The Biplobi Shainik Sangstha ( Bengali : বিপ্লবী সৈনিক সংস্থা , lit. 'Organisation of Revolutionary Soldiers') was a clandestine revolutionary socialist group of sepoy mutineers within the Bangladesh Army , active from 1973 to 1975. The BSS was formed by the vanguard socialist-revolutionary party Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JaSaD) and led by Maj. M.A. Jalil and Lt. Col. (retd.) Abu Taher . The BSS is known for staging the 7 November 1975 coup through the Sipahi–Janata Revolution , which would eventually make way for the rise of Lt. Gen. Ziaur Rahman in the country's politics.
27-565: The BSS was founded on 1 January 1973 at the staff quarters of Havildar Bari, who was part of Armoured Corps. The members were mainly junior and non-commissioned officers , who pledged their allegiance to the BSS by touching a Quran . The group held secret meetings at the Ahsanullah Hall of Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET). JaSaD founder Serajul Alam Khan was present at these meetings. Meetings were also held at
54-426: A company quartermaster sergeant , assisted the quartermaster in managing the company stores. The insignia was three chevrons with an Ashoka lion emblem above. [REDACTED] The company havildar major (CHM) was the most senior non-commissioned officer in a company , equivalent to a company sergeant major . The insignia was an Ashoka lion emblem. [REDACTED] The regimental quartermaster havildar (RQMH)
81-402: A coup removing Mostaq from power and placed Zia under house arrest. Before Zia was detained, he called Taher, urging him to do something. In response to Zia's request, the BSS held secret meetings each night between 4 and 6 November, under the leadership of Taher. The group had two goals, namely to free Zia from imprisonment and to implement a list of twelve demands. The twelve demands were of
108-408: A left-wing nature, as the opening line of the declaration read: "This revolution is for one purpose – the interests of the oppressed classes . For that, the entire structure of the armed forces must be changed. For many days we were the army of the richer class. The rich have used us for their own interests. The events of August 15 is but one example. However, this time we have revolted neither for
135-577: A civil war erupted in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) between Bengali nationalists and the Pakistani military government. Anthony Mascarenhas was a respected Pakistani journalist based in Karachi. When the conflict began, the Pakistani military brought a group of journalists on a 10-day guided tour of East Pakistan to show them how they had successfully quelled the 'freedom fighters.' Mascarenhas
162-625: A document, affirming his support for the demands. However, few of the demands would be met, as Zia had most of the leaders of the BSS arrested within a few weeks after the coup. Lawrence Lifschultz suggested that signing the document may have been a "tactical decision", meaning that Zia only signed it to keep the BSS satisfied on the day of the uprising. Mosharraf, Huda and Haider were killed during the uprising when the three officers went to the headquarters of the 10 Bengal Regiment. An eyewitness claimed that Capt. Jalil and Capt. Asad of
189-598: A havildar was a senior commander, being in charge of a fort during the times of the Mughal Empire . It was used as the equivalent of a sergeant in the British Raj , which has led to its current usage. Havildars could be further appointed to positions of higher authority. The appointments of company quartermaster havildar and company havildar major existed in the British Indian Army . Historically,
216-577: Is a rank in the Indian and Pakistani armies, equivalent to sergeant . It is not used in cavalry units, where the equivalent is daffadar . Like a British sergeant, a havildar wears three rank chevrons . "Havildar" is a Persian word in origin and means "person in charge", or more loosely "chief", from the Arabic حواله ("charge", "responsibility") and the Persian دار (dâr, "holder"). Historically,
243-426: The 10 Bengal Regiment ordered their troops to kill the three officers. Anthony Mascarenhas suggested that either Capt. Jalil or Capt. Asad may have been influenced by Abu Taher. According to MA Hamid, the rift between Taher and Zia intensified and came to a head from 7 November, as Zia was unwilling to accept all the demands of the BSS. As a result, the BSS soldiers began preparing for another countercoup against
270-542: The Pakistan army's brutal campaign to suppress its breakaway eastern province". The BBC writes: "There is little doubt that Mascarenhas' reportage played its part in ending the war. It helped turn world opinion against Pakistan and encouraged India to play a decisive role." Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi stating that Mascarenhas' article led her "to prepare the ground for India's armed intervention". The Bangladeshi government honoured Mascarenhas's contribution to
297-403: The cause of the rich nor on their behalf. This time we have revolted alongside the masses of the country. From today onwards the armed forces of the nation shall build themselves as the defender of the country's oppressed classes." By midnight on 6 November, all the preparations for the uprising were complete. Subedar Mehboob fired a single shot during the early hours of 7 November, which signalled
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#1732787160349324-427: The chief of this army anymore if there are so many demands!" After that the situation calmed down a bit and it was assured that the demands of the soldiers would be accepted step by step. Zia then formally instructed the officers to take action against the mutineers. Within a few weeks of the 7 November coup, Zia had the leaders of the uprising arrested. On 23 November, Abu Taher's brother, Flight Sergeant Abu Yusuf Khan
351-524: The devastation of villages by 'punitive action.' By publishing Mascarenhas' piece, the Sunday Times exposed the violence and refuted Pakistan's official line. This coverage was pivotal in turning world opinion against Pakistan's actions, strengthening the Bangladesh nationalist cause. Later on, he worked for 14 years with The Sunday Times . Afterwards, he was a freelance writer. In 1972, he
378-435: The headquarters of the 2nd Field Artillery regiment. According to Lt. Col. (retd) MA Hamid, Zia said in the speech that he had assumed the position of Chief Martial Law Administrator at the "request of Army". When Taher arrived at the headquarters, Zia reportedly embraced him and thanked Taher for saving his life. "You have saved the nation", Zia also said. When the BSS presented their twelve demands to Zia, he reportedly signed
405-623: The house of Abu Taher's brother, Flight Sergeant Abu Yusuf Khan. The BSS was popular among soldiers who served in Sector XI during the Bangladesh Liberation War , as Abu Taher was one the commanders of that sector. The group was also popular among soldiers from Comilla Cantonment , where Taher had once served as the commanding officer. After the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 15 August 1975, Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad came to power. Under Mostaq's new government ,
432-638: The most influential pieces of South Asian journalism of the past half century" Mascarenhas was born into a Goan Catholic family in Belgaum (then part of the Bombay Presidency ), just over 100 kilometres away from Portuguese-ruled Goa, and educated in Karachi . He and his wife Yvonne Mascarenhas together had five children. He died in 1986. Mascarenhas was a journalist who was the assistant editor at The Morning News (Karachi). In March 1971,
459-473: The officers. On the night of that day, 12 army officers were shot dead by the BSS soldiers in Dhaka Cantonment. Between 9 and 10 November, BSS and Chief of Army Staff Lt. Gen. Zia held regular meetings. The soldiers of BSS became agitated during the meeting on 10 November. Failing to pacify them, Zia, at one point, undid his uniform's waist belt and threw it on the ground, saying, "I don't want to be
486-518: The soldiers and organising a "socialist revolution". A total of 33 people were put on trial, including: Abu Taher was hanged on 21 July 1976, in Dhaka Central Jail. After 37 years, in 2013, a High Court verdict stated that the trial of Abu Taher was illegal and described it as a "cold-blooded murder". Havildar Havildar or havaldar ( Hindustani : हविलदार or हवलदार ( Devanagari ) , حوالدار ( Perso-Arabic ) )
513-500: The start of the uprising. Soldiers looted the armouries and boarded trucks and jeeps to occupy key locations in Dhaka. Troops from Jessore and Comilla came to Dhaka, in support of the uprising. During the coup, thousands of civilians poured into the streets to support the soldiers and shouted slogans such as "The people and soldiers have united". On 6 November night, soldiers belonging to the BSS freed Zia from imprisonment and took him to
540-539: The tightly controlled tour in 1971. He saw the aftermath of brutal mass killings and heard army officers describe large-scale atrocities. The officers even spoke casually about their 'kill counts' from that day's rampages. Realizing he could not report this news from within Pakistan due to strict censorship, Mascarenhas fled to London with his family. He informed Sunday Times editor Harold Evans of an organized "genocide" by Pakistani forces. His explosive eyewitness account detailed 'kill and burn missions' against Bengalis, and
567-612: The two senior-most havildars of a company became the CQMH and the CHM. However, these were just appointments and the commanding officer could promote or demote any of these ranks at his discretion. These appointments still technically exist in the modern Indian Army . However, havildars are now promoted directly to junior commissioned officer rank, as the duties of these historical appointments are now carried out by JCOs. [REDACTED] The company quartermaster havildar (CQMH), equivalent to
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#1732787160349594-467: The young army officers involved in Sheikh Mujib's assassination started "acting like generals", breaking the army's chain of command. In response to this, Brig. Khaled Mosharraf asked Lt. Gen. Ziaur Rahman to restore the chain of command, which Zia was either unwilling or unable to do. On 3 November, Brig. Khaled Mosharraf, Col. Khondkar Nazmul Huda and Lt. Col. Abu Taher Mohammad Haider staged
621-411: Was a Pakistani journalist and author. His works include exposés on the brutality of Pakistan 's military during the 1971 independence movement of Bangladesh , The Rape of Bangla Desh (1971) and Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood (1986). In 1971, he wrote the article titled Genocide , published by the Sunday Times, which has been dubbed as an article that "changed history", and recognized as "one of
648-583: Was arrested. When Abu Taher tried to contact Zia, he was not available. Instead, the Deputy Chief Martial Law Administrator , Major General Hussain Muhammad Ershad , spoke with him. Ershad informed Taher that the arrest of his brother was a police matter, which Ershad knew nothing about. On 24 November, Taher himself was arrested and taken to Dhaka Central Jail . He was accused of "instigating indiscipline" among
675-618: Was awarded the Granada's Gerald Barry Award for lifetime achievement in journalism (ceremony on What The Papers Say ), as well as the International Publishing Company's Special Award for reporting on the human rights violations committed during the Bangladesh Liberation War . His article "Genocide" in The Sunday Times on 13 June 1971 is credited with having "exposed for the first time the scale of
702-774: Was equivalent to a regimental quartermaster sergeant . [REDACTED] The regimental havildar major (RHM) was equivalent to a regimental sergeant major . Senior havildars might also be appointed company quartermaster havildar, company havildar major, battalion quartermaster havildar or battalion havildar major in the Pakistan Army . All of these appointments have different insignia and may vary from unit to unit. [REDACTED] Company quartermaster havildar [REDACTED] Company havildar major [REDACTED] Battalion quartermaster havildar [REDACTED] Battalion havildar major Anthony Mascarenhas Neville Anthony Mascarenhas (10 July 1928 – 3 December 1986)
729-421: Was one of the eight Pakistani reporters given permission to report from the war zone in East Pakistan. This was likely due to his good reputation and contacts within Pakistan's ruling elite. Foreign journalists had already been banned from the region. The military aimed to use the reporters to publish propaganda that promoted their narrative of events. However, Mascarenhas was horrified by what he witnessed during
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