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Kofyar people

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The Kofyar are a population in central Nigeria numbering around 50,000. After several anthropological studies, they provide good illustrations of how colonial authorities become unwittingly enmeshed in local politics; of sustainable subsistence agricultural production in crowded areas; of successful self-directed development of market-oriented agriculture; and of the use of "traditional" cultural resources to prosper in modern Nigeria.

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33-655: The population known as the Kofyar actually comprises three different "tribes" as designated by British colonial officers: the Doemak (or Dimmuk), Merniang, and Kwalla. However the three groups have a common language , economic pattern, and origin myth, and had formed into a union called the Koffyer Federation in the 1940s; they have therefore been referred to as a single group by anthropologists. When first encountered by early British colonial authorities, they lived in

66-527: A broad and a slender consonant. In Scottish Gaelic , it represents /a/ or /ɛ/ between a broad and a slender consonant, except when preceding word-final or pre-consonant ⟨ll, m, nn⟩ (e.g. cainnt /kʰaiɲtʲ/ , or pre-consonant ⟨bh, mh⟩ (e.g. aimhreit /ˈaivɾʲɪtʲ/ . In the Kernowek Standard orthography of Cornish , it represents /eː/ , mostly in loanwords from English such as paint . ⟨ aí ⟩

99-534: A consonant or finally); or /bm/ (before a vowel); examples are mabm ('mother') or hebma ('this'). ⟨ bp ⟩ is used in Sandawe and romanized Thai for /p/ . ⟨bp⟩ (capital ⟨bP⟩ ) is used in Irish , as the eclipsis of ⟨p⟩ , to represent /bˠ/ (beside ⟨a, o, u⟩ ) and /bʲ/ (beside ⟨e, i⟩ ). ⟨ bv ⟩

132-424: A geminated /tʃ/ , as in lacci /ˈlat.tʃi/ . In Piedmontese and Lombard , ⟨cc⟩ represents the /tʃ/ sound at the end of a word. In Hadza it is the glottalized click /ᵑǀˀ/ . In English crip slang, ⟨cc⟩ can sometimes replace the letters ⟨ck⟩ or ⟨ct⟩ at the ends of words, such as with thicc , protecc , succ and fucc . ⟨ cg ⟩

165-806: Is found in a few words such as paon representing /ɑ̃/ and as paonne representing /a/ . In Malagasy , it represents /o/ . In Wymysorys , it represents /œʏ̯/ . ⟨ ão ⟩ is used in Portuguese for /ɐ̃ũ̯/ . ⟨ aq ⟩ is used in Taa , for the pharyngealized vowel /aˤ/ . ⟨ au ⟩ is used in English for /ɔː/ . It occasionally represents /aʊ/ , as in flautist . Other pronunciations are /æ/ or /ɑː/ (depending on dialect) in aunt and laugh , /eɪ/ in gauge , /oʊ/ in gauche and chauffeur , and /ə/ as in meerschaum and restaurant . ⟨ äu ⟩

198-490: Is in some proper names) for [ɔ] or [ʌ] (in Danish), until it was replaced with ⟨ å ⟩ . There is a ligature ⟨ Ꜳ ⟩ . In Cantonese romanisations such as Jyutping or Yale , it is used for /aː/ , contrasting with ⟨a⟩ /ɐ/ . ⟨ ae ⟩ is used in Irish for /eː/ between two "broad" ( velarized ) consonants, e.g. Gael /ɡeːlˠ/ "a Gael ". ⟨ ãe ⟩

231-611: Is used for /ɐ̃/ before a consonant. In French it represents /ɑ̃/ ( /an/ before a vowel). In Breton it represents /ɑ̃n/ . ⟨ aⁿ ⟩ is used in Hokkien Pe̍h-ōe-jī for /ã/ . ⟨ ân ⟩ is used in Portuguese for a stressed /ɐ̃/ before a consonant. ⟨ än ⟩ is used in Tibetan Pinyin for /ɛ̃/ . It is alternately written ⟨ ain ⟩ . ⟨ ån ⟩

264-416: Is used for the fortis sound /p͈/ , otherwise spelled ⟨pp⟩ ; e.g. hobbang . In Hadza it represents the ejective /pʼ/ . In several African languages it is implosive /ɓ/ . In Cypriot Arabic it is /bʱ/ . ⟨ bd ⟩ is used in English for /d/ in a few words of Greek origin, such as bdellatomy . When not initial, it represents /bd/ , as in abdicate . ⟨ bf ⟩

297-527: Is used in Bavarian and several African languages for the /b̪͡v/ . ⟨ bh ⟩ is used in transcriptions of Indo-Aryan languages for a murmured voiced bilabial plosive ( /bʱ/ ), and for equivalent sounds in other languages. In Juǀʼhoan , it's used for the similar prevoiced aspirated plosive /b͡pʰ/ . It is used in Irish to represent /w/ (beside ⟨a, o, u⟩ ) and /vʲ/ (beside ⟨e, i⟩ ), word-initially it marks

330-536: Is used in German for the diphthong /ɔɪ/ in declension of native words with ⟨au⟩ ; elsewhere, /ɔɪ/ is written as ⟨eu⟩ . In words, mostly of Latin origin, where ⟨ä⟩ and ⟨u⟩ are separated by a syllable boundary, it represents /ɛ.ʊ/ , e.g. Matthäus (a German form for Matthew ). ⟨ aw ⟩ is used in English in ways that parallel English ⟨au⟩ , though it appears more often at

363-594: Is used in Irish for /iː/ between a broad and a slender consonant. ⟨ aî ⟩ is used in French for /ɛː/ , as in aînesse /ɛːnɛs/ or maître /mɛːtʁ/ . ⟨ ái ⟩ is used in Irish for /aː/ between a broad and a slender consonant. ⟨ ài ⟩ is used in Scottish Gaelic for /aː/ or sometimes /ɛː/ , between a broad and a slender consonant. ⟨ ãi ⟩

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396-419: Is used in Portuguese for /ɐ̃ĩ̯/ , usually spelt ⟨ãe⟩ . ⟨ am ⟩ is used in Portuguese for /ɐ̃ũ̯/ word finally, /ɐ̃/ before a consonant, and /am/ before a vowel. In French, it represents /ɑ̃/ . ⟨ âm ⟩ is used in Portuguese for a stressed /ɐ̃/ before a consonant. ⟨ an ⟩ is used in many languages to write a nasal vowel . In Portuguese it

429-606: Is used in Portuguese for /ɐ̃ĩ̯/ . ⟨ ah ⟩ is used in Taa for breathy or murmured /a̤/ . In German and English it typically represents a long vowel /ɑː/ . ⟨ ai ⟩ is used in many languages, typically representing the diphthong /aɪ/ . In English , due to the Great Vowel Shift , it represents /eɪ/ as in pain and rain , while in unstressed syllables it may represent /ə/ , e.g. bargain and certain(ly) . In French , it represents /ɛ/ . In Irish and it represents /a/ between

462-621: Is used in Walloon , for the nasal vowel /ɔ̃/ . ⟨ aŋ ⟩ is used in Lakhota for the nasal vowel /ã/ ⟨ ao ⟩ is used in many languages, such as Piedmontese and Mandarin Pinyin , to represent /au̯/ . In Irish , it represents /iː/ ( /eː/ in Munster ) between broad consonants. In Scottish Gaelic , it represents /ɯː/ between broad consonants. In French , it

495-668: Is used in Bari and Hausa (in Nigeria) for /ʔʲ/ , but in Niger, Hausa ⟨ʼy⟩ is replaced with ⟨ƴ ⟩ . ⟨ aʼ ⟩ is used in Taa for the glottalized or creaky-voiced vowel /a̰/ . ⟨ aa ⟩ is used in Dutch , Finnish and other languages with phonemic long vowels for /aː/ . It was formerly used in Danish and Norwegian (and still

528-541: Is used in Bari for /ɗ/ . ⟨ ʼm ⟩ is used in the Wu MiniDict Romanisation for dark or yin tone /m/ . It is also often written as /ʔm/ . ⟨ ʼn ⟩ is used in the Wu MiniDict Romanisation for dark /n/ . ⟨ ʼng ⟩ is used in the Wu MiniDict Romanisation for dark /ŋ/ . ⟨ ʼny ⟩ is used in the Wu MiniDict Romanisation for dark /ȵ/ . ⟨ ʼy ⟩ (capital ⟨ ʼY ⟩ )

561-587: Is used in English for /eɪ/ . ⟨ bb ⟩ is used in Pinyin for /b/ in languages such as Yi , where ⟨b⟩ stands for /p/ . It was used in Portuguese until 1947. It had the same sound as ⟨b⟩ . Was used only for etymological purposes. In Hungarian , it represents geminated /bː/ . In English, doubling a letter indicates that the previous vowel is short (so ⟨bb⟩ represents /b/ ). In ISO romanized Korean , it

594-645: Is used in the General Alphabet of Cameroon Languages for the voiced labiodental affricate /b̪͡v/ . ⟨ bz ⟩ is used in Shona for a whistled sibilant cluster /bz͎/ . ⟨ cc ⟩ is used in Andean Spanish for loanwords from Quechua or Aymara with /q/ , as in Ccozcco (modern Qusqu) (' Cuzco '). In Italian , ⟨cc⟩ before a front vowel represents

627-517: The lenition of ⟨b⟩ , e.g. mo bhád /mˠə waːd̪ˠ/ "my boat", bheadh /vʲɛx/ "would be". In Scottish Gaelic , it represents /v/ , or in a few contexts as /w/~/u/ between a broad vowel and a broad consonant or between two broad vowels, as in labhair /l̪ˠau.ɪɾʲ/ . In the orthography used in Guinea before 1985 , ⟨bh⟩ was used in Pular (a Fula language ) for

660-546: The voiced bilabial implosive /ɓ/ , whereas in Xhosa , Zulu , and Shona , ⟨b⟩ represents the implosive and ⟨bh⟩ represents the plosive /b/ . In some orthographies of Dan , ⟨b⟩ is /b/ and ⟨bh⟩ is /ɓ/ . ⟨ bm ⟩ is used in Cornish for an optionally pre-occluded /m/ ; that is, it represents either /m/ or /mː/ (in any position); /ᵇm/ (before

693-407: The 1980s, Benue Valley Kofyar were producing considerable surpluses of yams , rice , peanuts , pearl millet and sorghum using labor-intensive but generally sustainable methods – an interesting contrast to the externally supported agricultural development schemes in the region, which have generally failed. As in the homeland, millet beer was found to play a key role not only in daily life but in

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726-701: The Kofyar demonstrated a reversion to less labor-intensive long-fallow systems when land became available on the plains south of their traditional region. He further developed these ideas and placed the Kofyar within a much broader comparative context in his Smallholders, Householders . During the 1950s, the Kofyar began to settle in the fertile plains of the Benue Valley to the south of the Jos Plateau. Pioneering farms there used extensive slash-and-burn methods, but with rising population density and market stimulus, intensive methods were gradually introduced. By

759-548: The Kofyars' efforts to maintain it as a cultural and economic resource. Many Kofyar who live elsewhere still keep secondary homes in the homeland. Kofyar language Pan is an Afro-Asiatic dialect cluster spoken in Plateau State , Nigeria . Dialects are Bwol, Dimmuk (Doemak), Gworam, Jipal, Kofyar (Kwong), Kwagallak (Kwolla), and Mirriam (Mernyang). Blench (2019) lists the following language varieties in

792-503: The Pan cluster. Village locations are cited by Blench (2019) from Hon, et al. (2014). Note that in the villages names, orthographic oe stands for the mid central vowel ə , a practice that had been adopted by missionaries in the Shendam area during the 1930s, such as Father E. Sirlinger. Oe (digraph) This is a list of digraphs used in various Latin alphabets . In

825-470: The end of a word. In Cornish , it represents /aʊ/ or /æʊ/ . In Welsh , it represents /au/ . ⟨ ay ⟩ is used in English in ways that parallel ⟨ai⟩ , though it appears more often at the end of a word. In French, it represents /ɛj/ before a vowel (as in ayant ) and /ɛ.i/ before a consonant (as in pays ). In Cornish , it represents /aɪ/ , /əɪ/ , /ɛː/ , or /eː/ . ⟨ a_e ⟩ (a split digraph )

858-535: The end. Capitalisation only involves the first letter ( ⟨ch⟩ becomes ⟨Ch⟩ ) unless otherwise stated ( ⟨ij⟩ becomes ⟨IJ⟩ in Dutch , and digraphs marking eclipsis in Irish , are capitalised on the second letter, i.e. ⟨mb⟩ becomes ⟨mB⟩ ). ⟨ ʼb ⟩ (capital ⟨ ʼB ⟩ ) is used in Bari for /ɓ/ . ⟨ ʼd ⟩ (capital ⟨ ʼD ⟩ )

891-447: The highly intensive agriculture being practiced and also the social institutions that were instrumental to sustainability. Much of the land was in annual cultivation, with animal herds providing dung compost for fertilizer, and steep hillsides were intricately terraced. Netting's Hill Farmers of Nigeria , a classic book in the field of cultural ecology , showed how social institutions such as household form and land tenure had adjusted to

924-466: The intensive cultivation system. Netting compared adaptations of Kofyar and their neighbors to demonstrate Ester Boserup 's thesis that agricultural intensification relates to the growth of increasingly dense population and decreasing per capita land area. Kofyar families farmed most intensively close to their homesteads while using less intensive bush and forest fallow systems, which required less investment, on more distant fields. Netting also observed that

957-474: The list, letters with diacritics are arranged in alphabetical order according to their base, e.g. ⟨ å ⟩ is alphabetised with ⟨a⟩ , not at the end of the alphabet, as it would be in Danish , Norwegian and Swedish . Substantially-modified letters, such as ⟨ ſ ⟩ (a variant of ⟨s⟩ ) and ⟨ɔ⟩ (based on ⟨o⟩ ), are placed at

990-494: The organization of agricultural production. The highly productive farming system ran almost entirely on human labor, with little external inputs, and a key strategy for mobilizing local labor was the "mar muos", a festive labor party at which all workers were served generous amounts of millet beer. Although most Kofyars now live in the Benue Valley (or in cities), the Jos Plateau homeland is still inhabited largely because of

1023-416: The plains below for nine years. In an award-winning study, anthropologist Robert Netting explained how Barlow had been unknowingly used in a local political dispute. Robert Netting began anthropological research with the Kofyar in the early 1960s. In the Kofyar homeland population densities were high, approaching 500/km² in many areas. Netting's primary focus was on the Kofyar ecological adaptations, including

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1056-522: The rugged hills in the southeastern corner of the Jos Plateau and in settlements around the plateau base. Their subjugation by the British was largely non-violent until 1930, when a young Assistant District Officer named Barlow was killed in the hill village of Latok by a rock thrown at his head. After this the residents of Latok and neighboring villages were forced out of the hills and made to live on

1089-702: Was used for [ddʒ] or [gg] in Old English ( ecg in Old English sounded like 'edge' in Modern English, while frocga sounded like 'froga'), where both are long consonants . It is used for the click /ǀχ/ in Naro , and in the Tindall orthography of Khoekhoe for the voiceless dental click /ǀ/ . ⟨ ch ⟩ is used in several languages. In English, it can represent /tʃ/ , /k/ , /ʃ/ , /x/ or /h/ . See article. ⟨ çh ⟩

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