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Derby South (UK Parliament constituency)

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55-637: Derby South ( / ˈ d ɑːr b i / ) is a constituency formed of part of the city of Derby , most recently represented in the House of Commons of the UK Parliament since 2024 by Baggy Shanker of the Labour and Co-op Party . Previous MP, Margaret Beckett , served the constituency for 41 years (from 1983 to 2024). She served under the Labour governments of Harold Wilson , James Callaghan , Tony Blair and Gordon Brown . She became interim Leader of

110-660: A by-election in 2021 . The loss of safe seats can become historic moments: the defeat of Michael Portillo in his "safe" Conservative seat in 1997 created the " Portillo moment ". That expression has since been used to describe huge voting swings that generally usher in a new government, as occurred in 1997. Similarly, in 2015, the Labour Party lost many formerly safe seats in Scotland, including Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath , which had previously been held by former Prime Minister Gordon Brown , and Paisley and Renfrewshire South ,

165-476: A split vote is more likely under a first past the post electoral system, as in the UK. Opposition supporters in safe seats have restricted means to affect election outcomes, and thus the incumbent parties can, in theory, decide to ignore those supporters' concerns, as they have no direct effect on the election result. Even those voters who are moderate supporters of the incumbent party may be disenfranchised by having

220-534: A Labour gain despite the incumbent MP, Nick Clegg , being the party leader and Deputy Prime Minister . Clegg held the seat, albeit with a much reduced majority of just 2,353 (4.2%). In 2017, several Lib Dem MPs either regained their seat, such as Vince Cable and Ed Davey , or won new ones. Despite the net gain in seats, several were still lost, such as Clegg's, whilst Farron's majority was reduced to less than 1,000. The ERS identifies what it calls "super safe seats", which have been held continuously by one party since

275-417: A defeat for the seat holder is considered possible. In systems where candidates must first win the party's primary election , the phrase " tantamount to election " is often used to describe winning the dominant party's nomination for a safe seat. There is a spectrum between safe and marginal seats. Supposedly safe seats can still change hands in a landslide election , such as Enfield Southgate being lost by

330-879: A higher vote share than in the elections between 2005 and 2015, making Derby South a safe seat for the Labour Party. Derby prior to 1950 The vote share changes on 2005 and the turnout figures were notional based on boundary changes. 52°54′N 1°27′W  /  52.90°N 1.45°W  / 52.90; -1.45 List of United Kingdom Parliament constituencies King Charles III [REDACTED] William, Prince of Wales [REDACTED] Charles III ( King-in-Council ) [REDACTED] Starmer ministry ( L ) Keir Starmer ( L ) Angela Rayner ( L ) ( King-in-Parliament ) [REDACTED] Charles III [REDACTED] [REDACTED] [REDACTED] The Lord Reed The Lord Hodge Andrew Bailey Monetary Policy Committee The Parliament of

385-621: A local government boundary review which came into effect in May 2023, the constituency now comprises the following wards of the City of Derby: The 2023 Periodic Review of Westminster constituencies , which was based on the ward structure in place at 1 December 2020, left the boundaries unchanged. The constituency takes in Derby city centre including much of its varied income inner-city, a narrow majority of which used to be local council-built however which

440-440: A marginal seat, even though it had been held by Labour for a long time. Safe seats are usually seats that have been held by one party for a long time, but the two concepts are not interchangeable. In countries with parliamentary government, parties often try to ensure that their most talented or influential politicians are selected to contest these seats – in part to ensure that these politicians can stay in parliament, regardless of

495-433: A popular sitting member may make a seat more competitive, as the accrued personal vote of a long-serving parliamentarian will sometimes have resisted countervailing demographic trends. An independent or third-party candidate with an ideology close to that of the incumbent party may also be able to make a more credible challenge than more established parties, but these factors can combine: a retiring third-party member may turn

550-617: A reduction of 13 seats. Primary legislation provides for the independence of the boundary commissions for each of the four parts of the UK, the number of seats for each of the countries, permissible factors to use in departing from any old boundaries, and a strong duty to consult. The Fifth Review was governed by the Parliamentary Constituencies Act of 1986 . Under the Parliamentary Voting System and Constituencies Act 2011 , as amended by

605-412: A representative that must appeal to a broader electorate, take the opportunity to choose a candidate from the more ideological reaches of the membership. Opposing parties will often be compelled to nominate much less well-known individuals (such as backroom workers or youth activists in the party), who will sometimes do little more than serve as paper candidates who do little or no campaigning, or will use

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660-405: A representative whose views may be more extreme than their own. Political objectors in such areas may experience marginalisation from wider democratic processes and political apathy . This is often regarded as undemocratic, and is a major argument in favour of various multi-member proportional representation election methods. Safe seats may receive far less political funding than marginal seats, as

715-545: A safe seat for that party into a marginal seat. For instance, in Berwick-upon-Tweed , with the retirement of the popular incumbent Alan Beith , the seat was no longer safe for the Liberal Democrats . Traditionally safe seats can also be more vulnerable in by-elections , especially for governing parties. Safe seats may also become marginal if the sitting member is involved in scandal: in 1997, Tatton

770-739: A safer or more tenuous list position. If a party is strong enough nationwide to gather representations in all subdivisions, the top candidate(s) on each list tend to be very safely elected to parliament. This is seen in the extremely proportional election systems of the Nordic countries , for example. Safe seats and candidates can be avoided altogether by a purposefully marginal -preference allocation of all divisions, ensuring all divisions are near-identically demographically diverse which may be achieved by pairing non-adjoining areas. The Australian Electoral Commission defines seat margins as follows: In his election analysis, psephologist Antony Green puts

825-657: A sixth of Scotland, to the densely-populated London constituency of Islington North . As of the 2024 election there are 543 constituencies in England, 32 in Wales, 57 in Scotland and 18 in Northern Ireland. The "Region" of the table refers to the NUTS 1 statistical region of England , which coincides with the former European Parliament constituency in which the constituency was included until 31 January 2020. Following

880-624: A winning candidate defines the seat margin. In this case: The northern, east coast, and rural constituencies have been safe seats for the Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and Perikatan Nasional (PN). Especially in Kelantan , PAS has been in government since 1990 (7 consecutive terms). Pakatan Harapan , the senior coalition in the current government has been a dominant coalition in highly industrialized states, namely Penang , Selangor and Kuala Lumpur . Even prior to

935-418: Is an electoral district which is regarded as fully secure, for either a certain political party , or the incumbent representative personally or a combination of both. With such seats, there is very little chance of a seat changing hands because of the political leanings of the electorate in the constituency concerned or the popularity of the incumbent member. This contrasts with a marginal seat in which

990-564: Is no smaller than 69,724 and no larger than 77,062. The exceptions to this rule are five 'protected' constituencies for island areas: Orkney and Shetland , Na h-Eileanan an Iar , Ynys Mon , and two constituencies on the Isle of Wight . These consequently have smaller electorates than the lower limit for other constituencies. As the number of electors in each constituency is similar, the constituencies themselves vary considerably in area, ranging in 2019 from Ross, Skye and Lochaber , which occupies

1045-408: Is offset by conservation areas including beside Derby Cathedral and Derby Catacombs . The remainder of the seat is generally more affluent suburbs, and much of the engineering industry traditionally associated with the city. The constituency was created in 1950, when the former two-seat constituency of Derby was split into two single-member seats. Unlike Derby North , this seat has been held by

1100-587: Is rare for the opposition to take such seats, outside candidates may be able to. Examples include the election of Peter Law and George Galloway in very safe Labour seats in 2005, Jim Murphy in the Eastwood constituency in Scotland in 1997, Martin Bell in the safe Conservative seat of Tatton in 1997, and most recently, Helen Morgan in the Conservatives' historically safest seat, North Shropshire , in

1155-528: The 2007 federal election , the governing Australian Labor Party 's safest seat was the seat of Division of Batman in Melbourne 's inner-northern suburbs, with a two-party-preferred margin of 26.0%. The safest seat for the opposition Liberal Party was the rural Victorian electorate of Murray , with a margin of 18.3%. The Liberal Party's junior coalition partner, the National Party 's safest seat

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1210-537: The 2008 elections which ended Barisan Nasional dominant over the country, PH and its predecessors performed well in these states despite never having a chance to rule over the states before. For Barisan Nasional, another major partner in the government, the southern states and Sabah are the safe seats for the coalition. During its dominant period, it also controlled Sarawak and west coast states. Sabah and Sarawak are safe states for their local parties, with Gabungan Rakyat Sabah and Gabungan Parti Sarawak governing

1265-546: The 2010 general election after proposals made by the boundary commissions for England, Wales, and Northern Ireland (the Fifth Periodic Review of Westminster constituencies ) were adopted through statutory instruments . Constituencies in Scotland remained unchanged, as the Boundary Commission for Scotland had completed a review just before the 2005 general election , which had resulted in

1320-470: The Conservatives (and then-potential future party leader Michael Portillo ) to Labour at the 1997 UK general election , whilst other seats may remain marginal despite large national swings, such as Gedling , which Labour narrowly won in every election for twenty years until the 2019 general election , despite having both major victories and defeats during this time. Gedling would still be seen as

1375-628: The Democratic Party . On 6 April 2010, the Electoral Reform Society (ERS) estimated that going into the 2010 general election , of the 650 constituencies , 382 (59%) were safe seats. Some of these seats have since been lost by the parties that held them at the time, notably most of the Liberal Democrat seats and some Labour seats, meaning they can no longer be considered "safe". Examples of safe seats for

1430-783: The Labour Party are in major urban areas and the industrial centres, such as the North West ( Liverpool , Manchester ); the North East ( Newcastle , Sunderland ); South and West Yorkshire , the Valleys of South Wales ; the West Midlands county and parts of Inner London (e.g. Hackney and Newham ). Many areas of the Central Belt of Scotland, such as Glasgow and Edinburgh, were seen as safe Labour seats until

1485-642: The Labour Party continuously since its creation. A notable former MP for the seat was its first incumbent, Philip Noel-Baker of the Labour Party. He served as a Cabinet minister in the post-war Attlee government, and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1959 for his campaigning for disarmament. He had previously represented the former two-seat constituency of Derby since a by-election in 1936. The former Cabinet minister Margaret Beckett , who had represented Lincoln (under her maiden name of Margaret Jackson) from 1974 to 1979, represented Derby South for

1540-1446: The Liberal Party since 1946, except from 1953 to 1957; as the Liberals have not nominated someone in this district in the 2025 election, their domination of this district will end. Bohol's 3rd district has been held by the Nacionalista Party from 1912 to 1972. From the 1960s, parliamentary constituencies in Gyeongsang region , especially Northern Gyeongbuk and Western Gyeongnam , are considered as safe seats for People Power Party . City centres in Southeastern Gyeongnam, Southern Gyeogbuk and parliamentary constituencies in rural Gangwon , Chungbuk , Chungnam and Gyeonggi and affluent villages in such as Gangnam-gu , Seocho-gu , Songpa-gu and Yongsan-gu of Seoul , Haeundae-gu , Nam-gu , Dongnae-gu and Suyeong-gu of Busan are also considered as safe seats for People Power Party . Parliamentary constituencies in industrial areas and built-up residential areas in Gyeonggi , Southeastern Gyeongnam, Cheongju – Daejeon – Sejong City and Jeolla regions such as Jeonbuk and Jeonnam are considered as safe seats for

1595-525: The National Party . An example of a safe National seat is East Coast Bays , currently held by Erica Stanford , who gained 71.52% of votes in the 2023 election , with only 19% of votes going to her Labour rival . By contrast, inner-city and poorer suburban electorates such as those in South Auckland are typically safe Labour seats. For example, in 2023 , the seat of Mangere was held by Labour list MP Lemauga Lydia Sosene with just under 60% of

1650-645: The Parliamentary Constituencies Act 2020 , the number of MPs is now fixed at 650. The Sainte-Laguë formula method is used to form groups of seats split between the four parts of the United Kingdom and the English regions (as defined by the NUTS 1 statistical regions of England ). The table below gives the number of eligible voters broken down by constituent country, including the average constituency size in each country. As of 2023, every recommended constituency must have an electorate as at 2 March 2020 that

1705-418: The 19th century. In so doing, it equates seats with their rough equivalents under previous boundaries. For example, following the 2010 general election, it identifies the national representative of the area forming Haltemprice and Howden (drawn as a constituency in 1997) as having been a Conservative since the 1837 general election . Similarly, it considers that Wokingham (and a few others) have been held by

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1760-606: The 2015 election, when the Scottish National Party took all but one Labour seat in Scotland ( Edinburgh South ). Safe seats for the Conservative Party tend to be in rural areas: the Home Counties (e.g. Surrey , Buckinghamshire ), the shires (e.g. North Yorkshire and Cheshire ) and affluent areas of London (e.g. Chelsea and Fulham ). The safest seat in the 2017 general election

1815-587: The 2022 redistricting, California's 12th district is the most Democratic at D+40, while Alabama's 4th district is the most Republican at R+33. Other examples of a safe seat for the Democrats is California's 11th congressional district , which currently covers most of the city of San Francisco . This district and its predecessors have been in Democratic hands without interruption since 1949. Its current representative, former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ,

1870-519: The Conservative Party since 1885, Devon East , Fylde and Arundel and South Downs since 1868, Hampshire North East since 1857, and Rutland and Melton , Bognor Regis and Littlehampton , and East Worthing and Shoreham all since 1841. (For historical reasons, the Conservative Party being older than the other current main parties, it holds all the oldest safe seats.) Even the safest of seats can be – and sometimes are – upset. Whilst it

1925-635: The Labour Party in 1994 when John Smith suddenly died. She also served in the Opposition front bench under Neil Kinnock and Smith himself. Derby city centre has been in this constituency since 1974; from 1950 it had been in Derby North. 1950–1955 : The County Borough of Derby wards of Alvaston, Arboretum, Castle, Dale, Litchurch, Normanton, Osmaston, and Peartree. 1955–1974 : The County Borough of Derby wards of Alvaston, Arboretum, Castle, Dale, Litchurch, Normanton, Osmaston, and Peartree, and

1980-499: The Labour Party from 1983 until 2024. In 1983, Beckett won the seat with one of the smallest majorities seen of just 421 over the Conservative Party –she always achieved larger majorities since. The 2019 result, in line with other seats that voted for Brexit , saw a drop in votes for Labour, with both the Conservative and Liberal Democrat candidates making gains. Beckett still won a majority of all votes cast, however, representing

2035-549: The United Kingdom currently has 650 parliamentary constituencies across the constituent countries ( England , Scotland , Wales , and Northern Ireland ), each electing a single member of parliament (MP) to the House of Commons by the plurality ( first-past-the-post ) voting system, ordinarily every five years. Voting last took place in all 650 of those constituencies at the United Kingdom general election on 4 July 2024 . The number of seats rose from 646 to 650 at

2090-541: The abandonment of the Sixth Periodic Review (the 2018 review), the Boundary Commissions formally launched the 2023 Review on 5 January 2021 and published their final proposals on 28 June 2023. See 2023 Periodic Review of Westminster constituencies and List of United Kingdom Parliament constituencies (2024–present) by region for further details. Safe seat A safe seat

2145-462: The contest to gain experience so that they become more likely to be selected for a more winnable seat. In some cases (especially in the United States), these seats may go uncontested by other major parties. Safe seats can become marginal seats (and vice versa) gradually as voter allegiances shift over time. This shift can happen more rapidly for a variety of reasons. The retirement or death of

2200-596: The cutoff between "safe" and "very safe" at 12%. In Australia's federal system, most rural seats are safe seats for either the National Party or Liberal Party . Conversely, inner-city and poorer suburban seats are typically safe Australian Labor Party seats, and a few of the most affluent inner-middle urban seats are held by the Liberal Party. Marginals are generally concentrated in the middle-class outer-suburban areas of Australia's larger state capitals, which therefore decide most Australian federal elections. At

2255-463: The importance of winning votes in geographical electorates. It remains to be seen what long-term effect proportional representation will have on the safety of individual electorate seats. While party-switching in the Philippines is rampant, certain congressional districts have been held by political families for generations. These are: Under the usual definition, Capiz–1st has been held by

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2310-470: The only one considered safe. Orkney and Shetland has been held by the Liberal Democrats and their predecessor party, the Liberal Party , continuously since the 1950 general election , but was almost lost to the Scottish National Party in the latter's national landslide. The seat of Sheffield Hallam was notable in the run up to the 2015 general election , when opinion polls were forecasting

2365-639: The other 5 going to the ultra-nationalist Conservative Alliance – which later merged into the SDL. All 19 "Indian" seats were retained by the Labour Party. In the 2006 general election , all Indo-Fijian seats remained safely Labour, while the SDL won all 23 indigenous seats. Among other minorities, only the communal seat of West Central was a safe seat for the ethnic United Peoples Party . The new Constitution adopted in 2013 abolished constituency representation altogether, in favour of party list seat allocation based on nationwide results. The 2014 general election

2420-839: The parish of Littleover in the Rural District of Shardlow. 1974–1977 : The Borough of Derby wards of Alvaston, Arboretum, Babington, Chellaston, Litchurch, Littleover, Normanton, Osmaston, and Peartree. 1977–1983 : The City of Derby wards of Alvaston, Arboretum, Babington, Chellaston, Litchurch, Littleover, Normanton, Osmaston, and Peartree. 1983–1997 : The City of Derby wards of Alvaston, Babington, Blagreaves, Kingsway, Litchurch, Littleover, Normanton, Osmaston, and Sinfin. 1997–2010 : The City of Derby wards of Alvaston, Babington, Blagreaves, Kingsway, Litchurch, Littleover, Mickleover, Normanton, Osmaston, and Sinfin. 2010–2023 : The City of Derby wards of Alvaston, Arboretum, Blagreaves, Boulton, Chellaston, Normanton, and Sinfin. Following

2475-553: The parties will attempt to "buy" marginal seats with funding (a process known in North America and Australia as " pork barrelling "), while ignoring safe seats which will reliably fall to the same party every time; this is especially true in cases where the safe seat is held by the minority party. In countries that do not apply the first past the post system, many of which equally operate a geographic division-based system, selected or party sub-nominated candidates can be allocated

2530-509: The seat of shadow Foreign Secretary Douglas Alexander . In both cases, swings of over 25% to the SNP were recorded. In the 2019 general election , Labour lost many formerly safe seats that were part of its ' Red Wall ' in northern England. These defeats represented about 20% of the party's overall 2017 vote in such seats. The Cook Partisan Voting Index rates congressional districts on how strongly they lean toward either major party. As of

2585-411: The specific election result, and that they can concentrate on ministerial roles without needing to spend too much effort on managing electorate-specific issues. Candidate selection for a party's safe seats is usually keenly contested, although many parties restrict or forbid challenges to the nomination of sitting members. The selection process can see the incumbent party, untroubled by the need to have

2640-582: The states with supermajority. For Sabah, despite being described as a swing state in the past, it has been consistently ruled by parties that once a part in BN. Prior to the 2018 elections , these states were described as 'fixed deposits' for BN as they won almost all seats there with a landslide. In New Zealand, many rural electorates, and those based in wealthy suburban areas, notably the North Shore and eastern suburbs of Auckland , are considered safe seats for

2695-679: The vote, while her National rival won just under 20% of the vote even despite the nationwide Labour losses of that year. Historically, some seats thought to be safe have witnessed surprise upsets. Perhaps the most dramatic recent case was the 1996 election , in which the Maori seats , safe Labour seats for the previous 60 years, were all won by New Zealand First . Meanwhile, in the 2023 election , Labour lost many seats that they had held for decades prior such as Mount Roskill , Rongotai and Wellington Central . The adoption of proportional representation by New Zealand, beginning in 1996, has decreased

2750-471: Was Liverpool Walton , where Labour received 86% of the vote, giving them a 77% majority over the second-placed Conservatives (at 9%). Christchurch is a safe Conservative seat; in 2017 the party gathered 69.6% of the vote there, giving it a near-50% majority over Labour. At the 2015 general election , seven out of eight of the Liberal Democrats' remaining seats were marginal, with their soon-to-be leader Tim Farron 's seat of Westmorland and Lonsdale being

2805-475: Was a strong tendency toward voting on ethnic lines. Thus, in the 1999 general election , although the indigenous seats were split between several parties, all 19 Indo-Fijian seats were won by the Fiji Labour Party – which won none of the indigenous seats. In the 2001 general election , the conservative indigenous nationalist Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua party won 18 of the indigenous seats, with

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2860-496: Was gained from the Conservatives by an anti-sleaze independent candidate, despite the majority previously being that of a very safe seat for the Conservatives. The incumbent, Neil Hamilton , had been mired in controversy, and was defeated by the veteran BBC journalist Martin Bell , who was aided by the decision of the main opposition parties (Labour and the Liberal Democrats) not to field candidates. Without such pacts,

2915-478: Was held on that basis, thus putting an end to all safe seats. The Labour Party suffered a near wipe-out. There is no formal definition in Hong Kong, yet there are some functional constituency seats which are regarded as fully secured by a political party or a political camp. Fully secured by the pan-democracy camp : Fully secured by the pro-Beijing camp : In Malaysia, the percentage of votes secured by

2970-438: Was most recently reelected with 77.6 percent of the vote. Safe Republican seats include Tennessee's 1st congressional district and Tennessee's 2nd congressional district , which are located in the eastern part of the state. Both districts have been held by Republicans or their predecessors (except for two terms in the 1st) since 1859. These districts elected some of the few truly senior Southern Republican Congressmen before

3025-492: Was the division of Mallee , also located in rural Victoria, with a margin of 21.3%. Examples include: In Fiji, prior to the December 2006 military coup , elections were held under the 1997 Constitution , which allotted 46 of the House of Representatives ' 71 seats on an ethnic basis. 23 were reserved for the indigenous majority, 19 for Indo-Fijians , 1 for Rotumans , and 3 for members of all other ethnic minorities. There

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