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116-458: It was originally one of the twelve cities of Attica. The historian Herodotus reports that Decelea's citizens enjoyed a special relationship with Sparta . The Spartans took control of Decelea around 413 BC. With advice from Alcibiades in 415 BC, the former Athenian general wanted on Athenian charges of religious crimes, the Spartans and their allies, under king Agis II , fortified Decelea as

232-444: A Persian subject, and it may be that the young Herodotus heard local eyewitness accounts of events within the empire and of Persian preparations for the invasion of Greece , including the movements of the local fleet under the command of Artemisia I of Caria . Inscriptions recently discovered at Halicarnassus indicate that Artemesia's grandson Lygdamis negotiated with a local assembly to settle disputes over seized property, which

348-473: A boy living on the island of Samos, to which he had fled with his family from the oppressions of Lygdamis, tyrant of Halicarnassus and grandson of Artemisia. Panyassis , the epic poet related to Herodotus, is reported to have taken part in a failed uprising. The Suda also states that Herodotus later returned home to lead the revolt that eventually overthrew the tyrant. Due to recent discoveries of inscriptions at Halicarnassus dated to about Herodotus's time, it

464-664: A historical topic more in keeping with the Greek world-view: focused on the context of the polis or city-state. The interplay of civilizations was more relevant to Greeks living in Anatolia, such as Herodotus himself, for whom life within a foreign civilization was a recent memory. Before the Persian crisis, history had been represented among the Greeks only by local or family traditions. The "Wars of Liberation" had given to Herodotus

580-404: A literary critic of Augustan Rome , listed seven predecessors of Herodotus, describing their works as simple unadorned accounts of their own and other cities and people, Greek or foreign, including popular legends, sometimes melodramatic and naïve, often charming – all traits that can be found in the work of Herodotus himself. Modern historians regard the chronology as uncertain, but according to

696-470: A lookout on the passes of Mount Cithaeron. At night on the same day, Mardonius dispatched his cavalry to attack a Greek supply convoy, which resulted in the Greek supply lines being halted. The Greeks were attacked by the Persian cavalry for the next two days. He launched another cavalry raid on the Greek lines, which succeeded in blocking the Gargaphian spring, which had been the only source of water for

812-598: A major military post in the later stage of the Peloponnesian War , giving them control of rural Attica and cutting off the primary land route for food imports. This was a serious blow to Athens, which was concurrently being beaten in the Sicilian Expedition it had undertaken in the west. The Spartan military presence in Attica, in a deviation from previous policy where Spartans returned home for

928-462: A retreat to Thebes where they had "already stored a great deal of food, as well as fodder for the pack animals." However, the retreat went awry. The Allied contingents in the centre began their movement late at night, and perhaps because they were not aware of the new terrain, ended up advancing 1.8 kilometres (1.1 mi) past the island to arrive at the Temple of Hera . The Tegeans and Spartans on

1044-686: A similarly long line. They note that the Spartan phalanxes were eight ranks deep in only one instance in recorded history. They argue that the Greeks had formed a defensive line during the final battle, and would send small groups out to provoke the Persians into breaking their formations, and only then would they start pushing like Classical hoplite phalanxes. They argue that the Greeks would not have formed tight phalanxes, and instead would have kept some distance between each soldier to allow individual soldiers to attack. Konijnendijk and Bardunias note that

1160-432: A title conferred on him by the ancient Roman orator Cicero , and the " Father of Lies " by others. The Histories primarily cover the lives of prominent kings and famous battles such as Marathon , Thermopylae , Artemisium , Salamis , Plataea , and Mycale . His work deviates from the main topics to provide a cultural, ethnographical , geographical, and historiographical background that forms an essential part of

1276-696: A version of the Histories written by "Herodotus of Thurium", and some passages in the Histories have been interpreted as proof that he wrote about Magna Graecia from personal experience there (IV, 15,99; VI, 127). According to Ptolemaeus Chennus , a late source summarized in the Library of Photius , Plesirrhous the Thessalian, the hymnographer, was the eromenos of Herodotus and his heir. This account has also led some historians to assume Herodotus died childless. Intimate knowledge of some events in

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1392-520: A young Thucydides happened to be in the assembly with his father, and burst into tears during the recital. Herodotus observed prophetically to the boy's father: "Your son's soul yearns for knowledge." Eventually, Thucydides and Herodotus became close enough for both to be interred in Thucydides's tomb in Athens. Such at least was the opinion of Marcellinus in his Life of Thucydides . According to

1508-640: Is consistent with a tyrant under pressure. His name is not mentioned later in the tribute list of the Athenian Delian League , indicating that there might well have been a successful uprising against him some time before 454 BC. Herodotus wrote his Histories in the Ionian dialect , in spite of being born in a Dorian settlement. According to the Suda , Herodotus learned the Ionian dialect as

1624-491: Is generally assumed that he died not long afterwards, possibly before his sixtieth year. Herodotus would have made his researches known to the larger world through oral recitations to a public crowd. John Marincola writes in his introduction to the Penguin edition of the Histories that there are certain identifiable pieces in the early books of Herodotus's work which could be labeled as "performance pieces". These portions of

1740-400: Is generally considered a reliable source of ancient history, many present-day historians believe that his accounts are at least partially inaccurate, attributing the observed inconsistencies in the Histories to exaggeration. Several English translations of Herodotus's Histories are available in multiple editions, including: Battle of Plataea The Battle of Plataea

1856-809: Is now known that the Ionic dialect was used in Halicarnassus in some official documents, so there is no need to assume (like the Suda ) that he must have learned the dialect elsewhere. The Suda is the only source placing Herodotus as the heroic liberator of his birthplace, casting doubt upon the veracity of that romantic account. As Herodotus himself reveals, Halicarnassus, though a Dorian city, had ended its close relations with its Dorian neighbours after an unseemly quarrel (I, 144), and it had helped pioneer Greek trade with Egypt (II, 178). It was, therefore, an outward-looking, international-minded port within

1972-609: Is on account of the many strange stories and the folk-tales he reported that his critics have branded him "The Father of Lies". Even his own contemporaries found reason to scoff at his achievement. In fact, one modern scholar has wondered whether Herodotus left his home in Greek Anatolia , migrating westwards to Athens and beyond, because his own countrymen had ridiculed his work, a circumstance possibly hinted at in an epitaph said to have been dedicated to Herodotus at one of his three supposed resting places, Thuria : Herodotus

2088-535: The Alcmaeonids , a clan whose history is featured frequently in his writing. According to Plutarch , Herodotus was granted a financial reward by the Athenian assembly in recognition of his work. Plutarch, using Diyllus as a source, says this was 10 talents . In 443 BC or shortly afterwards, he migrated to Thurii , in modern Calabria , as part of an Athenian-sponsored colony . Aristotle refers to

2204-569: The Byzantine Suda , an 11th-century encyclopedia which possibly took its information from traditional accounts. Still, the challenge is great: The data are so few – they rest upon such late and slight authority; they are so improbable or so contradictory, that to compile them into a biography is like building a house of cards, which the first breath of criticism will blow to the ground. Still, certain points may be approximately fixed ... Herodotus was, according to his own statement, at

2320-491: The Euphrates to Babylon . For some reason, possibly associated with local politics, he subsequently found himself unpopular in Halicarnassus, and sometime around 447 BC, migrated to Periclean Athens  – a city whose people and democratic institutions he openly admired (V, 78). Athens was also the place where he came to know the local topography (VI, 137; VIII, 52–55), as well as leading citizens such as

2436-557: The Hellespont . A congress of city states met, probably at Corinth , in 481   BC, and a confederate alliance of Greek city-states was formed, generally referred to as the Allies. In August 480   BC, after hearing of Xerxes' approach, a small Allied army led by Spartan King Leonidas I blocked the pass of Thermopylae . Famously, the massively outnumbered Greek army held Thermopylae for three days before being outflanked by

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2552-463: The Isthmus of Corinth . Euryanax was chosen by Pausanias as his deputy commander. The Greek army was also reinforced by contingents of hoplites from the other Allied city-states. The historian Nicholas Sekunda argues that Herodotus had assumed that each Greek hoplite was accompanied by a lightly armed attendant from the ranks of the psiloi , which had led to Herodotus inflating his numbers for

2668-649: The Peloponnesian War on the abduction of some prostitutes – a mocking reference to Herodotus, who reported the Persians' account of their wars with Greece , beginning with the rapes of the mythical heroines Io , Europa , Medea , and Helen . Similarly, the Athenian historian Thucydides dismissed Herodotus as a story-teller. Thucydides, who had been trained in rhetoric , became the model for subsequent prose-writers as an author who seeks to appear firmly in control of his material, whereas with his frequent digressions Herodotus appeared to minimize (or possibly disguise) his authorial control. Moreover, Thucydides developed

2784-576: The Persian Empire , and the historian's family could well have had contacts in other countries under Persian rule, facilitating his travels and his researches. Herodotus's eyewitness accounts indicate that he traveled in Egypt in association with Athenians, probably sometime after 454 BC or possibly earlier, after an Athenian fleet had assisted the uprising against Persian rule in 460–454 BC. He probably traveled to Tyre next and then down

2900-581: The Suda , he was buried in Macedonian Pella and in the agora in Thurii. Herodotus announced the purpose and scope of his work at the beginning of his Histories: Here are presented the results of the inquiry carried out by Herodotus of Halicarnassus. The purpose is to prevent the traces of human events from being erased by time, and to preserve the fame of the important and remarkable achievements produced by both Greeks and non-Greeks; among

3016-513: The Allies, marking a turning point in the conflict. Following the defeat of his navy at Salamis, Xerxes retreated to Sardis with a minor portion of his army. Xerxes left Mardonius with the charge of his troops. Mardonius decided to spend the winter in Thessaly . Mardonius tried to win over the Athenians and their fleet through the mediation of Alexander I of Macedon . Upon their refusal,

3132-581: The Athenians to reinforce his troops, but the latter had been engaged by the phalanx of the Thebans and Mardonius' Greeks, and were unable to assist Pausanias. Konijnendijk argues that the Spartans' flank had been attacked by the Persians, and notes that Pausanias had asked the Athenians to deploy their archers, who were tactically needed against the Persian archers and missileers, if they could not deploy all of their army. Meanwhile, Mardonius had learned of

3248-605: The Athenians, marking the beginning of a new phase in the Greco-Persian Wars, the Greek counter-attack . In Sestos, the medizing general Artayctes was crucified and his son was stoned to death by Xanthippus , an Athenian general. According to Plutarch , Alexander the Great , during his invasion of Persia , had recognized that the victory at Plataea had paved the way for his conquest. The cuirass armor of Masistius,

3364-560: The Greek army into territory that would be advantageous for the Persian cavalry. Mardonius withdrew from Attica through the Decelea defile , passed by Sphendale , encamped for a night at Tanagra and then marched to Skolos . Mardonius built a fortified encampment around 1.9 square kilometres (0.73 sq mi) in area on the north bank of the Asopos river in Boeotia, thus covering

3480-472: The Greek army, as they could not draw from the Asopos due to the threat posed by Persian archers. The Greeks had now been encamped at their second position for 12 days. Coupled with the lack of food, the restriction of the water supply made the Greek position untenable, so they decided to retreat to a position in front of Plataea, from where they could guard the passes and have access to fresh water. To prevent

3596-438: The Greek army. He argues that at least 500 people would have accompanied each column, and that thus a minimum of 2,000 auxiliaries had arrived at the Greek camp since four columns had already supplied them, and that at least 1,500 auxiliaries would always have to be travelling on the supply lines. The historian Nicholas Sekunda argues that the animals in the supply column would have been pack animals and not oxen, and says that

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3712-408: The Greek battle line fragmented. Thinking that the Greeks were in full retreat, Mardonius ordered his forces to pursue them, but the Greeks, particularly the Spartans, Tegeans and Athenians halted and gave battle, routing the lightly armed Persian infantry and killing Mardonius. A large portion of the Persian army was trapped in its camp and killed. The destruction of this army, and the remnants of

3828-456: The Greek phalanx. Konecny argues that the distance between both fronts might have been 50 metres (160 ft) to 70 metres (230 ft). Another estimate for the distance between the Greek and Persian lines is 100 metres (330 ft) to 150 metres (490 ft). By now, the Persians had formed their shield wall and their archers continued to fire while covered behind it. The Persian Immortals would have ten soldiers in each column, with those on

3944-457: The Greek retreat and rushed to Pausanias' position with the Persian left wing he was personally commanding. They had marched around 5 kilometres (3.1 mi) from their camp behind the Asopos river to the Argiopios. The Greeks had put up their shields at their front line and were fighting the Persian cavalry. The Persians were not advancing in a formation but managed to form their lines opposite

4060-528: The Greek supply train destroyed by the Persian cavalry would have had 120 tons of supplies. He estimates that the Greek army at Plataea had a total of 78,000 soldiers and that these supplies would have lasted for two days, if each soldier were to receive one choinix of rations per day, equivalent to 800 grams (1.8 lb). Konecny estimates that each column would have had to travel 75 kilometres (47 mi) one way, and argues that there would have been three supply columns in transit at all times in order to supply

4176-486: The Greeks the following year. In the summer of 479   BC, the Greeks assembled a huge army and marched out of the Peloponnesus. The Persians retreated to Boeotia and built a fortified camp near Plataea. The Greeks, however, refused to be drawn into the prime terrain for cavalry around the Persian camp, resulting in a stalemate that lasted 11 days. While attempting a retreat after their supply lines were disrupted,

4292-421: The Greeks would attack; Herodotus claims this is because both sides had received bad omens from their seers. Konecny argues that this is because both of them were waiting for their opponent to attack first. The armies thus stayed camped in their locations for eight days. On the eighth day after the arrival of the Persian and Greek armies at Plataea, heeding the advice of a Theban named Timagenes, Mardonius set up

4408-504: The Greeks would have formed an open phalanx and not a closed one. He argues that the Spartans then formed a defensive line, thus pulling the Persians in towards them. He argues that the continuing use of ballistic weapons and small clashes along the lines would have reduced numbers on both sides, however, the Greeks did not break ranks and retreat. Meanwhile, the Spartans had outnumbered the Persians guarding Mardonius. Konijnendijk argues that these Persians would have inflicted many casualties on

4524-419: The Greeks' numbers, and postulates that the Greeks may have been the ones who outnumbered the Persians, since the latter feared the size of the former's army. Konijendjik argues that the Persian strategy was to pursue a lengthened war and thus force a Greek retreat, since the latter had limited access to supplies and water. He argues that the Greek strategy was to pull the Persians into a pitched battle , because

4640-431: The Greeks' spears by grabbing hold of them, but failed. At this point, the hoplites might have closed the distances between each other and huddled together tightly. They started pushing against the Persians who were risking asphyxiation because they were not accustomed to such fighting. The Persians may have stepped back a little and sent small groups to attack portions of the Greek line, in order to make them withdraw from

4756-499: The Greeks. He argues that the Persians could have outflanked the Greeks easily, but they did not because they actually did not outnumber the Greeks by a lot. He also argues that Mardonius normally would not have proposed a duel of champions between the Persian Immortals and Greek hoplites because it would have reduced his numerical advantage. Konijnendijk argues that Mardonius had proposed the duel because he wanted to reduce

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4872-725: The Medes, the Bactrians were deployed in front of the 3,400 soldiers of Epidaurus, Troezen, Lepreum, Tiryns, Mycenae, and Phlius. Konecny estimates that these Bactrians would have totaled around 6,000 to 9,000. After the Bactrians were the Indians and Sacae , opposite the 3,300 soldiers of Hermione, Eretria, Styra, Chalcis, Anaktoria, Leucadia, Palea, and Aegina. Konecny estimates that these Indians and Sace would have totaled around 6,000 to 9,000. The Medes, Bactrians, Indians and Sacae formed

4988-473: The Megarians at the spot where the Persian cavalry was attacking. These Athenians were commanded by Olympiodoros . The Athenians formed a single or double line formation, and from their rear their archers fired their volleys. An Athenian archer managed to hit Masistius' horse when the latter was on the frontline opposite the Athenians. Masistius was flung off his horse and landed near the Athenian line, where

5104-692: The Persian cavalry commander, was displayed at the shrine of Athena Polias in the Erechtheion , located in the Acropolis complex in Athens, and was still to be found at the same location in the 2nd century   AD. The geographer Pausanias had also seen a sword, said to be Mardonius' acinaces , in the Acropolis. The manger of Mardonius' horse was gifted to the Temple of Athena Alea in Tegea, and

5220-406: The Persian cavalry from attacking during the retreat, it was to be performed that night. The position the Greeks chose for their retreat was named the "island", at a distance of 1.8 kilometres (1.1 mi) from both the Asopos river and the Gargaphian spring. During the day chosen for the retreat, the Greeks underwent constant attacks by the Persian cavalry. Meanwhile, the Persians were considering

5336-454: The Persian cavalry over the Greek infantry, and how the former had initiated the battle at Plataea. He argues that these cavaliers could fire arrows and javelins at the Greeks without coming within the range of the latter's spears; and that the Persian infantry inflicted much damage on the Spartans, who did not have long-range weapons to counter and defend themselves. He also observes how the Persians used their archers for area denial by putting

5452-477: The Persian desire to conquer Greece was much diminished. The Spartan hoplites who died were buried in two different graves, while the helots were buried in a third one. Those buried at the first grave were either priests ( irees ) or "young men in their twenties" ( irenes ). Pausanias did not permit the desecration of Mardonius' corpse. The allied Greek army rested for ten days and then proceeded to siege Thebes and rebuke its politicians who had been proponents of

5568-548: The Persian invasion force, led by the Persian king Xerxes I in person, had scored victories at the battles of Thermopylae and Artemisium and conquered the regions of Thessaly , Phocis , Boeotia, Athens, Euboea and Attica . However, at the ensuing Battle of Salamis , the allied Greek navy had won an unlikely but decisive victory, preventing the conquest of the Peloponnesus region. Xerxes then retreated with much of his army, leaving his general Mardonius to finish off

5684-522: The Persian invasions. Based on his estimates for the daily victual provisions, Sekunda estimates that the daily spending on rations by the Greeks would have been 10,000 drachmas. He argues that the allied Greeks could have arranged such sums. Sekunda observes that the battle of Plataea was the first instance of a Greek army receiving supplies on the battlefield, instead of living off the land, getting supplies from allied polities on their route or buying from markets set up by camp followers. Konecny argues that

5800-537: The Persian navy allegedly on the same day at the Battle of Mycale , decisively ended the invasion. After Plataea and Mycale, the Greek allies would take the offensive against the Persians, marking a new phase of the Greco-Persian Wars . The Achaemenid Emperor Xerxes I , on his accession quickly initiated his preparations for an invasion of Greece, including the task of building two pontoon bridges across

5916-474: The Persian shield wall was the Greeks' target during the early clashes, and that the Persian Immortals had kept fighting even after the shield wall broke, but stopped after their commander Mardonius was killed. He also notes that the Spartans were the only experienced and skilled soldiers in the Greek camp, and that all the other Greek soldiers were amateurs. Konijnendijk notes the dominance of

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6032-415: The Persians could only have taken pack animals with them after the attack, since oxen could not have traversed the unpaved route. Sekunda estimates that the food provisions would be at least one choinix per day for both the Greek and Persian soldiers. Sekunda also estimates that the supply column disrupted by the Persians would have had either 58,000 choinikes of barley or 47,000 choinikes of wheat, half

6148-411: The Persians lost the battle because they did not deploy their cavalry fully in the final battle, and also because their morale had shattered after Mardonius' death. He further argues that the Greeks did not win because of presumed technological superiority, but because of their consistent refusal to break and their sustained strong morale. Konijnendijk and historian Paul M. Bardunias observe that Plataea

6264-539: The Persians marched south again. Athens was again evacuated and left to the enemy, leading to the second phase of the Destruction of Athens . Mardonius now repeated his offer of peace to the Athenian refugees in Salamis. Athens sent emissaries to Sparta demanding assistance and threatened to accept the Persian terms if it was not provided. These events occurred sometime in the month of June. According to Herodotus ,

6380-467: The Persians' iron cuirass armor would have been of better quality than the Greek bronze cuirass armor. Konijnendijk states that only some soldiers of both armies would have worn armor, and that their numbers would not have been greater than 10%. He thus postulates that the Greeks did not have better armor than the Persians. He argues that it was not the Greeks but the Persian soldiers who were "uniformly trained and equipped for close combat". He claims that

6496-603: The Persians, and because they wanted to solidify their dominance in the Peloponnese. The allied forces were commanded by the Athenians for the remainder of the war. The remnants of the Persian army, under the command of Artabazos, tried to retreat to Asia Minor . Travelling through the lands of Thessaly, Macedonia and Thrace by the shortest road, Artabazos eventually made it back to the Hellespont, though losing many soldiers to Thracian attacks, weariness and hunger. After

6612-471: The Persians, who used a little-known mountain path. Following Thermopylae, the Persian army proceeded to burn and sack Plataea and Thespiae, the Boeotian cities that had not surrendered, before taking possession of the now-evacuated city of Athens. The Allied army, meanwhile, prepared to defend the Isthmus of Corinth . The ensuing naval Battle of Salamis in 480   BC ended in a decisive victory for

6728-426: The Persians. Attaginus , the foremost medizing politician, escaped; his sons were pardoned by Pausanias. However, all the other remaining medisers were executed without being tried. The Spartans did not send any troops for the allied effort after the battle; the historian Marcello Lupi contends that the Spartans did so because they did not have any naval experience, because their soldiers could have been corrupted by

6844-418: The Spartans had thus mobilized almost all of their fighting age helots to assist with the logistical problems posed by such a large Greek army. He argues that only 10,000 helots would have been deployed for combat, with the remaining 25,000 helots working the supply lines. He further claims that if all the 35,000 helots had been on the battlefield, the Greeks wouldn't have been able to form their phalanxes before

6960-416: The Spartans may have arranged their units according to their syssitia (meal groups). They argue that the Spartan line would have had a depth of four ranks, with some columns on the line having greater depth, arrayed in a "rough formation". They posit that the Persians lost because of overspecialization . They postulate that Plataea was a battle of shield walls, where the Greeks won because their shield wall

7076-403: The Spartans till Arimnestos, a soldier, hurled a stone at Mardonius and killed him. Mardonius' death hit the morale of his guards, and once they broke their lines and retreated, the rest of the Persian army did so too. However, the Athenians still had to fight the Thebans who were blocking them, eventually the Thebans retreated and the Persian cavalry did not let the Greeks pursue and outflank

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7192-467: The Spartans to also charge the Persian lines. Konecny argues that the Persian arrow volleys would have been dispiriting for the Greeks, since their arrows would have managed to hit undefended gaps and body parts. The Spartans and Tegeans had started to push into the Persian lines. The Greeks started thrusting their spears at the Persian shield wall, and some of them tried to break the Persians' shields. The Persians put aside their bows and tried to break

7308-423: The Spartans were at that time celebrating the festival of Hyacinthus , and delayed making a decision for ten days until they were persuaded of the danger to all of Greece if the Athenians surrendered. When Mardonius learned of the Spartan force marching to join the allied Greek army, he completed the destruction of Athens, tearing down whatever was left standing. He then retreated towards Boeotia, hoping to lure

7424-460: The Theban cavalry would have had at most 1,000 soldiers. Gaebel argues that the Thebans managed to inflict disproportionate casualties on the Greek center because the latter had not formed their phalanx and were running astray. Gaebel notes that the Megarians had already been attacked successfully by Persian cavalry earlier and should not have risked advancing in open plains where the opponent's cavalry

7540-433: The allied Greek army to 110,000. Sekunda argues that these attendants were present in the Greek camp but not on the battlefield. He further argues that these attendants served as skeuphoros (baggage carriers), and were either slaves or the relatives of the hoplites too young to serve in the military. The historian John Francis Lazenby, by comparing the size of the Persian camp with later Roman military camps, calculates

7656-407: The ancient account, these predecessors included Dionysius of Miletus , Charon of Lampsacus, Hellanicus of Lesbos , Xanthus of Lydia and, the best attested of them all, Hecataeus of Miletus . Of these, only fragments of Hecataeus's works survived, and the authenticity of these is debatable, but they provide a glimpse into the kind of tradition within which Herodotus wrote his own Histories . It

7772-510: The arrangement of the Persian line were given by Herodotus. The Persians were on the left wing, facing the 11,500 Lacedaemonian and Tegean hoplites. Konecny estimates that these Persians on the left wing would have numbered around 20,000 to 30,000. To the right of the Persians were the Medes , facing the 6,200 soldiers of Corinth, Potidaea, Orchomenus and Sicyon. Konecny estimates that these Medes would have numbered around 12,000 to 18,000. Next to

7888-591: The audience. It was conventional in Herodotus's day for authors to "publish" their works by reciting them at popular festivals. According to Lucian , Herodotus took his finished work straight from Anatolia to the Olympic Games and read the entire Histories to the assembled spectators in one sitting, receiving rapturous applause at the end of it. According to a very different account by an ancient grammarian, Herodotus refused to begin reading his work at

8004-421: The banks of the Asopos river within their arrows' range and thus cutting off the Greeks' source of fresh water. Konijnendijk argues that the Greeks would have lost at Plataea if their army had been all hoplites, and that the light infantry missileers, who were two-thirds of the Greek army, could counter the Persians' long-range weapons more effectively. He argues that these missileers would have sought cover behind

8120-458: The beginning of his work, a native of Halicarnassus in Anatolia , and it is generally accepted that he was born there around 485 BC. The Suda says his family was influential, that he was the son of Lyxes and Dryo and the brother of Theodorus, and that he was also related to Panyassis – an epic poet of the time. Halicarnassus was then within the Persian Empire , making Herodotus

8236-554: The center of the Persian line, numbering around 24,000 to 36,000. Thus the total Persian infantry would have numbered around 44,000 to 66,000; and the Persian cavalry around 5,000 to 7,000. Against the 11,600 Athenians, Plataeans and Megarians, were deployed the Boeotians, Locrians, Malians, Thessalians, and the Phocians. Konecny estimates that these troops would have numbered around 11,000 to 13,000. Andreas Konecny estimates that

8352-467: The commencement of a festival dedicated to Zeus Eleutherios , the Eleutheria, in order to honor the Greeks who had died during the battle. The historian Roel Konijnendijk argues that technological advantages, if these existed, were not among the reasons for the Greek victory over the Persians at Plataea. He argues that there were multiple other reasons for the outcome of the battle. He claims that

8468-456: The contingent that was pushing forward. Artabazos , who had earlier commanded the Persians at the Sieges of Olynthus and Potidea , had disagreed with Mardonius about attacking the Greeks, and had not fully engaged the forces under his command. As the rout commenced, he led these men away from the battlefield to Phocis , hoping to escape eventually to the Hellespont. Konijnendijk argues that

8584-532: The crossing of Cithaeron would have taken place sometime between late July and mid August. Under the guidance of their commanding general, Pausanias , the Greeks took up positions opposite the Persian lines but remained on high ground. They deployed their lines from Erythrai to Hysiai, and from their positions on the Cithaeron could observe the Persian lines 4 kilometres (2.5 mi) across the Asopos river. The Greek units were camped in order of their positions in

8700-469: The daily provisions for the 110,000 people in the Greek camp, including the non-combatants. Sekunda argues that the Greeks would have had a "common treasury", noting Plutarch's statement that during the Spartan command of the allied Greeks, the latter would pay some type of contribution. The historian Peter Brunt argues that such a treasury would not have existed. Sekunda argues that the Spartans might have had enough time to make financial provisions during

8816-402: The daily water requirement at 250,000 liters (66,000 U.S. gal) for the 110,000 people in the Greek camp based on a daily requirement of 2.27 liters (0.60 U.S. gal) per person. However, these figures do not account for the water requirements of the animals in the Greek camp. During the retreat of the Greeks on the 13th day after their arrival, all of their center wing left

8932-407: The depth of the Greek ranks at Plataea, but had written about the greater depth of the Persian ranks. They thus argue that the Greek forces at Plataea were not arrayed in grids, and did not fight in the manner of Classical hoplite phalanxes. They note that the Spartans at Plataea did not execute the movements attributed to them by later authors like Xenophon . Konijnendijk and Bardunias argue that

9048-439: The festival of Olympia until some clouds offered him a bit of shade – by which time the assembly had dispersed. (Hence the proverbial expression "Herodotus and his shade" to describe someone who misses an opportunity through delay.) Herodotus's recitation at Olympia was a favourite theme among ancient writers, and there is another interesting variation on the story to be found in the Suda : that of Photius and Tzetzes , in which

9164-646: The field while their right wing initially did not budge. The Spartans and Tegeans had by now reached the Temple of Demeter. The rearguard under Amompharetus began to withdraw from the ridge to join them. Konecny argues that the Spartans had already had Amompharetus' lochos in their formation when the first units of the Persian cavalry had started attacking. Konecny estimates that Pausanias' line with 11,500 soldiers would have been 1.3 kilometres (0.81 mi) to 1.45 kilometres (0.90 mi) long, assuming there were 8 soldiers per column who each took up 0.8 metres (2.6 ft) to 1 metre (3.3 ft) of space. Pausanias asked

9280-584: The first Persian charge. Konecny estimates that during Mardonius' march to Skolos he had traveled around 70 kilometres (43 mi) from Athens in two days, while most of his army would have taken around a week. Konecny estimates that the allied Greek army would have required 300,000 liters (79,000 U.S. gal) of water daily. The mountain slopes they had deployed on did not have access to freshwater, and carrying such quantities daily would have been logistically difficult and would have made them highly vulnerable to attacks by Persian cavalry. Sekunda estimates

9396-422: The first genuinely historical inspiration felt by a Greek. These wars showed him that there was a corporate life, higher than that of the city, of which the story might be told; and they offered to him as a subject the drama of the collision between East and West. With him, the spirit of history was born into Greece; and his work, called after the nine Muses, was indeed the first utterance of Clio . Though Herodotus

9512-505: The first years of the Peloponnesian War (VI, 91; VII, 133, 233; IX, 73) suggests that he returned to Athens, in which case it is possible that he died there during an outbreak of the plague. It is also possible he died in Macedonia instead, after obtaining the patronage of the court there; or else he died back in Thurii. There is nothing in the Histories that can be dated to later than 430 BC with any certainty, and it

9628-498: The former were logistically constrained with regards to managing their large army for long, and because they might have believed the terrain was advantageous for them. Konijnendijk argues that both the Greeks and Persians had depleted their supplies before the final battle. Mardonius may have decided on attacking first because the Greek victory at the Battle of Salamis and the Battle of Mycale would have threatened his line of communications and routes for retreating. He argues that

9744-508: The front of the line being sparabara wearing scaled iron corslets , armed with spears, bows and shields. The nine soldiers to the rear would have bows and spears, or axes. According to Herodotus, Pausanias refused to advance because he was waiting for good omens. At this point, as Greek soldiers began to fall under the barrage of arrows, the Tegeans started to run at the Persian lines. Pausanias finally received favourable omens and ordered

9860-503: The ground from Erythres past Hysiae and up to the lands of Plataea. The Athenians under the command of Aristides joined the Allied army at Eleusis in Attica. The army traveled on the Oenoe road via Panactum , the plains of Skourta and the eastern Pastra mountain , across the passes of Mount Cithaeron and arrived near Plataea . The archaeologist Andreas Konecny estimates that

9976-439: The helots were indeed deployed along with the other Spartans during the final battle, and were not auxiliaries. They argue that the Spartan formation could not have been eight ranks deep with one hoplite in front and seven light infantry to the rear. They argue that such a line would have been 5 kilometres (3.1 mi) long, which would not be possible on Plataea's terrain, and the Persian Immortals would not have been able to create

10092-439: The hoplite shields at Plataea. He argues that Pausanias knew the hoplites were weaker in such a scenario and that archers were needed. Konijnendijk notes that the Greeks had sent hoplites and archers for the first few skirmishes, and that the archers had managed to turn these into a pitched battle by injuring the Persian commander's horse. He argues that the Persians had advantages in mobility, range, flexibility and lethality over

10208-614: The loot pillaged from the Persians was sold to fund the construction of multiple buildings, like the Athenian Treasury at Delphi . It is possible that originals, misattributions or replicas of the Persian spoils from Plataea were stored at the Acropolis complex, particularly in the Parthenon . A bronze column in the shape of intertwined snakes, the Serpent column , was created from melted-down Persian armor, acquired during

10324-424: The matters covered is, in particular, the cause of the hostilities between Greeks and non-Greeks. His record of the achievements of others was an achievement in itself, though the extent of it has been debated. Herodotus's place in history and his significance may be understood according to the traditions within which he worked. His work is the earliest Greek prose to have survived intact. Dionysius of Halicarnassus ,

10440-612: The narrative and provides readers with a wellspring of additional information. Herodotus was criticized in ancient times for his inclusion of "legends and fanciful accounts" in his work. The contemporaneous historian Thucydides accused him of making up stories for entertainment. He retorted that he reported what he could see and was told. A sizable portion of the Histories has since been confirmed by modern historians and archaeologists . Modern scholars generally turn to Herodotus's own writing for reliable information about his life, supplemented with ancient yet much later sources, such as

10556-494: The north of modern Erythres, and the Greeks of the scattered center started to converge on his position, though the latter would have taken longer to get into formation. Pausanias' two units, however, were the first ones ready for contact when the Persian cavalry arrived. The Persian cavalry had begun to mobilize for attacking by this time. However, because Amompharetus and his unit were still in their line of sight, they did not rush, perhaps thinking that all of their opponent's army

10672-410: The number of troops at 70,000, including 10,000 cavalry. The historian Peter Connolly arrives at a potential total of 120,000 from the same-sized camp. Indeed, most estimates for the total Persian force are generally in this range. The historian Hans Delbrück , basing his calculations on the distance the Persians marched in a day when Athens was attacked, concluded that 75,000 was the upper limit for

10788-399: The phalanx, so that the formation could be set up easily at the start of battle. Mardonius initiated hit-and-run cavalry attacks against the Greek lines. During a reconnaissance patrol, the Persians had noticed a gap in the Greek lines on the western flank. At the foot of a cliff, the Megarians were deployed in terrain accessible to the Persian cavalry, about 1 kilometre (0.62 mi) from

10904-637: The plain of Attica. The site controls what was once a major ancient road, usable by carts, connecting Athens to the grain port of Oropus . [REDACTED]  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain :  Smith, William , ed. (1854–1857). "Attica". Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography . London: John Murray. 38°06′36″N 23°46′43″E  /  38.1100°N 23.7786°E  / 38.1100; 23.7786 Herodotus Herodotus ( Ancient Greek : Ἡρόδοτος , romanized :  Hēródotos ; c.  484  – c.  425 BC)

11020-464: The plunder of the Persian camp, and was erected at Delphi . It commemorated all the Greek city-states that had participated in the battle, listing them on the column. Most of it still survives in the Hippodrome of Constantinople in present-day Istanbul , where it was carried by Constantine the Great during the founding of his city on the Greek colony of Byzantium . The poet Simonides of Ceos

11136-475: The regent for his cousin Pleistarchus , was chosen to command the Spartan troops. The historian Ian Macgregor-Morris argues that the 5,000 Spartiates sent to Plataea would have been 3/5th of Sparta's troops, while the historian Hans van Wees argues that these 5,000 would have been all the Spartan citizens fit to serve. The Spartan troops at Plataea might have been the largest army the Spartans had sent beyond

11252-468: The research seem independent and "almost detachable", so that they might have been set aside by the author for the purposes of an oral performance. The intellectual matrix of the 5th century, Marincola suggests, comprised many oral performances in which philosophers would dramatically recite such detachable pieces of their work. The idea was to criticize previous arguments on a topic and emphatically and enthusiastically insert their own in order to win over

11368-421: The rest of the retreating Persian army. Konijnendijk argues that it is puzzling that these cavaliers did not participate in the fight fully at this point, and notes that perhaps they were following standard Persian cavalry tactics. However, the Greeks managed to catch up with the retreating Persians and took their camp after some struggle. The historian Robert Gaebel argues that the Persian cavalry who had covered

11484-423: The retreat of the Persian army were actually Boiotian cavalry, particularly the Theban cavalry led by Asopodoros, the son of Timandros. Gaebel observes that Herodotus had written about these cavalry units attacking the Greek center and inflicting 600 casualties on them, while the Thebans had suffered 300 casualties during this attack. Gaebel estimates that the Greek center would have had 3,500 to 4,000 soldiers, while

11600-492: The right wing were chosen to advance to the Cithaeron passes and accompany the stuck supply convoys to the new Greek position. However, these units had not even begun to retreat by daybreak. This was because a Spartan commander, Amompharetus , refused to retreat because he thought it would be cowardly. While the rest of the Spartans retreated, his lochos was left behind. Meanwhile the Athenians and Plataeans had also been unable to retreat, because their path had been blocked by

11716-464: The scattered centre. The Athenians sent a messenger to Pausanias asking for his new directive. Pausanias asked the Athenians to retreat to the Cithaeron passes and not to the "island", and join up with the Spartans if possible. This message was received before daybreak but the Athenians began moving only after dawn. Konecny posits that Aristides may have wanted to avoid the chaos of nighttime movements. Pausanias then marched 3 kilometres (1.9 mi) to

11832-471: The site of the Spartan fort as the site of Palaiokastro , now marked by the tombs of the Greek royal family, in the Tatoi national forest east of Mt. Parnitha. A substantial rubble circuit wall (about 2 m wide) has been traced, with Classical rooftiles and other evidence of occupation. This location fits the description of Thucydides as midway between Athens and Boeotia , visible from Athens and commanding

11948-418: The size of the Persian army, including the supply personnel and other non-combatants. In his battle account of Plataea, Delbrück estimated that the Persian army, including the allied Greeks, had totaled 40,000. Konecny estimates that Persians would have had around 55 to 70 thousand infantry, and their camps would have had anywhere from 120 to 150 thousand people including the camp followers . The details of

12064-416: The soldiers started stabbing him but were unable to kill him as he was wearing scale corslet armor underneath his clothes. Masistius was finally killed when an Athenian soldier stabbed him in the eye. The Persians tried with much effort to recover his body but were pushed back by the Greek infantry, which had just arrived to reinforce the Athenians. The Persian cavalry retreated soon after. Masistius' body

12180-474: The son of Sphynx lies; in Ionic history without peer; a Dorian born, who fled from slander's brand and made in Thuria his new native land. Yet it was in Athens where his most formidable contemporary critics could be found. In 425 BC, which is about the time that Herodotus is thought by many scholars to have died, the Athenian comic dramatist Aristophanes created The Acharnians , in which he blames

12296-529: The victory at Mycale, the Allied fleet sailed to the Hellespont to break down the pontoon bridges, but found that this had already been done. The Peloponnesians sailed home, but the Athenians remained to attack the Chersonesos , still held by the Persians. There was a Persian garrison in Sestos , the strongest town in the region, and the Athenians laid siege to them there. After a protracted siege Sestos fell to

12412-520: The westernmost point of the line. The Megarian line was about 400 metres (1,300 ft) wide at the front, of this frontage, about 250 metres (820 ft) was exposed. The Persian cavalry under the command of Masistius began attacking in continuous waves. Konecny estimates that hundreds of cavaliers would have been required to attack in each wave. The Megarians requested reinforcements and said they would retreat if these were not sent. 300 Athenians (hoplites or infantry) along with their archers replaced

12528-674: The winter months, was maintained year-round. Spartan patrols through the Attic countryside strained the Athenian cavalry and curtailed the ability of Athens to continue exploiting the Laurium silver mines in southeastern Attica that were an important source of income. Thucydides estimated that 20,000 slaves, many of them skilled workers, escaped to Decelea, from 413 until the close of the Peloponnesian War in 404 BC. Xenophon reports briefly on these events. Scholars have identified

12644-456: Was a Greek historian and geographer from the Greek city of Halicarnassus , part of the Persian Empire (now Bodrum , Turkey) and a later citizen of Thurii in modern Calabria , Italy. He wrote the Histories , a detailed account of the Greco-Persian Wars , and was the first writer to apply a scientific method to historical events. He has been described as " The Father of History ",

12760-516: Was also present. Herodotus recounts several anecdotes about the conduct of specific Spartans during the battle. According to Herodotus, the Battle of Mycale occurred on the same day as Plataea. With the twin victories of Plataea and Mycale, the second Persian invasion of Greece was over. Moreover, the threat of future invasion was abated; although the Greeks remained worried that Xerxes would attempt an invasion again, over time it became apparent that

12876-425: Was capable of movement, sending out skirmishers and moving in on their opponent. The Persian shield wall, on the other hand, was better for shielding archers, missileers and cavalry. They observe that the sparabara (heavy infantry) were the only Persians who could face off against the hoplites in close quarters, and when the former were defeated, the outmatched light infantry had to fight the hoplites. They note that

12992-420: Was instrumental in commemorating the victory at Plataea; he wrote an encomium and an elegy about the battle. The historian Marcello Lupi contends that these texts were commissioned by the Spartans, possibly by Pausanias, since they glorify both. In Spartan propaganda, the victory at Plataea was seen as having avenged the Spartan defeat at Thermopylai. After the battle, the Athenian commander Aristides proposed

13108-489: Was just ahead of Amompharetus' unit. This allowed Pausanias to execute his retreat safely, and gave Amompharetus enough time to withdraw. When the Persian cavalry arrived at the Greek position, they found it decamped and conveyed this information to Mardonius through a messenger. According to Herodotus, the Spartans sent 45,000 men – 5,000 Spartiates (full citizen soldiers), 5,000 other Lacodaemonian hoplites ( perioeci ) and 35,000 helots (seven per Spartiate). Pausanias,

13224-414: Was paraded on a cart in front of the Greek lines. Their morale boosted by this small victory, the Greeks moved forward, still remaining on higher ground, to a new position near the Asopos river which was more defensible and better watered. In response, Mardonius brought his men westward up to the Asopos and arrayed them for battle in a line 5 kilometres (3.1 mi) long. However, neither the Persians nor

13340-523: Was the final land battle during the second Persian invasion of Greece . It took place in 479   BC near the city of Plataea in Boeotia , and was fought between an alliance of the Greek city-states (including Sparta , Athens , Corinth and Megara ), and the Achaemenid Empire of Xerxes I (allied with Greek states including Boeotia , Thessalia , and Macedon ). The previous year,

13456-428: Was the first battle since Thermopylai and the last battle ever where the Persian Immortals fought the Spartan hoplites. They argue that multiple features of a typical hoplite battle are missing in Herodotus' narrative of Plataea, however, later authors assumed they were. They argue that the general narrative of Plataea as a phalanx battle is contrary to the evidence. They note that Herodotus had provided any details about

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