS since the GIA had been issuing death threats against

5350-713: The Islamist Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) party after that party won the first round of parliamentary elections in December 1991. It was led by a succession of amirs (commanders) who were killed or arrested one after another. Unlike the other main armed groups, the Mouvement Islamique Arme (MIA) and later the Islamic Salvation Army (AIS), in its pursuit of an Islamic state the GIA sought not to pressure

5457-470: The Islamist movement, was slowly destroyed by army operations over the next few years; by the time of Antar Zouabri's death it was effectively incapacitated. In Algeria, the desire to have a violent and armed version of Islamism wasn't the primary mode of action for the GIA. There was no idea to use violence as a notion of sacrifice or martyrdom, which is quite common in other Islamist groups. In this case,

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5564-499: The MEI merged with the GIA in May 1994. The FIS itself established an underground network, with clandestine newspapers and even an MIA-linked radio station, and began issuing official statements from abroad starting in late 1992. However, at this stage the opinions of the guerrilla movements on the FIS were mixed; while many supported FIS, a significant faction, led by the "Afghans", regarded party political activity as inherently un-Islamic, and therefore rejected FIS statements. In 1993,

5671-797: The Moroccan border closed and the main foreign airlines cancelled all routes. The resulting gap in news coverage was further worsened by a government order in June banning Algerian media from reporting any terrorism-related news not covered in official press releases. A few FIS leaders, notably Rabah Kebir , had escaped into exile abroad. Upon the invitation of the Rome-based Community of Sant'Egidio , in November 1994, they began negotiations in Rome with other opposition parties, both Islamist and secular (FLN, FFS, FIS, MDA, PT, JMC). They came out with

5778-423: The attackers retreated, they would kidnap young women to keep as sex slaves. The GIA issued a communiques signed by Zouabri claiming responsibility for the massacres and justifying them—in contradiction to his manifesto—by declaring impious ( takfir ) all those Algerians who had not joined its ranks. In London Abu Hamzu criticised the communique and two days later (September 29) announced the end of his support and

5885-446: The bombing along with the other major parties, but the FIS's influence over the guerrillas turned out to be limited. The regime began to lose control of mountain and rural districts. In working class areas of the cities insurgents expelled the police and declared "liberated Islamic zones". Even the main roads of the cities passed into the hands of the insurgents. The first major armed movement to emerge, starting almost immediately after

5992-545: The bombs in Paris in summer 1995. That operation was (allegedly) 'run by Colonel Souames Mahmoud, alias Habib, head of the secret service at the Algerian embassy in Paris.' According to Ahmed, "Joseph's testimony has been corroborated by numerous defectors from the Algerian secret services." (Ahmed also claims that the "British intelligence believed the Algerian Government was involved in atrocities, contradicting

6099-415: The civilian population as well. They would commit theatrical assassinations in front of large groups of people so they could spread fear and have people support their cause. Two notable assassinations by the GIA was the assassination of Abdelkader Alloula, a theater director in Algeria and Cheb Hasni the most popular Raï music singer. In 1999, following the election of a new president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika ,

6206-451: The closure of the bulletin, cutting off GIA's communication with international Islamist community and the rest of the outside world. In Algeria, the slaughters drained the GIA of popular support (although evidence showed security forces cooperated with the killers preventing civilians from escaping, and may even have controlled the GIA). A week earlier the AIS insurgents announced it would declare

6313-515: The collaborationist Hamas party and the urban poor for jihad; and the other side, the government, had to be interested in the agreement. Those two features being lacking, the platform's effect was at best limited – though some argue that, in the words of Andrea Riccardi who brokered the negotiations for the Community of Sant'Egidio, "the platform made the Algerian military leave the cage of a solely military confrontation and forced them to react with

6420-547: The continued use of French in higher education and public life jarring and disadvantageous. In January 1991 following the start of the Gulf War , the FIS led giant demonstrations in support of Saddam Hussein and Iraq. One demonstration ended in front of the Ministry of Defense where radical leader Ali Benhadj gave an impassioned speech demanding a corp of volunteers be sent to fight for Saddam. The Algerian military took this as

6527-415: The coup, was the Islamic Armed Movement (MIA). The group was founded by former militants of Mustafa Bouyali "group" such as Abdelkader Chebouti, Mansouri Meliani, and Ezzedine Baa and they named themselves after his group active in the 80's. It was led by the ex-soldier "General" Abdelkader Chebouti, a longstanding Islamist. The MIA was "well-organized and structured and favored a long-term jihad" targeting

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6634-613: The divisions within the guerrilla movement became more distinct. The MIA and MEI, concentrated in the maquis , attempted to develop a military strategy against the state, typically targeting the security services and sabotaging or bombing state institutions. From its inception on, however, the GIA, concentrated in urban areas, called for and implemented the killing of anyone supporting the authorities, including government employees such as teachers and civil servants. It assassinated journalists and intellectuals (such as Tahar Djaout ), saying that "The journalists who fight against Islamism through

6741-518: The east side of the country; "corruption on a grand scale"; underemployed Arabic-speaking college graduates frustrated that the "Arab language fields of law and literature took a decisive back seat to the French-taught scientific fields in terms of funding and job opportunities"; and in response to these issues, "the most serious riots since independence" occurring in October 1988 when thousands of urban youth (known as hittistes ) took control of

6848-572: The entire duration of the conflict. This meant that the government's principal source of foreign exchange—oil exports—was largely unaffected. The tense situation was compounded by the economy, which collapsed even further that year, as almost all of the longstanding subsidies on food were eliminated. At first Algeria remained relatively calm. But in March 1993 "a steady succession of university academics, intellectuals, writer, journalist, and medical doctors were assassinated." While not all were connected with

6955-445: The exiled Anwar Haddam , and the MEI's Said Makhloufi joined the GIA; a blow to the FIS and surprise since the GIA had been issuing death threats against the three since November 1993. This was interpreted by many observers as either the result of intra-FIS competition or as an attempt to change the GIA's course from within. On 26 August, the group declared a " Caliphate ", or Islamic government for Algeria, with Gousmi as Commander of

7062-408: The fact that the zones were surrounded by the army, impoverished and victimized the pious business class which eventually fled the zones, severely weakening the Islamist cause. On 26 August, the GIA even declared a caliphate , or Islamic government, for Algeria, with Gousmi as " Commander of the Faithful ". However, the very next day, Said Mekhloufi announced his withdrawal from the GIA, claiming that

7169-413: The first round with 188 deputies elected, as opposed to just 16 for the FLN, despite getting one million fewer votes than it had in the 1990 elections. It appeared to be on track to win an absolute majority in the second round on 16 January 1992. The FIS had made open threats against the ruling power, condemning them as unpatriotic and pro-French, as well as financially corrupt. Additionally, FIS leadership

7276-403: The government and its supporters. They formed themselves into various armed groups , principally the Islamic Armed Movement (MIA), based primarily in the mountains, and the more hard-line Armed Islamic Group (GIA), based primarily in the towns. The GIA motto was "no agreement, no truce, no dialogue" and it declared war on the FIS in 1994 after the latter had made progress in negotiations with

7383-618: The government had successfully crushed the Islamist movement, but armed groups emerged to declare jihad and by 1994, violence had reached such a level that it appeared the government might not be able to withstand it. By 1996–97, it had become clear that the Islamist resistance had lost its popular support, although fighting continued for several years after. The war has been referred to as 'the dirty war' ( la sale guerre ), and saw extreme violence and brutality used against civilians. Islamists targeted journalists , over 70 of whom were killed, and foreigners, over 100 of whom were killed, although it

7490-642: The government into concessions but to destabilise and overthrow it, to "purge the land of the ungodly". Its slogan inscribed on all communiques was: "no agreement, no truce, no dialogue". GIA's ideology was inspired by the Jihadist writings of the Egyptian Islamist scholar Sayyid Qutb . The group desired to create "an atmosphere of general insecurity" and employed kidnapping , assassination , and bombings, including car bombs and targeted not only security forces but civilians. Between 1992 and 1998,

7597-536: The government. The MIA and various smaller insurgent bands regrouped, becoming the FIS-loyalist Islamic Salvation Army (AIS). After talks collapsed, elections were held in 1995 and won by the army's candidate, General Liamine Zéroual . The GIA fought the government, as well as the AIS, and began a series of massacres targeting entire neighborhoods or villages which peaked in 1997. The massacre policy caused desertion and splits in

7704-564: The growing power of the GIA, inside the "liberated Islamic zones" of the insurgency, conditions were beginning to deteriorate. The Islamist notables, entrepreneurs, and shopkeepers had at first funded the insurgent amirs and fighters, hoping for revenge against the government that had seized power from the FIS movement they supported. But over the months the voluntary "Islamic tax" became a "full-scale extortionist racket, operated by band of armed men claiming to represent an ever more shadowy cause," who also fought each other over turf. The extortion and

7811-765: The help of the victims. Fouad Ajami writing in The New Republic in 2010: called the GIA "a bastard child of the encounter between the Islamists and the security services of the regime." John Schindler in The National Interest stated, "Much of GIA's leadership consisted of DRS agents, who drove the group into the dead end of mass murder" Another source, journalist Nafeez Ahmed claims that 'Yussuf-Joseph'—an anonymous 14-year "career secret agent" in Algeria's sécurité militaire who defected to Britain in 1997 and claims to have had access to "all

7918-512: The imprisoned FIS leadership, releasing some prisoners by way of encouragement. The talks split the pro-government political spectrum. The largest political parties, especially the FLN and FFS , continued to call for compromise, while other forces—most notably the General Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA), but including smaller leftist and feminist groups such as the secularist RCD —sided with

8025-403: The international community to back its economic liberalization . As it became obvious that the fighting would continue for some time, General Liamine Zéroual was named new president of the High Council of State ; he was considered to belong to the dialoguiste (pro-negotiation) rather than éradicateur ( eradicator ) faction of the army. Soon after taking office, he began negotiations with

8132-444: The jihad. The economic state of Algeria was in a dire situation, where the majority of the young people were unemployed. In Algeria, there was no middle class, there were the rich and there were the poor, leaving many young people no hope for the future. The GIA was able to act as a place for young men to feel a part of something larger. Leveilley was replaced in January 1993 by Abdelhak Layada , who declared his group independent of

8239-435: The leaders since November 1993. The move was interpreted either as the result of intra-FIS competition or as an attempt to change the GIA's course from within. FIS-loyal guerrillas, threatened with marginalization, attempted to unite their forces. In July 1994, the MIA, together with the remainder of the MEI and a variety of smaller groups, united as the Islamic Salvation Army (a term that had previously sometimes been used as

8346-539: The less-traditional educated French-speaking class. It imposed the veil on female municipal employees; pressured liquor stores, video shops and other un-Islamic establishments to close; and segregated bathing areas by gender. Co-leader of the FIS Ali Benhadj declared his intention in 1990, "to ban France from Algeria intellectually and ideologically, and be done, once and for all, with those whom France has nursed with her poisoned milk." Devout activists removed

8453-728: The massacres." Liamine Z%C3%A9roual Liamine Zéroual ( Arabic : اليمين زروال ALA-LC : al-Yamīn Zarwāl ; Berber : Lyamin Ẓerwal; born 3 July 1941) is an Algerian politician who was the sixth President of Algeria from 30 January 1994 to 27 April 1999. He was born in Batna and joined the National Liberation Army in 1957, at the age of 16, to fight French rule of Algeria. After independence, he received training in Cairo , Egypt , then Moscow , Soviet Union (1965-1966) and finally Paris . In 1975, he took command of

8560-445: The organisation towards excessive violence against civilians in order to undermine its popular support. According to Heba Saleh of BBC News, Algerian opposition sources allege that the group may have been manipulated at times by elements within ruling military and intelligence circles. A series of massacres in the summer of 1997 - in which many hundreds of people were killed - took place near Algerian army barracks, but no-one came to

8667-427: The other Gulf monarchies. Al-Ghazali issuing a number of fatawa (Islamic judicial rulings) favorable to positions taken by local "radical" imams. Another Islamist, Mustafa Bouyali , a "gifted inflammatory preacher" and veteran of the Algerian independence struggle, called for the application of the sharia and creating of an Islamic state by jihad . After persecution by the security services in 1982 he founded

8774-469: The overall leadership of Chebouti in theory. At the last of these, at Tamesguida on 1 September, Chebouti expressed his concern about the movement's lack of discipline, in particular worrying that the Algiers airport attack, which he had not approved, could alienate supporters. The meeting was broken up by an assault from the security forces, provoking suspicions which prevented any further meetings. However

8881-421: The pen will perish by the sword." The GIA explicitly affirmed that it "did not represent the armed wing of the FIS", and issued death threats against several FIS and MIA members, including MIA's Heresay and FIS's Kebir and Redjam. About the time al-Afghani took power of GIA, a group of Algerian jihadists returning from Afghanistan came to London. Together with Islamist intellectual Abu Qatada , they started up

8988-475: The pen will perish by the sword." It soon stepped up its attacks by targeting civilians who refused to live by their prohibitions, and in September 1993 began killing foreigners, declaring that "anyone who exceeds" the GIA deadline of 30 November "will be responsible for his own sudden death." 26 Foreigners were killed by the end of 1993 and virtually all foreigners left the country; indeed, (often illegal) Algerian emigration too rose substantially, as people sought

9095-401: The perpetrators and beneficiaries of terrorism must be the same. Abrahms cites Mohammed Hafez, an academic expert on the subject who concluded: "The evidence does not support the claim that security forces were the principal culprits behind the massacres, or even willing conspirators in the barbaric violence against civilians. Instead, the evidence points to the GIA as the principal perpetrator of

9202-404: The regime, they were French-speaking and so "in the eyes of the young urban poor who had joined the jihad ... associated with the hated image of French-speaking intellectuals". It also "exploded" the idea of the government's triumph over the Islamists. Other attacks showed a willingness to target civilians. The bombing of the Algiers airport claimed 9 lives and injured 128 people. The FIS condemned

9309-428: The repression", and attacked the GIA's school arson campaign. The AIS and FIS supported a negotiated settlement with the government/military, and the AIS's role was to strengthening FIS's hand in the negotiations. The GIA was absolutely opposed to negotiations and sought instead "to purge the land of the ungodly", including the Algerian government. The two insurgent groups would soon be "locked in bloody combat." Despite

9416-554: The ruling FLN 's legitimacy. His aim was to "Islamise the regime without altering society's basic fabric." Ali Benhadj , a charismatic preacher and high school teacher appealed to a younger and less educated class. An impassioned orator, he was known for his ability to both enrage or calm at will the tens of thousands of young hittiestes who came to hear him speak. However, his radical speeches and opposition to democratic rule alarmed non-Islamists and feminists. Neither Madani or Benhadj were committed to democracy. In December 1989 Madani

9523-422: The ruling National Liberation Front (FLN) party in the national parliamentary elections in December 1991 . The elections were canceled after the first round and the military effectively took control of the government, forcing pro-reform president Chadli Bendjedid from office. After the FIS was banned and thousands of its members arrested, Islamist guerrillas rapidly emerged and began an armed campaign against

9630-608: The satellite dishes of households receiving European satellite broadcast in favor of Arab satellite dishes receiving Saudi broadcasts. Educationally, the party was committed to continue the Arabization of the educational system by shifting the language of instruction in more institutions, such as medical and technological schools, from French to Arabic. Large numbers of recent graduates, the first post-independence generation educated mainly in Arabic, liked this measure, as they had found

9737-528: The secret telexes"—told Ahmed that GIA atrocities were not the work of 'Islamic extremists', but were 'orchestrated' by 'Mohammed Mediane, head of the Algerian secret service', and 'General Smain Lamari', head of 'the counter intelligence agency' and ... 'In 1992 Smain created a special group, L'Escadron de la Mort (the Squadron of Death)... The death squads organized the massacres ... ' including 'at least' two of

9844-513: The state and its representatives and based on a guerrilla campaign like that of the War of Independence. From prison, Ali Benhadj issued a fatwa giving the MIA his blessing. In February 1992, ex-Algerian officer, ex-Afghan fighter, former FIS head of security and editor of the FIS official newspaper El Mounqid, Said Mekhloufi founded the Movement for an Islamic State (MEI). The other main jihad group

9951-656: The state" to force a promise of early elections. Despite President Bendjedid and his party, the FLN's new liberal reforms, in the 12 June 1990 local elections —the first free elections since independence—the Algerian voters chose the FIS. The party won 54% of votes cast, almost double that of the FLN and far more than any of the other parties. Its supporters were especially concentrated in urban areas. Once in power in local governments, its administration and its Islamic charity were praised by many as just, equitable, orderly and virtuous, in contrast to its corrupt, wasteful, arbitrary and inefficient FLN predecessors. But it also alarmed

10058-429: The streets despite the killing of hundreds by security forces. Islam in Algeria after independence was dominated by Salafist " Islamic revivalism " and political Islam rather than the more apolitical popular Islam of brotherhoods found in other areas of North Africa. The brotherhoods had been dismantled by the FLN government in retaliation for lack of support and their land had been confiscated and redistributed by

10165-412: The surprise of many, even Ali Belhadj endorsed the agreement, which meant that the FIS had returned into the legal framework, along with the other opposition parties. The initiative was also received favorably by "influential circles" in the United States. However, for the agreement to work, the FIS still had to have the support of its original power base, when in fact the pious bourgeous had abandon it for

10272-550: The two groups. In 2007, the group changed its name to Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb . It has focused on kidnapping for ransom as a means of raising funds and is estimated to have raised more than $ 50 million from 2003 to 2013. Various claims have been made that the GIA was heavily infiltrated at top level by agents of Algerian intelligence such as the Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité (DRS), who drove

10379-457: The underground Mouvement Islamique Armé (MIA), "a loose association of tiny groups", with himself as amir . His group carried out a series of "bold attacks" against the regime and was able to continue its fight for five years before Bouyali was killed in February 1987. Also in the 1980s, several hundred youth left Algeria for camps of Peshawar to fight jihad in Afghanistan . As Algeria was

10486-647: The view the Government was claiming in public". ) However, according to Andrew Whitley of Human Rights Watch , "It was clear that armed Islamist groups were responsible for many of the killings of both civilians and security force members that had been attributed to them by the authorities. According to the Shadow Report on Algeria , Algerians such as Zazi Sadou, have collected testimonies by survivors that their attackers were unmasked and were recognised as local radicals - in one case even an elected member of

10593-564: The young urban poor". Evidence of their effectiveness was that the riots "petered out" after meetings between the President Chadli Bendjedid and Islamists Ali Benhadj and members of the Muslim Brotherhood . The FLN government responded to the riots by amending the Algerian Constitution on 3 November 1988, to allow parties other than the ruling FLN to operate legally. A broad-based Islamist party,

10700-399: Was assassinated by one of his bodyguards, Lieutenant Lambarek Boumaarafi . The assassin was sentenced to death in a closed trial in 1995. The sentence was not carried out. Many FIS members were arrested—5,000 by the army's account, 40,000 according to Gilles Kepel and including its leader Abdelkader Hachani —that the jails had insufficient space to hold them in; camps were set up for them in

10807-514: Was "well-organized and structured and favored a long-term jihad" targeting the state and its representatives and based on a guerrilla campaign like that of the War of Independence. From prison, Ali Benhadj issued a fatwa giving the MIA his blessing. In March 2006, Abdelhak Layada was released from prison, amnesty measures provided for in the Charter for Peace and Reconciliation launched by the president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika , even offering himself as

10914-453: Was an invention of the security services. The GIA continued attacking its usual targets, notably assassinating artists, such as Cheb Hasni , and in late August added a new one to its list, threatening schools which allowed mixed classes, music, gym for girls, or not wearing hijab with arson . He was killed in combat on September 26, 1994. Cherif Gousmi was eventually succeeded by Djamel Zitouni who became GIA head on October 27, 1994. He

11021-432: Was at best divided on the desirability of democracy, and some expressed fears that a FIS government would be, as U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Edward Djerejian put it, "one person, one vote, one time." On 11 January 1992 the army cancelled the electoral process, forcing President Bendjedid to resign and bringing in the exiled independence fighter Mohamed Boudiaf to serve as a new president. However, on 29 June 1992 he

11128-531: Was called the Armed Islamic Group (GIA, from French Groupe Islamique Armé ). In January 1993, Abdelhak Layada declared his group independent of Chebouti's. It became particularly prominent around Algiers and its suburbs, in urban environments. It took a hardline position, opposed to both the government and the FIS, affirming that "political pluralism is equivalent to sedition" and issuing death threats against several FIS and MIA leaders. It favored

11235-404: Was mandatory; GIA leaders condemned the FLN regime as apostates and called upon Algerians to rise up, pledge allegiance to them and violently overthrow the socialist government in pursuit of establishing an Islamic state in Algeria. Support base of the GIA mainly consisted of the educationally and economically underprivileged classes of the Algerian society. Early in 1992, Mansour Meliani ,

11342-515: Was quoted as saying: We do not accept this democracy which permits an elected official to be in contradiction with Islam, the Shari'a , its doctrines and values. and in February 1989, Benhadj stated: There is no democracy because the only source of power is Allah through the Koran , and not the people. If the people vote against the law of God, this is nothing other than blasphemy . In this case, it

11449-456: Was the responsible for carrying out a series of bombings in France in 1995 . He was killed by a rival faction on July 16, 1996. Antar Zouabri, was the longest serving "emir" (1996–2002) was nominated by a faction of the GIA "considered questionable by the others". The 26-year-old activist was a "close confidant" of Zitouni and continued his policy of "ever increasing violence and redoubled purges". Zouabri opened his reign as emir by issuing

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