Heinrich, Count von Brühl ( Polish : Henryk Brühl , 13 August 1700 – 28 October 1763), was a Polish-Saxon statesman at the court of Saxony and the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and a member of the powerful German von Brühl family. The incumbency of this ambitious politician coincided with the decline of both states. Brühl was a skillful diplomat and cunning strategist, who managed to attain control over Saxony and Poland , partly by controlling its king, Augustus III , who ultimately could only be accessed through Brühl himself.
42-603: (Redirected from Brühl Palace ) Brühl Palace can refer to several buildings owned by Heinrich (Henryk) von Brühl : three palaces in Warsaw Brühl Palace, Warsaw (destroyed in 1944, near Piłsudski's Square) Brühl Palace, Młociny (in Bielany district of Warsaw) Brühl Palace, Wola (in Wola district, destroyed in the 19th century) Brühl Palace, Brody (in
84-406: A Polish king had occurred in 1386, with the selection of Władysław II Jagiełło (Jogaila), Grand Duke of Lithuania , as the first king of Poland's second dynasty. The electors chose Władysław II Jagiełło as king, and he married a daughter of Louis I, Jadwiga of Poland , but had no promise that his dynasty would continue on the throne. He would need to issue more privileges to the nobility to secure
126-481: A Polish ruler's vote a century before the earliest Icelandic ones by the Althing ). Still, sources for that time are very sparse, and it is hard to estimate whether those elections were more than a formality. The election privilege, exercised during the gatherings known as wiec , was usually limited to the most powerful nobles ( magnates ) or officials, and was heavily influenced by local traditions and strength of
168-565: A constitutional-parliamentary monarchy. The tradition of electing the country's ruler, which occurred either when there was no clear heir to the throne, or to confirm the heir's appointment, dates to the very beginning of Polish statehood. Legends survive of the 9th-century election of the legendary founder of the first Polish royal family, Piast the Wheelwright of the Piast dynasty , and similar voting of his son, Siemowit (that would place
210-604: A month which he drew as salary for his innumerable offices, he was found when an inquiry was held in the next reign to have abstracted more than five million talers of public money for his private use. He left the work of the government offices to be done by his lackeys, whom he did not even supervise. Brühl died at Dresden on 28 October 1763, having survived his master only for a few weeks. The new elector, Frederick Christian caused an inquiry to be held into his administration. His fortune including large palaces at Pförten (present-day Brody), Oberlichtenau and Wachau -Seifersdorf
252-441: A novel under the title Count Brühl , in which he described Heinrich as an oppressive and stubborn dictator, who, with greed, but also great determination, unsuccessfully attempted to gain control of the entire nation. It is widely believed that Brühl had Europe's largest collection of watches and military vests; attributed to him was also a vast collection of ceremonial wigs, hats and the largest collection of Meissen porcelain in
294-461: A precursor of the general sejm (Polish parliament). The elections reinforced the empowerment of the electorate (the nobility), as the contender to the throne would increasingly consider issuing promises that he undertook to fulfil in the event of a successful election. Wenceslaus II of Bohemia made the first of such undertakings (the Litomyšl Privilege ) in 1291. Nonetheless, for most of
336-479: The Henrician Articles , passed by the first elected king, Henry of Valois . Particularly in the late 17th and 18th centuries, the political instability from the elections led numerous political writers to suggest major changes to the system: most notably, to restrict the elections to Polish candidates only (that became known as the "election of a Piast"), as many kings were from foreign nations, meaning
378-574: The election of Frederick Augustus II as Polish king (Augustus III the Saxon), who in the following War of the Polish Succession prevailed against his rival Stanisław I . During most of the thirty years of the ineffective reign of August III the Saxon, he was the major confidant of the king and the de facto head of the Saxon court. Reichsgraf since 27 November 1737, he had to acquiesce to
420-646: The elections of individual kings , rather than dynasties , to the Polish throne . Based on traditions dating to the very beginning of the Polish statehood, strengthened during the Piast and Jagiellon dynasties, they reached their final form in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth period between 1572 and 1791. The "free election" was abolished by the Constitution of 3 May 1791 , which established
462-511: The Great and the Polish nobility ( Privilege of Buda ). Louis had no sons, which created another dilemma for the succession of the Polish throne. In an attempt to secure the throne of Poland for his line, he gathered the nobles and sought their approval to have one of his daughters retained as the queen regnant of Poland in exchange for the Privilege of Koszyce (1374). The next election of
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#1732764722792504-467: The Old attempted to secure the hereditary throne for his 10-year-old son, there was a political crisis, and the Polish parliament, the sejm , ruled that a new king could be chosen during the life of his predecessor (that became known in the Polish politics as the vivente rege ). In 1572, Poland's Jagiellon dynasty became extinct upon the death, without a successor, of King Sigismund II Augustus . During
546-535: The Piast dynasty, electors customarily endorsed rulers from that dynasty, in accordance with hereditary descent. The Piast dynasty came to an end with the death without an heir of the last of the Polish Piasts of the main line, Casimir III the Great , in 1370. In a milestone for the process of the free elections, Casimir's nephew, Louis I of Hungary , became king after the agreement between him, Casimir III
588-443: The Polish election became a multi-national struggle. The elections also often saw the Polish nobility attempt to elect a weak and controllable monarch, and there were large amounts of corruption, particularly related to bribes. None of the projects at reforming the Polish election came into force, however. The Constitution of 3 May 1791 eliminated the practice of electing individuals to the monarchy. Three special sejms handled
630-552: The age. Caesar would have counted him among those curled and perfumed heads which he did not fear." Brühl was a capable diplomat, who played a vital role in the Diplomatic Revolution of 1756 and the convergence of Habsburgs and France . However he was wholly responsible for a ruinous fiscal policy which decisively weakened the position of Saxony within the Holy Roman Empire between 1733 and 1763; for
672-421: The arts - Francesco Algarotti called him a Maecenas . He owned a large gallery of pictures, which was bought by Empress Catherine II of Russia in 1768, and his library of 70,000 volumes was one of the biggest private libraries in the Holy Roman Empire . Brühl was portrayed by Johannes Riemann in the 1941 film Friedemann Bach . He married countess Franziska von Kolowrat-Krakowska on 29 April 1734. She
714-536: The city of Brody near Lublin) See also [ edit ] Brühl (disambiguation) Augustusburg and Falkenlust Palaces in Brühl (Rhineland) Brühl's Terrace in Dresden Topics referred to by the same term [REDACTED] This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title Brühl palace . If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to
756-425: The combined salaries of these offices. He also worked closely with Bishop Kajetan Sołtyk of Kraków. Brühl had cunning and skill sufficient to govern his master and get rid of his rivals and succeeded in keeping everybody at a distance from the king. No servant entered the king's service without the consent of Brühl, and even when the king went to the chapel all approach to him was prevented. A typical interaction of
798-520: The confidence of his master, which survived the ignominious flight into Bohemia , into which he was trapped by Brühl at the time of the Battle of Kesselsdorf , and all the miseries of the Seven Years' War. They fled with the pictures and the china, but the archives of the state were left to the victor. The favourite abused the confidence of his master shamelessly. Not content with the 67,000 talers
840-457: The country's regions. Most importantly, however, the Poles decided that they would choose the next king by election, and they finally established the terms of such election at a convocation sejm ( sejm konwokacyjny ) in 1573. On the initiative of nobles from Southern Poland, supported by the future Great Crown Chancellor and hetman Jan Zamoyski , all male szlachta ( nobles ) who assembled for
882-440: The decimated army, under Frederick Augustus Rutowsky , was compelled to surrender at Pirna from want of the necessary supplies. The army was dissolved, while Saxony remained a war theatre. Brühl was not only without political or military capacity, but was so garrulous that he could not keep a secret. His indiscretion was repeatedly responsible for the king of Prussia's discoveries of the plans laid against him. Nothing could shake
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#1732764722792924-669: The development of drama in Germany. Another granddaughter was Marie von Brühl , who married Carl von Clausewitz . Heinrich von Brühl also had a nephew named Hans Moritz von Brühl , the same as that of his youngest son. The nephew was a diplomat and astronomer, and lived much of his life in England . Attribution: Royal elections in Poland Royal elections in Poland ( Polish : wolna elekcja , lit. free election ) were
966-643: The ensuing interregnum , anxiety for the safety of the Commonwealth eventually led to agreements among the political classes that pending election of a new king, the Roman Catholic Primate of Poland would exercise supreme authority, acting as interrex (from the Latin ); and that special "hooded" confederations (Polish: konfederacje kapturowe , named after the hoods traditionally worn by their members) of nobility would assume power in each
1008-472: The guarantee that upon his death, one of his sons would inherit. The royal council chose the candidates, and the delegates of nobility and towns confirmed them during the sejm. The principle of election continued in effect throughout the nearly two centuries of the Jagiellon Dynasty , but just as in Piast times, it actually amounted to mere confirmation of the incoming heir. One could describe
1050-636: The hands of the prince. Under Duke Christian of Saxe-Weissenfels von Brühl was first placed as page with the dowager duchess, and was then received at her recommendation into the court of the Electorate of Saxony at Dresden as a Silberpage on 16 April 1719. He rapidly acquired the favour of the Elector Frederick Augustus I of Wettin , surnamed the Strong, who, in 1697, had been elected King of Poland (as Augustus II). Brühl
1092-410: The influence of old servants of the electoral house for a time, but after 1738 he was in effect sole minister, a position for which he actually had neither the skills nor the knowledge. The title of a Prime Minister was created for him in 1746, but as a classic court favourite his power extended beyond that office. Besides securing huge grants of land for himself, he acquired numerous titles, and he drew
1134-407: The intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Brühl_palace&oldid=1176753036 " Category : Disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages Heinrich von Br%C3%BChl Polish historian and writer Józef Ignacy Kraszewski wrote
1176-576: The intrigues which entangled the Electorate in the alliance against King Frederick II of Prussia , which led to the outbreak of the Seven Years' War ; and for the waste and want of foresight which left the bankrupt country utterly unprepared to resist the immediate attack of the Prussian king. At the beginning of the Seven Years' War the Saxon army comprised but 17,000 men. After a few weeks,
1218-502: The king not to be adhering to the laws of the state. While seemingly introducing a very democratic procedure, free elections, in practice, contributed to the inefficiency of the Commonwealth's government. The elections, open to all nobility, meant that magnates, who could exert significant control on the masses of poorer nobility, could exert much influence over the elections. The elections also encouraged foreign dynasties' meddling in Polish internal politics. On several occasions, if
1260-522: The king with Brühl has the king loitering about smoking, and asking, without looking at his favorite, "Brühl, have I any money?" "Yes, sire," was the continual answer, and to satisfy the king's demands, Brühl exhausted the state, plunged the country into debts and greatly reduced the army. Brühl kept 200 domestics; his guards were better paid than those of the king himself, and his table more sumptuous. Frederick II said of him, "Brühl had more garments, watches, laces, boots, shoes and slippers, than any man of
1302-487: The magnates could not come to an agreement, two candidates would proclaim themselves the king and civil wars erupted (most notably, the War of the Polish Succession of 1733–1738 , and the War of the Polish Succession of 1587–1588 , with smaller scale conflicts in 1576 and 1697). By the last years of the Commonwealth, royal elections grew to be seen as a source of conflicts and instability; Lerski describes them as having "become
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1344-470: The mistaken ambition which led Frederick Augustus II to become a candidate for the throne of Poland, which led to a civil war and did sustainable damage to the Polish sovereignty; for the engagements into which he entered in order to secure the support of Emperor Charles VI of Habsburg ; for the shameless and ill-timed tergiversations of Saxony during the War of the Austrian Succession ; for
1386-589: The monarchy of Poland at that time as "the hereditary monarchy with a[n] elective legislature." A major reason was the desire on the part of Polish nobility to retain the Polish–Lithuanian union , and the Jagiellon dynasty were the hereditary rulers of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania . Nonetheless, the pretense of having a choice by elections remained important for the nobility, and when in 1530 Sigismund I
1428-408: The process of the royal election in the interregnum period: The elections played a major role in curtailing the power of the monarch and so were a significant factor in preventing the rise of an absolute monarchy , with a strong executive, in the Commonwealth. Most tellingly, one of the provisions of the pacta conventa included the right of revolution ( rokosz ) for the nobility if it considered
1470-424: The purpose would become electors. Any Catholic nobleman could stand for election, but in practice, only rich and powerful members of foreign dynasties or Commonwealth magnates had a serious chance for consideration. With the election of the first king of the "free election" period, the elections assumed their final form, which would remain stable for the next two centuries. These elections would be solidified in
1512-614: The ruler. Traditions diverged in different regions of Poland during the period of fragmentation of Poland . In the Duchy of Masovia , the hereditary principle dominated, but in the Seniorate Province , elections became increasingly important. In the other provinces both elements mixed together. By the 12th or 13th century, the wiec institution limited participation to high-ranking nobles and officials. The nationwide wiec gatherings of officials in 1306 and 1310 can be seen as
1554-689: The world. He had also one of the biggest collection of kabbala books in Europe . Brühl was born in Gangloffsömmern the son of Johann Moritz von Brühl, a noble who held the office of the Oberhofmarschall at the court of Saxe-Weissenfels (ruled by a cadet branch of the Albertine House of Wettin ), by his first wife Erdmuth Sophie v. d. Heide. His father was ruined and compelled to part with his family estate, which passed into
1596-467: The world. In 1736 the architect Johann Christoph Knöffel had begun to build a city palace and terrace for the count on the bank of the Elbe in the heart of Dresden. This was originally called "Brühl's Garden" and is today known as Brühl's Terrace . The Brühl Palace at Warsaw was rebuilt according to the designs by Joachim Daniel von Jauch from 1754 to 1759. Brühl was a dedicated collector and protector of
1638-695: Was before the Revolution of 1789 a colonel in the French service , and afterwards general inspector of roads in Brandenburg and Pomerania . By his wife Margarethe Schleierweber, the daughter of a French corporal, and renowned for her beauty and intellectual gifts, he was the father of Carl von Brühl who as intendant-general of the Prussian royal theatres was of some importance in the history of
1680-416: Was born into one of the most powerful noble houses of Bohemian origin and was a favourite of the wife of Frederick Augustus. Four sons and a daughter survived him. His eldest son, Alois Friedrich von Brühl , was also a Saxon politician, and a soldier and dramatist as well. His daughter Maria Amalia married Polish count, Jerzy August Mniszech of Dukla . His youngest son, Hans Moritz von Brühl (1746–1811),
1722-493: Was found to amount to a million and a half talers , and was sequestered but afterwards restored to his family. The inquiry showed that Brühl owed his immense fortune to the prodigality of the king rather than to unlawful means of accumulation. His profusion was often beneficial to the arts and sciences. The famous Meissen porcelain Swan Service was made for him, with over 2,200 pieces, now dispersed to collections around
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1764-591: Was largely employed in procuring money for his extravagant master. He became Chief Receiver of Taxes and Minister of the Interior of Saxony in 1731. He was at Warsaw when his master died in 1733, and obtained the confidence of the Prince-Elector Frederick Augustus II , who was at Dresden at the time, by acquiring the papers and jewels of his late father and bringing them promptly to his successor. Von Brühl raised money to secure
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