77-538: Guelph (formerly Guelph—Wellington ) is a federal electoral district in Ontario , Canada, that has been represented in the House of Commons of Canada since 1979. This riding has had a Liberal MP since 1993. From 2008 until his decision not to run in 2015, the riding's parliamentary seat was held by Liberal MP Frank Valeriote . Valeriote had announced his intention to retire on November 15, 2014. The Liberal candidate in
154-573: A Federal Court judge, there was insufficient evidence to support charges in those ridings. The "robocall" incidents were referred to as the "Pierre Poutine" scandal because a cellphone in the affair was registered to a fictitious Pierre Poutine of Separatist Street in Joliette , Quebec . On June 2, 2014, Michael Sona, the former director of communications for the Conservative candidate in Guelph
231-481: A district at each election. In the case of Ontario , Toronto in 1886 and 1890 was a multi-member provincial district. Limited voting was used to ensure mixed representation and voter satisfaction. From 1908 to 1914, the four Toronto districts elected two MLAs each. With just a few exceptions, voters in multiple-member districts were able to cast as many votes as there were seats in the district ( block voting ). Usually, under block voting, one single party took all
308-400: A federal election to be held on October 14, 2008 occurred when Guelph was already in the throes of a by-election scheduled for September 8, which was intended to replace retiring Liberal MP Brenda Chamberlain . As a result of this, the by-election was cancelled, and the four major candidates running opted to represent their parties again in the federal election. They included: Frank Valeriote ,
385-498: A few variances from federal boundaries. The ward boundaries of Toronto City Council also correspond to federal electoral district boundaries, although they are numbered rather than using the federal names. Elections Canada is the independent body set up by Parliament to oversee Canadian federal elections , while each province and territory has its own separate elections agency to oversee the provincial and territorial elections. Originally, most electoral districts were equivalent to
462-654: A local lawyer with thorough community experience who had garnered the Liberal nomination in an upset over Marva Wisdom; Gloria Kovach, a popular city councillor and former President of the Federation of Canadian Municipalities who was controversially handed the Conservative nomination after incumbent nominee Brent Barr was ousted; Tom King , a renowned author and Native rights activist who received several high-profile endorsements after his NDP nomination; and Mike Nagy,
539-453: A long-time Green Party spokesperson. Initially in Guelph, optimism ran high that either the NDP, Green Party, or Conservative Party could procure the seat, as many felt that the nominees might benefit from the relative unpopularity of Stéphane Dion 's Liberals and the gaffes made by prior Liberal MP Brenda Chamberlain, who had failed to show up to a number of Parliamentary votes and retired before
616-580: A mere conglomeration of arbitrary and random groups of individuals. Districts should, as much as possible, be cohesive units with common interests related to representation. This makes a representative's job of articulating the interests of his or her constituency much easier." Instead, in the final report that was passed by the House of Commons, the Sudbury area's existing ridings of Sudbury and Nickel Belt were retained with only minor boundary adjustments, while
693-580: A new map that would have seen the cities of Charlottetown and Summerside each gain one additional seat, with two fewer seats allocated to rural areas of the province. The alternate map gave every incumbent member of the governing party a "safe" seat to run in, while the original report would have forced some of the party's MLAs to compete against each other in nomination contests. The unequal size of electoral districts across Canada has sometimes given rise to discussion of whether all Canadians enjoy equal democratic representation by population . For example,
770-400: A riding's name may be changed without a boundary adjustment. This usually happens when it is determined at a later date that the existing name is not sufficiently representative of the district's geographic boundaries. This is the only circumstance in which a sitting MP's riding name may change between elections. The number of electoral districts for first federal election in 1867 were set by
847-564: A rural resident may not even be able to call their federal or provincial representative's constituency offices without incurring long-distance calling charges. Further, a rural politician who represents dozens of geographically dispersed small towns must normally incur much greater travel expenses, being forced to drive for several hours, or even to travel by air, in order to visit parts of their own district—and may even need to maintain more than one constituency office in order to properly represent all of their constituents. In Ontario, for example,
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#1732771830232924-497: Is an English term denoting a sub-division of a county. In some of Canada's earliest censuses , in fact, some citizens in the Ontario ridings of Bothwell , Cardwell , Monck and Niagara listed their electoral district as their "county" of residence instead of their actual county. Although the term "riding" is no longer used officially to indicate an electoral district, it has passed into common usage. Soon after Confederation ,
1001-496: Is based. It is officially known in Canadian French as a circonscription but frequently called a comté ( county ). In Canadian English it is also colloquially and more commonly known as a riding or constituency . Each federal electoral district returns one Member of Parliament (MP) to the House of Commons of Canada ; each provincial or territorial electoral district returns one representative—called, depending on
1078-414: Is determined, an independent election boundaries commission in each province reviews the existing boundaries and proposes adjustments. Public input is then sought, which may then lead to changes in the final boundary proposal. For instance, the proposed boundaries may not accurately reflect a community's historical, political or economic relationship with its surrounding region; the community would thus advise
1155-404: Is generally known as a riding association ; the legal term is electoral district association or EDA. While electoral districts at both the federal and provincial levels are now exclusively single-member districts , multiple-member districts have been used in the past. The federal riding of Ottawa elected two members from 1872 to 1933. The federal riding of Halifax elected two members from
1232-414: Is no longer employed in the other provinces and territories. Electoral district boundaries are adjusted to reflect population changes after each decennial census . Depending on the significance of a boundary change, an electoral district's name may change as well. Any adjustment of electoral district boundaries is official as of the date the changes are legislated, but is not put into actual effect until
1309-621: Is produced, it is then submitted to Parliament, MPs may offer objections to the boundaries, but the boundary commissions are not compelled to make any changes as a result of the objections. At Canadian Confederation , the boundaries were defined by the Constitution Act, 1867 . Boundaries for one or more electoral districts were updated in 1872, 1882, 1892, 1903, 1914, 1924, 1933, and 1947. Subsequent changes are known as Representation Order , and occurred in 1952, 1966, 1976, 1987, 1996, 2003, 2013 and 2023. Such changes come into force "on
1386-531: The Constitution Act, 1867 on the principle of representation by population. The Act provided Quebec a minimum of 65 seats and seat allotment for the remainder of the country was based by dividing the average population of Quebec's 65 electoral districts to determine the number of seats for other provinces. The Act also specified that distribution and boundary reviews should occur after each 10 year census. The boundaries for Quebec's seats were based on
1463-488: The 2012 electoral redistribution . A so-called "robocall" or voter suppression scandal occurred in this riding during the 2011 federal election , when hundreds of Guelph voters who were opposition supporters received automated calls, or 'robocalls', claiming to be from Elections Canada on election day, May 2, 2011. These calls directed them to the wrong polling stations. While reports of such calls were also alleged in five other ridings, later described as election fraud by
1540-594: The counties used for local government, hence the French unofficial term comté . However, it became common, especially in Ontario, to divide counties with sufficient population into multiple electoral divisions. The Constitution Act, 1867 , which created the electoral map for Ontario for the first federal and provincial general elections, used the term "ridings" to describe districts which were sub-divisions of counties. The word " riding ", from Old English *þriðing "one-third" (compare farthing , literally "one-fourth"),
1617-406: The urban population grew—and more importantly, most city dwellers gained the franchise after property ownership was no longer required to gain the vote. Rural constituencies therefore became geographically larger through the 20th century and generally encompassed one or more counties each, and the word "riding" became used to refer to any electoral division. A political party's local organization
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#17327718302321694-469: The "Senate floor", a province's number of seats in the House of Commons can never be lower than the province's representation in the Senate . Under the " grandfather clause ", the province's number of seats can also never fall below the number of seats it had in the 43rd Canadian Parliament (2019–2021). Under the "representation rule", no province that had a higher share of seats than its population share in
1771-453: The 1800s to 1966. The federal riding of Victoria elected two members from 1872 to 1903. As well, eight other federal ridings elected multiple (two) members at different times. As well, every province plus the territories of Yukon and Northwest Territories at one time or another used multi-seat districts. The use of multi-member districts usually led to the use of plurality block voting but occasionally other forms of voting were used in
1848-457: The 2012 redistribution process, especially to a proposal which would have divided the Church and Wellesley neighbourhood, the city's primary gay village , between the existing riding of Toronto Centre and a new riding of Mount Pleasant along the length of Wellesley Street . In the final report, the northern boundary of Toronto Centre was shifted north to Charles Street. Once the final report
1925-536: The 2015 federal election in the riding was Lloyd Longfield, who previously served as president of the Guelph Chamber of Commerce. Longfield was first elected on October 19, 2015 and reelected on October 21, 2019. Guelph riding was created in 1976 from parts of Halton—Wentworth , Wellington and Wellington—Grey ridings. It consisted initially of the Townships of Eramosa, Guelph, Pilkington and Puslinch and
2002-536: The 65 seats Canada East had held in the Parliament of the Province of Canada , prior to Confederation, while the boundaries for Ontario's 82 seats were set by the Constitution Act, 1867 . The present formula for adjusting electoral boundaries was adopted in 2022. It starts by calculating an "electoral quotient", based on the average of the growth rate of the provinces since the time of the last redistribution,
2079-521: The Canadian House of Commons but 130 in its provincial legislature. For the 1999 Ontario general election , however, the government of Mike Harris passed legislation which mandated that seats in the provincial legislature would follow federal electoral district boundaries, both reducing the size of the legislature and eliminating the cost of the province conducting its own boundary adjustment process. After each federal boundary adjustment, seats in
2156-530: The City of Guelph in the County of Wellington. The electoral district was abolished in 1987 when it was merged into Guelph—Wellington riding, adding Erin to the existing boundaries. In 1996, Erin and Pilkington was removed from the riding. In 2003, a new riding of Guelph was created again, consisting solely of the City of Guelph . This riding gained a fraction of territory from Wellington—Halton Hills during
2233-564: The Conservative opponent's position on abortion. The call failed to identify its originator and did not give a callback number. Under a settlement agreement with Valeriote, the CRTC assessed a CA$ 4,900 fine. In 2008, the election in Guelph was a four-way one between the NDP, Greens, the Tories and the Liberals, who came out on top. The NDP only won a small handful of polls in the centre part of
2310-487: The House of Commons from 1974 to 1979. Maine dropped out of the race after the riding's nomination meeting was scheduled for an early date, arguing that this favoured Chamberlain. Chamberlain went on to win the Liberal nomination by acclamation. Maine later decided to run as an independent candidate against Chamberlain in the 1993 federal election . Chamberlain was elected handily as the Liberals took all but one of Ontario's 101 seats—the closest any party has come to sweeping
2387-475: The Liberal Trudeau government tabled legislation to prevent Quebec (or any other province) from losing any seats relative to the number of seats it was apportioned in 2012 Canadian federal electoral redistribution . Bill C-14 amended Rule 2 of subsection 51(1) of the Constitution Act, 1867 , commonly known as the "Grandfather Clause". The Bill passed the House of Commons on June 15, 2022, passed
Guelph (federal electoral district) - Misplaced Pages Continue
2464-453: The Senate on June 21, 2022, and received royal assent on June 23, 2022. The Chief Electoral Officer announced the new allocation of seats on July 8, 2022, which would result in an increase to 343 seats. The act was introduced after a Bloc Québécois ' motion calling for government action to protect the number of Quebec's seat after redistribution. When the province's final seat allotment
2541-655: The Timiskaming riding was merged with Nipissing . Despite the opposition that arose to the 2003 process, however, virtually the same tripartite division of the city was proposed in the boundary adjustment of 2012, although due to concerns around balancing the Northern Ontario region's population against its geographic size, the commission announced in 2013 that it would retain the existing electoral districts again. Similarly, opposition arose in Toronto during
2618-778: The Wellington County Literacy Council from 1989 to 1993, and of the Guelph-Wellington Career Educational Council from 1992 to 1993. During this time she also served on the Wellington County Board of Education (1985–1993). Chamberlain sought the federal Liberal nomination in Guelph-Wellington in 1992. Chamberlain's main challenger for the nomination was to be former Liberal Member of Parliament Frank Maine, who represented Guelph in
2695-418: The boundary commission that it wished to be included in a different electoral district. For example, in the 2003 boundary adjustment, the boundary commission in Ontario originally proposed dividing the city of Greater Sudbury into three districts. The urban core would have remained largely unchanged as Sudbury , while communities west of the central city would have been merged with Algoma—Manitoulin to form
2772-470: The city were divided into one city-based riding and two large rural ones rather than two city-based ridings, while the Timiskaming District is much more strongly aligned with and connected to North Bay , to which it has a direct highway link, than to Sudbury. In a deputation to the boundary commission, Sudbury's deputy mayor Ron Dupuis stated that "An electoral district must be more than
2849-472: The city, which was also where the Greens did well. In fact, the Greens dominated the central part of the city. The Tories did well on the fringes of the city, mostly along the northern borders and in the far south of the city. The Liberals won the southern and northern and western parts of the city. In 2011, despite a Conservative majority that saw the Liberals have their worst result ever, they were able to retain
2926-472: The country's biggest province at the federal level. Chamberlain was re-elected by greater margins in the elections of 1997 and 2000 . For many years, she was known as a strong supporter of Paul Martin in his bid to succeed Jean Chrétien as leader of the Liberal Party. Chamberlain won another easy victory in the election of 2004 , defeating her Conservative opponent by nearly 10,000 votes in
3003-523: The current electoral district and Wellington—Halton Hills electoral district. Note: Canadian Alliance vote is compared to the Reform vote in 1997 election. 43°33′N 80°15′W / 43.550°N 80.250°W / 43.550; -80.250 Electoral district (Canada) An electoral district in Canada is a geographical constituency upon which Canada 's representative democracy
3080-402: The district for the capital city of Charlottetown was divided into two. After 1966, however, the electoral district boundaries again remained unchanged until 1996, when the province adopted new single-member districts. Under the new model, electoral districts are now adjusted every ten years, although most adjustments are geographically modest and the district's name is sometimes, but not always,
3157-476: The end of her term in office. Ultimately, however, Frank Valeriote was able to narrowly garner the seat over star candidate Gloria Kovach, who lost by around three percent and decreased the margin of defeat for her party. Noteworthy, too, was the increase in the electoral returns of the Green Party, who managed to fare better than the federal NDP in Guelph for the first time, finishing with twenty-one percent of
Guelph (federal electoral district) - Misplaced Pages Continue
3234-472: The failed Charlottetown Accord , no such rule currently exists—Quebec's seat allotment in the House of Commons is in fact governed by the same adjustment clauses as all other provinces, and not by any provisions unique to Quebec alone. However, such provisions have existed at various times in the past. From 1867 to 1946 Quebec was allocated 65 seats, with the other provinces allocated seats based on their size relative to Quebec. The "amalgam formula" of 1976 set
3311-486: The far north of the province. As a result, the province currently has 121 seats in the House of Commons, but 124 seats in the provincial legislature. When Prince Edward Island joined Confederation in 1873, it set a fixed formula in which each of the province's three counties was divided into five electoral districts per county, each of which elected two representatives to the provincial legislature. These districts were never adjusted for demographic changes, except in 1966 when
3388-483: The federal ones; in the Northern Ontario region, however, because the region's slower growth would result in the gradual loss of seats compared to the more rapidly growing south, most districts still retain the same boundaries as the federal districts that were in place as of 2003, and are not readjusted to correspond to current federal boundaries. For the 2018 Ontario general election , further, two new uniquely provincial districts were added to increase representation for
3465-423: The first dissolution of Parliament that occurs at least seven months after the day on which that proclamation was issued". The boundary adjustment processes for electoral districts in provincial or territorial legislative assemblies follow provincial or territorial, rather than federal, law; they are overseen by each province's or territory's own election agency rather than by Elections Canada, and legislated by
3542-476: The first subsequent election. Thus, an electoral district may officially cease to exist, but will continue to be represented status quo in the House of Commons until the next election is called. This, for example, gives new riding associations time to organize, and prevents the confusion that would result from changing elected MPs' electoral district assignments in the middle of a Parliament. On some occasions (e.g., Timiskaming—French River , Toronto—Danforth ),
3619-543: The four federal electoral districts in Prince Edward Island have an average size of just 33,963 voters each, while federal electoral districts in Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia have an average size of over 125,000 voters each—only slightly smaller, in fact, than the entire population of Prince Edward Island. Conversely, pure representation by population creates distinct disadvantages for some Canadians, giving rise to frequent debate about how to balance
3696-510: The highest annual expense budgets among members of the Legislative Assembly of Ontario are consistently filed by the representatives for Mushkegowuk—James Bay and Kiiwetinoong , the province's two largest and northernmost electoral districts; both must spend far more on travel to and from Toronto, travel within their own ridings and additional support staff in multiple communities within their ridings than any other legislator in
3773-419: The last redistribution can have its share of seats drop below its population share. A province may be allocated extra seats over its base entitlement to ensure that these rules are met. In 2022, for example, Prince Edward Island would have been entitled to only two seats according to the electoral quotient, but through the senatorial clause the province gained two more seats to equal its four senators. Quebec
3850-506: The legislative assembly would henceforth be automatically realigned to match the federal boundaries at the first subsequent provincial election. Although most electoral districts in the province still conform to federal boundaries, later amendments to the 1999 legislation have reauthorized the introduction of some differences from the federal map. In the Southern Ontario region, provincial districts remain in precise alignment with
3927-555: The multi-seat districts. From 1920 to 1949 Winnipeg used single transferable vote (STV) to elect 10 MLAs in a single city-wide district. And then the city was made into three four-member districts, again with the seats filled through STV. St. Boniface elected two MLAs in 1949 and 1953 through STV. Alberta had three provincial districts that at various times returned two, five, six or seven members: see Calgary , Edmonton and Medicine Hat . Prior to 1924 these seats were filled through plurality block voting but from 1924 to 1956
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#17327718302324004-424: The new riding of Greater Sudbury—Manitoulin, and those east and north of the central city would have been merged with Timiskaming to create the riding of Timiskaming—Greater Sudbury. Due to the region's economic and transportation patterns, however, "Timiskaming—Greater Sudbury" was particularly opposed by its potential residents — voters in Sudbury were concerned about the weakening of their representation if
4081-400: The number of Quebec seats to 75, which was to be increased by 4 after each decennial census. Other "large" provinces (over 2.5 million) would be assigned seats based on their relative population to Quebec. The amalgam formula was applied only once, based on the 1971 census. After the 1981 census it was realized that adding an additional four seats to Quebec every ten years would rapidly inflate
4158-428: The only substantive change that actually occurs. Because electoral district boundaries are proposed by an arms-length body , rather than directly by political parties themselves, gerrymandering is not generally seen as an issue in Canada. However, in 2006 the provincial government of Prince Edward Island was accused of gerrymandering after it rejected the independent boundary commission's report and instead proposed
4235-453: The other clauses. The 2012 redistribution , which added three new seats in Quebec under the newly added representation rule, was the first and so far only time since 1985 that any of the other seven provinces had ever gained new seats. Some sources incorrectly state that a special provision guaranteeing a certain number of seats to Quebec is also applied. While such a provision was proposed in
4312-587: The population size of electoral districts against their geographic size. Whereas urban districts, such as Toronto Centre , Vancouver Centre or Papineau , may be as small as 15 square kilometres (5.8 sq mi) or less, more rural districts, such as Timmins-James Bay , Abitibi—Baie-James—Nunavik—Eeyou or Desnethé—Missinippi—Churchill River may encompass tens or hundreds of thousands of square kilometres. Thus, while Canadians who reside in major urban centres typically live within walking distance of their federal or provincial representatives' constituency offices,
4389-496: The post or plurality block voting ). The only exception were the 1952 and 1953 elections, when instant-runoff voting was used. In the case of multi-member districts, separate contests were used to elect separate MLAs in the same district. Prince Edward Island had dual-member districts at the provincial level from Confederation to the 1996 election . In the case of New Brunswick , between 1935 and 1974, some ridings were multi member districts, electing more than one MLA in
4466-409: The previous redistribution's electoral quotient is then multiplied by this average, and then the population of each individual province is divided by this electoral quotient then rounded up to determine the number of seats to which the province is officially entitled. Additionally, one seat is automatically allocated to each of Canada's three territories. Finally, a few special rules are applied. Under
4543-482: The process results in most provinces maintaining the same number of seats from one redistribution to the next, due to the senatorial and grandfather clauses—prior to the 2015 election , only Ontario , Alberta and British Columbia , traditionally the country's three fastest-growing provinces, had ever gained seats in a redistribution. All other provinces still held the same number of seats that they held in 1985, and were thus already protected from losing even one seat by
4620-550: The province losing clout in Ottawa if its proportion of seats in the House of Commons were reduced; finally, three new seats were allotted to Quebec as well. The measure did not pass before the 2011 election was called, but was put forward again after the election. It was passed on December 16, 2011 as the Fair Representation Act (Bill C-20), and resulted in the 2012 redistribution process. On March 24, 2022,
4697-798: The province or territory, Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA), Member of the National Assembly (MNA), Member of Provincial Parliament (MPP) or Member of the House of Assembly (MHA)—to the provincial or territorial legislature. Since 2015, there have been 338 federal electoral districts in Canada. In provincial and territorial legislatures, the provinces and territories each set their own number of electoral districts independently of their federal representation. The province of Ontario currently defines most of its provincial electoral districts to align with federal boundaries; no other province does so, and even Ontario maintains
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#17327718302324774-440: The province. A 2017 study found, that 41 of the 338 federal ridings, have populations where visible minorities /Non Whites form the majority of the riding. Ontario and British Columbia have the largest number of ridings where visible minorities form the majority. Quebec has the most ridings with less than 5% visible minorities. Brenda Chamberlain (politician) Brenda Kay Chamberlain , PC (born April 9, 1952)
4851-424: The provincial legislature rather than the federal parliament. Each province is free to decide its own number of legislative assembly seats, and is not required to comply with the federal quotas that govern its number of parliamentary districts. Prior to 1999, provincial electoral districts were defined independently of federal districts; at the time of the 1995 Ontario general election , the province had 103 seats in
4928-517: The redistributed riding of Guelph. Chamberlain was elected a fifth time in the election of 2006 , in which the Conservative Party won a national minority government . She was one of the more socially conservative members of the Liberal caucus, and was a vocal opponent of her own party's plans to decriminalize the possession of small amounts of marijuana . Chamberlain also voted against her party's same-sex marriage bill in 2005. She
5005-482: The seat by a larger margin as the substantial Green voteshare fell by almost 15 points. In 2015, Liberal voteshare once again rose, to almost 50%. In 2019, the Greens made a major comeback to finish in second ahead of the Conservatives with 26%. However, the Liberals retained the seat with a comfortable 15 point margin. This riding has elected the following members of the Canadian House of Commons: The call for
5082-522: The seats in the district. STV was used in Alberta and Manitoba multi-member districts from 1920s to 1950s. STV almost always produced mixed representation with no one-party sweep. As mentioned, limited voting was used in Toronto when it was a multi-member district. IRV was used in all BC districts including the multi-member districts, in 1952 and 1953. This voting system ensured that the winner had
5159-516: The seats were filled through single transferable voting (STV). Saskatchewan used multi-member provincial districts in Saskatoon , Regina and Moose Jaw , from 1920 to 1967. These seats were filled through multiple non-transferable vote . British Columbia provincially had a mix of multiple-member districts and single-member districts at the provincial level from 1871 to the 1991 election . Members were elected through plurality ( first past
5236-642: The sentence. He did not appeal the conviction. Based on another incident during the 2011 federal election campaign, Liberal MP Frank Valeriote’s riding association was fined by the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission for violations of the Unsolicited Telecommunications Rules. As reported by the National Post , this fine was based on a robocall message that anonymously attacked
5313-659: The size of the House of Commons, so that formula was abandoned in favour of the 1985 Representation Act . In 2008 the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper proposed an amendment to the process which would have given Alberta, British Columbia and Ontario, the three provinces whose electoral districts have an average size larger than those in Quebec, a total of 32 additional seats by applying Quebec's average of 105,000. The measure initially included only British Columbia and Alberta; Harper later proposed an alternative plan which included Ontario. However, opposition then emerged in Quebec, where politicians expressed concern about
5390-615: The support of a majority of votes in each contest but did nothing to create proportionality. Electoral district names are usually geographic in nature, and chosen to represent the community or region within the electoral district boundaries. Some electoral districts in Quebec are named for historical figures rather than geography, e.g., Louis-Hébert , Honoré-Mercier . Similarly in Alberta, provincial districts mix geographic names with those of historical personages (e.g., Edmonton-Decore after Laurence Decore , Calgary-Lougheed after Peter Lougheed and James Alexander Lougheed ). This practice
5467-469: The vote – almost three times what they had received in the 2006 election. In terms of distance from winning position, Guelph was the Green Party's best result in the country in 2008. Note: Conservative vote is compared to the total of the Canadian Alliance vote and Progressive Conservative vote in 2000 election. The riding was part of the riding known as Guelph—Wellington from 1988 to 2003. It
5544-464: Was a member of the House of Commons of Canada , representing the riding of Guelph for the Liberal Party from 1993 until her resignation as of April, 2008. Chamberlain was born in Toronto , Ontario . She was a home daycare owner and operator from 1979 to 1983, and served as the administrative assistant in a family-owned business from 1984 to 1987. She also served as Executive Director of
5621-501: Was about to retire she stood for re-election in 2006 and won handily. Just over two years later, on March 7, 2008, Chamberlain announced her resignation from the House of Commons effective April 7. She did not provide a reason for her resignation. During that election and thereafter the Guelph Mercury subjected Chamberlain to increasing degrees of criticism. Hansard will show that Chamberlain's last official votes occurred during
5698-538: Was also involved in legislation which forced Bell Canada to revise its 411 billing policy. Chamberlain served as parliamentary secretary to the Minister of Labour from 1997 to 1999, and was parliamentary secretary to the president of the Queen's Privy Council, with special emphasis on public service reform and Métis and Non-Status Indians, from December 2003 to July 2004. Although opposition spread rumours that she
5775-598: Was charged with "wilfully preventing or endeavouring to prevent an elector from voting". Sona was found guilty on November 14, 2014 and was sentenced to nine months in jail plus twelve months of probation. During the trial, Justice Hearn agreed with the Crown prosecutor's allegation that Sona had likely not acted alone. Sona was released from the Maplehurst Correctional Complex on December 1, 2014, on bail after serving twelve days, pending his appeal of
5852-492: Was created in 1987 to include parts of Wellington—Dufferin—Simcoe electoral districts. Guelph—Wellington initially consisted of the City of Guelph, the Village of Erin, and the townships of Eramosa, Erin, Guelph, Pilkington and Puslinch in the County of Wellington. In 1996, the riding was re-defined to consist of the City of Guelph and the townships of Eramosa, Guelph and Puslinch before being abolished in 2003, and split into
5929-438: Was only entitled to 71 seats by the electoral quotient alone, but through the grandfather clause the province gained seven seats to equal the 78 seats it had in the 43rd Parliament. Saskatchewan and Manitoba also gained seats under the grandfather clause, New Brunswick gained seats under the senatorial clause, and Nova Scotia and Newfoundland and Labrador gained seats under the grandfather and senate clauses. In practice,
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