An Azali ( Persian : ازلی ) or Azali Bábí is a follower of the monotheistic religion of the Báb who embraced the leadership of Subh-i-Azal . Early followers of the Báb were known as Bábís ; however, in the 1860s with the Baháʼí–Azali split , the vast majority of Bábís followed Mirza Husayn ʻAli, known as Baháʼu'lláh , founder of the Baháʼí Faith , and became known as Baháʼís . Some among the remaining Bábís continued to follow Subh-i-Azal , Baháʼu'lláh 's half-brother, whom the Báb had appointed his successor and leader of the community, and thus came to be called Azalis.
59-580: Azali Babis continued to push for the end of the Iranian monarchy, and several individuals were among the national reformers of the constitutional revolution of 1905–1911. Azalis stagnated and disappeared as an organized community after the revolution, numbering at most a few thousand by the end of the 20th century, mainly in Iran. Azalis are considerably outnumbered by adherents of the Baháʼí Faith, who number in
118-520: A "brief but violent confrontation" in which Sattar Khan was wounded, Yeprem Khan, the recently appointed police chief of Tehran "succeeded in disarming them". The revolution ended in December 1911 when deputies of the Second Majlis, suffering from "internal dissension, apathy of the masses, antagonisms from the upper class, and open enmity from Britain and Russia", were "roughly" expelled from
177-472: A 50-year monopoly over the distribution and exportation of tobacco in exchange for £25,000 to the Shah personally and £15,000 a year to the state. Iranians cultivated a variety of tobacco "much prized in foreign markets" that was not grown elsewhere, and the arrangement threatened the job security of a significant portion of the Iranian population – hundreds of thousands of workers in agriculture and
236-443: A Muslim not trained in the religious sciences to obey a mujtahid , i.e. a marja' , when seeking to determine Islamically correct behavior.) After this debacle, the new Shah, Mohammad Ali Qajar , understood that he could not use royal prestige and tradition to fight constitutional government. Instead, he would find religious allies. There were clergy on both sides of the dispute. On the side of constitutional government were three of
295-420: A century of successive defeats, an Asian power had defeated a European power, an event that bolstered pride throughout Asia. This feeling was particularly strong in those countries, like Iran, that had experienced Russian penetration and oppression. Many considered it significant that the only Asian power with a constitution had defeated the only Western power without one, and constitutions came to be looked upon as
354-436: A curb on royal authority and the establishment of the rule of law as their concern about foreign (especially Russian) influence grew. The Qajars had taken large loans from Russia and Britain to pay for the Shah's extravagant lifestyle and the cost of the government; the shah financed a royal tour of Europe in 1900 by borrowing ₽22 million from Russia, using Iranian customs receipts as collateral. In 1905, protests erupted about
413-506: A fight in early 1906, government forces killed a sayyid (a descendant of Muhammad ). In a skirmish shortly afterwards, Cossacks killed 22 protesters and injured 100. The bazaar again closed and the ulama went on strike, a large number taking sanctuary in the holy city of Qom . Many merchants went to the British embassy in Tehran , which agreed to shelter the basti on the grounds of
472-660: A financial crisis, with annual governmental expenditures far in excess of revenues as a result of the policies of his father. The monarch, Mozaffar ad-Din Shah signed the 1906 constitution shortly before his death. Weakness and extravagance continued during the brief reign of Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar (1896–1907), who often relied on his chancellor to manage his decentralized state. His dire financial straits caused him to sign many concessions to foreign powers on trade items ranging from weapons to tobacco. The aristocracy, religious authorities, and educated elite began demanding
531-586: A matrix within which radical social and political ideas could be propounded. After the split with the Baháʼís, some Azalis were very active in secular reform movements and the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1905–1907), including Sheikh Ahmad Rouhi and Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani . However, the community was still suppressed as a heresy , and the accusation of being an Azali was often enough for most to believe it to be true. Coupled with
590-469: A parliament, giving it final approval of all loans and the budget. The majles was endorsed by the leading clerics of Najaf – Akhund Khurasani , Mirza Husayn Tehrani and Shaykh Abdullah Mazandarani . In the late 19th century, like most of the Muslim world, Iran suffered from foreign intrusion and exploitation, military weakness, lack of cohesion, and corruption. In the 1813 Treaty of Gulistan and
649-451: A phase of stagnation from which it has never recovered. There is now no acknowledged leader nor, to the knowledge of the present writer, any central organization. Members tend to be secretive about their affiliation, converts are rare, and association appears to run along family lines. It is difficult to estimate current numbers, but these are unlikely to exceed one or two thousand, almost all of whom reside in Iran. Despite their small numbers,
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#1732772719035708-414: A virtue and classified into various levels of concealment. Prominent Azali leaders openly recanted their faith and even abused [the] Bab and Azal in the process. There was some dispute on the question over who was Subh-i-Azal's appointed successor. MacEoin states that Subh-i-Azal appointed Yahya Dawlatabadi as his successor in turn after the death of his (Yahya's) father, Mirza Hadi Dawlatabadi. However, this
767-469: The ulama , and a small group of radical reformers – argued that Iran's oil industry was being sold to the British, while tax breaks on imports, exports and manufactured textiles were destroying Iran's economy (which had been supported by the bazaar merchants), and that the shah was selling assets to pay interest on the fortune in foreign debt he had accumulated. It ended in December 1911 when deputies of
826-698: The Constitutional Revolution of Iran , took place between 1905 and 1911 during the Qajar dynasty . The revolution led to the establishment of a parliament in Persia (Iran) , and has been called an "epoch-making episode in the modern history of Persia". The revolution was "the first of its kind in the Islamic world, earlier than the revolution of the Young Turks in 1908 ". It opened
885-541: The Islamic Revolution a new constitution was approved on 2 and 3 December 1979 establishing an Islamic Republic. The Constitutional Revolution began in 1905 with protest against a foreign director of customs (a Belgian) enforcing "with bureaucratic rigidity" the tariff collections to pay for a loan to another foreign source (Russians) that financed the shah's ( Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar ) extravagant tour of Europe. The revolutionaries – mainly bazaar merchants,
944-568: The Majles (Iranian parliament/National assembly) and declared the Constitution abolished because it was contrary to Islamic law . On June 23, 1908, the Shah bombarded the Majles with the military and political support of Russia and Britain . Morteza Gholi Khan Hedayat was the first Chairman of the period. According to W. Morgan Shuster , "Five days later [measured from February 1st]
1003-436: The majlis ) to the shah's policies. Parliament appointed American lawyer William Morgan Shuster as Persia's treasurer-general. In response, Russia issued an ultimatum to expel Shuster and suspend the parliament, occupying Tabriz . After shelling the Majles (parliament) of Iran in the capital Tehran, 40,000 of Mohammad Ali Shah's soldiers were ordered to attack Tabriz, where Constitutional rebels were holding out. Sattar Khan
1062-493: The "secret of strength" of Western governments. The political base of the constitutionalist movement to control the power of the shah was an alliance of the ulama , liberal and radical intellectuals, and the bazaar . But the alliance was based on common enemies rather than common goals. The ulama sought "to extend their own power and to have Shi'i Islam more strictly enforced"; the liberals and radicals desired "greater political and social democracy and economic development"; and
1121-454: The 1828 Treaty of Turkmenchay , Iran lost "Georgia, Armenia, and their Caspian navy" to Russia, "gave up its claims to Afghanistan, and paid an indemnity of three million pounds to the tsar". In the Treaty of Paris (1857) , it agreed to withdraw from Herat (formerly part of Iran) and signed a commercial treaty with Britain. The lack of a standing Iranian army was part of the problem because
1180-609: The Azali practice of taqiyya (dissimulation), determining whether or not a particular figure in Persian politics was an Azali is difficult. Taqiya ("dissimulation") was practiced by some Bábís. It was justified by some as a response to the often violent oppression the community faced. However, prominent Bábí leaders never encouraged individuals to practice it; and some who had practiced taqiyya later abandoned it, declared themselves openly, and were put to death. Among Azalis, however,
1239-601: The Azalis have included several prominent Iranian political and literary figures, notably Shaykh Ahmad Ruhi and Mirza Aqa Khan Kirmani . Persian Constitutional Revolution Revolution: June 1905 – August 1906 Semi-organized groups: [REDACTED] Qajar dynasty Civil war: August 1906 – July 1909 [REDACTED] Parliament Qajar dynasty The Persian Constitutional Revolution ( Persian : مشروطیت , romanized : Mashrūtiyyat , or انقلاب مشروطه Enghelāb-e Mashrūteh ), also known as
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#17327727190351298-603: The Elections to the Majlis. (No women, foreigners, men under 25, "persons notorious for mischievous opinions," those with a criminal record, active military personnel, etc. were allowed to vote. Members of the parliament were required to be fully literate in Persian, "Iranian subjects of Iranian extraction," "locally known," "not be in government employment," between the ages of 30 and 70, and "have some insight into affairs of State." The fundamental laws of December 30, 1906 defined
1357-510: The Majlis and threatened with death if they returned by "the shah's cabinet, backed by 12,000 Russian troops". The 1891 fatwa by Mirza Hasan Shirazi that effectively shut down tobacco use in Iran and reversed the monopoly agreement on tobacco, showed the enormous influence of the Usuli Twelver Shi'i clergy among the Iranian people that went beyond issues directly involved with religion. (Usuli Shi'i consider it obligatory for
1416-454: The Second Majlis from the parliament "with the support of 12,000 Russian troops". After the 1921 Persian coup d'état ( Persian : کودتای ۳ اسفند ۱۲۹۹ ), Iran's parliament amended the constitution on December 12, 1925, replacing the 1797–1925 Qajar dynasty with the Pahlavi dynasty as the legitimate sovereigns of Iran. The 1906–1907 constitution, though not adhered to, remained until after
1475-501: The Second Majlis, suffering from "internal dissension, apathy of the masses, antagonisms from the upper class, and open enmity from Britain and Russia", were "roughly" expelled from the Majlis and threatened with death if they returned by "the shah's cabinet, backed by 12,000 Russian troops". In between there were two different majles (parliaments), a deposed shah and a 1907 division of the country by Britain and Russia capitalizing on Iran's weak government. A new fundamental law created
1534-438: The bazaaris "to restrict favored foreign economic status and competition". The intellectuals were a "small but growing" group, many of whom learned of Western ways while travelling abroad and "were generally struck by Western economic development, comparative justice, and lack of arbitrary rule". In their writings these intellectuals criticized Iran's "autocratic rulers, petty officials, venal clerics, and arbitrary courts, and of
1593-579: The bazaars. This led to unprecedented nationwide protest erupting first among the bazaari , and then the ulama . In December 1891, the most important religious authority in Iran, marja' -e taqlid Mirza Hasan Shirazi , issued a fatwa declaring the use of tobacco to be tantamount to war against the Hidden Imam , using the strongest possible language to oppose the Régie (tobacco monopoly). Bazaars shut down, and Iranians stopped smoking tobacco, Despite
1652-679: The beginning of the constitutional movement, Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri made speeches and distributed tracts in support of the sources of emulation (Shi'i marja' religious leadership) in Najaf and their position on constitutionalism. They all agreed that the people must counter autocracy and injustice with a constitution that limited the powers of the state and a legislature that represented the country. However, when monarch Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar made clear his desire to roll back democracy and reestablish his authority by military and foreign support (in 1908), Shaikh Fazlullah reversed his position and sided with
1711-405: The constitution and bombarded the parliament in 1908 with Russian and British support. This led to a second effort with constitutionalist forces marching to Tehran, forced Mohammad Ali Shah's abdication in favor of his young son Ahmad Shah Qajar , and re-established the constitution in 1909. The revolution ended in December 1911 when the Shah's ministers oversaw the expulsion of the deputies of
1770-521: The country was neutral. In 1908, the shah moved to "exploit the divisions within the ranks of the reformers" and eliminate the majlis , staging a coup d'état and creating a period in Iranian history called the Minor Tyranny . It was at this point that Fazlollah Nori defected from the constitutionalists, helping the shah kill some revolutionaries and bomb the parliament. Persia tried to remain free of Russian influence through resistance (via
1829-552: The direction that Azali Bábism took immediately after the split, MacEoin said: Azali Babism represents the conservative core of the original Babi movement, opposed to innovation and preaching a religion for a non-clerical gnostic elite rather than the masses. It also retains the original Babi antagonism to the Qajar state and a commitment to political activism, in distinction to the quietist stance of Baháism [sic]. Paradoxically, Azali conservatism in religious matters seems to have provided
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1888-473: The embassy. During the summer of 1906, about 12,000 men camped in the gardens of the British embassy in what has been called a "vast open-air school of political science". Demand for a parliament ( majlis ) began, with the goal of limiting the power of the shah. Mozaffar ad-Din Shah agreed on a parliament in August 1906, and the first elections were held that fall. One hundred fifty-six members were elected,
1947-755: The forces that were raised to fight the Russians (for example) were "faction-ridden tribal contingents" and lacked modern artillery. To compensate for his lack of an army, the Qajar Shah would use "loyal tribes", putting down a rebellion by declaring a rebellious city or region "open booty" for the tribe, who would then appear to rape and pillage – a far more destructive means of discipline than arresting and punishing rebels. Major roads between cities that might have appeared to be investments in improving transportation, provided opportunities not for greater trade and prosperity, but for tax collectors to fleece towns along
2006-522: The highest level clerics ( marja' ) at the time – Akhund Khurasani , Mirza Husayn Tehrani and Shaykh Abdullah Mazandarani – who telegraphed fatwa in favor of the constitution from their schools in Najaf , Iraq; of the three, Muhammad Kazim Khurasani , (aka Akhund Khurasani) was the most involved in the issue, he and his student Muhammad Hossein Naini argued that while complete justice was impossible until
2065-538: The imposition of Persian tariffs to repay the Russian loan for Mozaffar ad-Din Shah's royal tour. In December of that year, two merchants in Tehran were bastinadoed for price-gouging. The city's merchants rebelled, closing its bazaar. The clergy followed suit as a result of the alliance formed during the Tobacco Protest . The two protesting groups sought sanctuary in a Tehran mosque, but the government entered
2124-543: The laws of Islam. Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar , the sixth Qajar shah, came to power in January 1907. He opposed the constitution. The British switched their support to the shah, abandoning the constitutionalists. In August of that year, taking advantage of Iran's weakness, the Anglo-Russian Convention was signed, dividing Iran into a Russian zone in the north and a British zone in the south; the center of
2183-411: The low status of women." The "mercantile class" or bazaari became convinced that "law and order, security of property, and immunity from arbitrary power could all be achieved by importing parliamentary democracy" from Europe. The ulama (i.e. Islamic scholars) had less to gain and a less direct incentive to support a constitution, but were convinced (at least for a time) that their "hierocracy vis-a-vis
2242-450: The millions. Azalis do not accept any of those who have advanced claims to be the Báb's promised one (known as " He whom God shall make manifest "). The most bitterly contested claim is that of Baháʼu'lláh in 1863. Azalis rejected his claim of divinity as premature, arguing that the world must first accept the laws of the Báb before "He Whom God Shall Make Manifest" can appear. With respect to
2301-442: The monarchy" would not be weakened. The tobacco protest of 1891–1892 was "the first mass nationwide popular movement in Iran", and described as a "dress rehearsal for the...Constitutional Revolution", formed from an anti-imperialist and antimonarchist coalition of "clerics, mercantile interests, and dissident intellectuals". In March 1890, Naser al-Din Shah granted a concession to an Englishman, Baron Paul Julius Reuter , for
2360-425: The mosque and dispersed them. The dispersal triggered a larger movement that sought refuge at a shrine outside Tehran. The shah yielded to the demonstrators on January 12, 1906, agreeing to dismiss his prime minister and transfer power to a "house of justice" (forerunner of the Iranian parliament). The basti protesters returned from the shrine in triumph, riding royal carriages and hailed by a jubilant crowd. During
2419-566: The overwhelming majority from Tehran and the merchant class. The National Consultative Assembly first met in October 1906. The shah was old and frail, and attending the inauguration of parliament was one of his last official acts. Mozaffar ad-Din Shah's son, Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar , was unsympathetic to constitutionalism; the shah signed the constitution (modeled on the Belgian constitution ) by December 31, 1906, making his power contingent on
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2478-478: The popularity of tobacco – which Iranians were said to be less likely to forego than bread – the religious ban was so successful that it was said that women in the shah's harem quit smoking. The protest demonstrated to the Iranians "for the first time that it was possible to win out against the Shah and foreign interests… there is a direct line from the coalition which participated in
2537-485: The powerful Bakhtiyari tribal leaders threw their support to the Tabriz rebels. Constitutionalist forces marched to Tehran, forced Mohammad Ali Shah's abdication in favor of his young son Ahmad Shah Qajar , and re-established the constitution in 1909. A further split in the revolutionary movement occurred in 1910 when "a group of guerrilla fighters headed by Sattar Khan, refused to obey a government order to disarm." After
2596-468: The practice became ingrained and widespread. One historian has noted: The Azali Babis and in particular Mirza Aqa Khan Kirmani and Shaykh Ahmad Ruhi showed little hesitation in alteration and falsification of Babi teachings and history in their works. Azali Babis regarded taqiyyah as an imperative requirement. In contrast the Azali Babis glorified taqiyyah in their literature. Taqiyyah was considered
2655-424: The price they were paid for wheat harvest dropped to 1/6 what it had been in 1871; irrigation systems had fallen into ruin, "turning fields and villages into desert". In 1872, Nasir al-Din Shah negotiated a concession granting a British citizen control over Persian roads, telegraphs, mills, factories, extraction of resources, and other public works in exchange for a fixed sum and 60% of net revenue. This concession
2714-582: The return of the Hidden Imam, "human experience and careful reflection" shows "that democracy reduces the tyranny of state" making it a "lesser evil" in governance and something Shi'i must support until the return of the Imam; also supporting constitutionalism was Mirza Ali Aqa Tabrizi , who argued that only the sources of emulation (highest level clerics) should be heeded when it comes to matters of faith. The leader of those opposing constitutional government
2773-501: The road, and thus "encouraged the local peasants to settle in more distant regions". A survey for the British Foreign Office reported: 'There are large tracts of fertile land which remain waste owing to their proximity to the main roads, as no village having cultivators on such spots can possibly prosper or enjoy the least immunity from the pestering visits of Government officials, and thefts and robberies committed by
2832-538: The role of the Majlis as a bicameral legislature: the National Consultative Assembly was to be based "on justice." and there was to be "another Assembly, entitled the Senate." The Constitutional Amendment of 1907 declared Twelver Shi'ism to be the state religion, and called for a council of five high ranking Twelver Shia clerics to ensure that the laws passed by the parliament were not against
2891-420: The shah and his court. 1st Iranian Majlis The 1st Iranian Majlis was a legislative assembly from October 7, 1906, to June 23, 1908. Its session was formally opened by Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar . Mozaffar's son and successor, Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar , became Shah on January 21, 1907. He was against the constitution that was ratified during the reign of his father. In 1907 Mohammad Ali dissolved
2950-440: The shah's court. Under the Qajar dynasty (1789–1925), foreign (Western) mass-manufactured products, "especially textiles, undermined the traditional handicrafts, and consequently presented for many bazaars a mutual enemy – the foreigner." In Isfahan at least, 10% of "the guilds in this city were weavers; not even 1/5 of those survived" competition with imported textiles. Widows and orphans were hurt, and farmers suffered: by 1894
3009-637: The tobacco movement… culminating in the Constitutional Revolution" and arguably the Iranian Revolution as well, according to Historian Nikki Keddie . The fourth Qajar monarch, Naser al-Din Shah was assassinated on 1 May 1896 by Mirza Reza Kermani , a follower of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī , when he was visiting and praying in the Shah Abdul-Azim Shrine . At Mozaffar al-Din Shah 's accession Persia faced
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#17327727190353068-435: The tribes.' Perhaps worst of all the indignities Iran suffered from the superior militaries of European powers were "a series of commercial capitulations." While the sales by the shah of titles, patents, privileges, concessions, monopolies, lands, ... high offices" paid for some improvements, such as a telegraph network and in Tehran a regular police force, a municipal civil service, etc., they were also spent on consumption by
3127-462: The way for the modern era in Persia, and debate in a burgeoning press. Many groups fought to shape the course of the revolution. The old order, which Shah Naser al-Din Shah Qajar had struggled for so long to sustain, was finally replaced by new institutions. Shah Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar signed the 1906 constitution shortly before his death. He was succeeded by Mohammad Ali Shah , who abolished
3186-469: The will of the people, and died three days later. The constitution itself was created by the royal proclamation on August 5, 1906 by Mozzafar al-Din Shah on "for the peace and tranquility of all the people of Persia." The Quran was the foundation of this constitution while the Belgian constitution served as a partial model for the document. The electoral law of September 9, 1906 defined the regulations for
3245-559: Was Fazlullah Nouri . Other opponents included Mullah Qurban Ali Zanjani. Nouri maintained that sharia was a complete code of life, not just for religious ritual, and any other codes were both unnecessary and against Islam. Although he ranked below Marja' religious leaders, he told Shi'i Muslims to ignore the Marja' they followed if that marja' supported democracy. After the parliament was formed, its members stayed in touch with Akhund Khurasani. Whenever legislative bills were discussed, he
3304-458: Was appointed the commander in chief of High Council, i.e. commander of the constitutionalist forces. By April 1909, the Tabriz rebels had lost large numbers of fighters, but succeeded in driving out royalist forces from the city, and Sattar Khan and his lieutenant Bagher Khan had distinguished themselves as heroes. Inspired by this victory, constitutionalists across Iran set up special committees in Tehran, Rasht, Qazvin, Isfahan and other cities, and
3363-497: Was disputed by Subh-i-Azal's grandson, Jalal Azal, indicating that this question was not entirely resolved. MacEoin notes that, in any event, neither he (Yahya Dawlatabadi) nor anyone else arose to organize the affairs of the community, or produce significant writing to develop the religion. He goes on to say (writing in 1999): With the deaths of those Azalis who were active in the Constitutional period, Azali Babism entered
3422-522: Was rolled back after bitter local opposition. Other concessions to the British included giving the new Imperial Bank of Persia exclusive rights to issue banknotes, and opening up the Karun River to navigation. Nikki R. Keddie points out that The Russo-Japanese War of 1904–05 and the Russian revolution of 1905 gave impetus to an Iranian opposition movement that had been growing since 1901. After
3481-629: Was telegraphed with the details for a juristic opinion. In a letter dated June 3, 1907, the parliament told Akhund about a group of anti-constitutionalists who were trying to undermine legitimacy of democracy in the name of religious law. Akhund Khurasani and the other two members of the trio ( Mirza Husayn Tehrani and Shaykh Abdullah Mazandarani ) replied: اساس این مجلس محترم مقدس بر امور مذکور مبتنی است. بر هر مسلمی سعی و اهتمام در استحکام و تشیید این اساس قویم لازم، و اقدام در موجبات اختلال آن محاده و معانده با صاحب شریعت مطهره علی الصادع بها و آله الطاهرین افضل الصلاه و السلام، و خیانت به دولت قوی شوکت است. At
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