38-473: Djinang may refer to: Djinang language , and Australian Aboriginal language Djinang people , a sub-group of the Yolngu people of Australia Topics referred to by the same term [REDACTED] This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title Djinang . If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to
76-410: A child will have a father with one language and a mother with another language resulting in the child learning to speak both of his parents’ languages equally; thus inter-generational transference is very strong. The way of life both helps and hinders the growth of their language. Because of their semi-nomadic, semi-reclusive nature, large clans are not easily supported. However, on the other hand it
114-529: A common ancestor from the distant past. Multilingualism is highly prevalent, not just with the Djinang, but throughout all of Australia. It came as a necessity for very specific reasons. First, when visiting a clan that has a different language, it is proper etiquette to speak in the host's language. Not only is it polite, but more importantly to the Aboriginal people, it appeases the ancient ancestors of
152-413: A given situation is often predictable from the phonetic context, with such allophones being called positional variants , but some allophones occur in free variation . Replacing a sound by another allophone of the same phoneme usually does not change the meaning of a word, but the result may sound non-native or even unintelligible. Native speakers of a given language perceive one phoneme in the language as
190-489: A local community audience. As part of the Maningrida Dictionary project in 1998–2001, linguist Anita Berghout and Wurlaki woman KB (now deceased) worked together on preparing a Djinang and Wurlaki dictionary and learner's guide (still unpublished). Although having a population of around 220 and no presence in modern medium (TV, radio, text, etc.), Ethnologue designates Djinang as being 6a (Vigorous); which
228-497: A phoneme must be pronounced using a specific allophone in a specific situation or whether the speaker has the unconscious freedom to choose the allophone that is used. If a specific allophone from a set of allophones that correspond to a phoneme must be selected in a given context, and using a different allophone for a phoneme would cause confusion or make the speaker sound non-native, the allophones are said to be complementary . The allophones then complement each other, and one of them
266-559: A similar process to verbs, but while verbs state when or how an action was done, nouns denote subject, object, and possession. Noun cases mark a noun as either the subject or object. They also mark implied prepositions like: 'to', 'for', 'from', etc. An example of an implied preposition is the Djinang word gurrbi 'camp' – gurrbile allative '(to) camp'. Furthermore in an Australian language there are three very important grammatical associations that nouns can take: Transitive subject (ergative), intransitive subject (nominative), and
304-525: A single distinctive sound and are "both unaware of and even shocked by" the allophone variations that are used to pronounce single phonemes. The term "allophone" was coined by Benjamin Lee Whorf circa 1929. In doing so, he is thought to have placed a cornerstone in consolidating early phoneme theory. The term was popularized by George L. Trager and Bernard Bloch in a 1941 paper on English phonology and went on to become part of standard usage within
342-452: A single phoneme. These descriptions are more sequentially broken down in the next section. Peter Ladefoged , a renowned phonetician , clearly explains the consonant allophones of English in a precise list of statements to illustrate the language behavior. Some of these rules apply to all the consonants of English; the first item on the list deals with consonant length, items 2 through 18 apply to only selected groups of consonants, and
380-497: A tendency to follow a subject, object, verb (S.O.V.) typology In Djinang verbs are extremely important in conveying the bulk of an utterance. Verbs are so prominent that pronouns and certain nouns would only be implied; ex: irri I mina-li carry- TODAY-PAST irri mina-li I carry- TODAY-PAST 'I carried (it)' There are three major sets of verbs: classes I, II, III; within each class there are smaller groups separated by stem ending e.g. -i, -rr, -ji. Each verb
418-747: Is assimilation , in which a phoneme is to sound more like another phoneme. One example of assimilation is consonant voicing and devoicing , in which voiceless consonants are voiced before and after voiced consonants, and voiced consonants are devoiced before and after voiceless consonants. An allotone is a tonic allophone, such as the neutral tone in Standard Mandarin . There are many allophonic processes in English: lack of plosion, nasal plosion, partial devoicing of sonorants, complete devoicing of sonorants, partial devoicing of obstruents, lengthening and shortening vowels, and retraction. Because
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#1732773124775456-462: Is a genetic grouping, which occupies ca. 90% of the continent". Djinang has several dialects: Manyarring, Marrangu, Murrungun, Balmbi, Djaḏiwitjibi, Mildjingi, and Wuḻaki (Wurlaki), but has only one sister language, which is the endangered language of Djinba, spoken by 45 people. The people are simply called the Djinang. Based on the 2006 census their population is 220 people. The Djinang are genetically linked with 90% of Australia, which points to
494-500: Is a language that is used for "face-to-face communication by all generations" and is sustainable. The reasons for Djinang's robustness begin with where Djinang is located in Australia: Arnhem Land , which is the home of the entire Yolngu language family. It was declared an Aboriginal Reserve in 1931. It is a place that is still very much steeped in the traditional Aboriginal ways. It is a large secluded area that
532-545: Is based on a set of 24 phonemes , of which only three of those phonemes are vowels; giving Djinang a high consonant-vowel ratio of seven. This differs from most Pacific languages as they tend to favor larger vowel variation along with a modest set of consonants. Thus most Pacific languages customarily have average to low consonant-vowel ratios. Djinang has 21 consonants. All languages in Australia share similar sound systems characteristic of few fricatives and sibilants, and
570-417: Is classified as a suffixing language and, therefore, has a flexible typology, in other words it does not rely on word order to convey meaning. In regards to nouns Djinang depends on case (Nominative, Genitive, Ablative etc.) to show its function. When speaking of verbs Djinang relies heavily on suffixes to imply tense, mood, and aspect. With that being said, Djinang and, indeed most Australian languages, have
608-491: Is considered by many people to be the least spoiled in the entire world. It is a place that is inaccessible to most people and forms of transportation. Because the majority of the Djinang people live similarly to how their ancestors did, their practices of exogamy and multilingualism are still in practice. Moreover, the Djinang treasure and value their language very much. It can be seen in their sacred songs and with how they handle their children's language. Because of exogamy,
646-456: Is no distinction of vowel length; however, there are instances of vowel lengthening when certain conditions are met, but they do not warrant a unique designation. The syllable structure of the Djinang language would be classified as moderately complex. It has three underlying syllable patterns CV, CVC, and CVCC. Because of Djinang's syllable patterns there are very few words that actually start with vowels or with consonant clusters. Djinang
684-449: Is not used in a situation in which the usage of another is standard. For complementary allophones, each allophone is used in a specific phonetic context and may be involved in a phonological process. In other cases, the speaker can freely select from free-variant allophones on personal habit or preference, but free-variant allophones are still selected in the specific context, not the other way around. Another example of an allophone
722-419: Is sorted by the suffix it uses to signal tenses specific to Djinang: Additionally many verb stems contain a noun related to the definition of a verb; for example: djama – 'work' n. and djamadjigi – 'work', v. Customarily, dji is added to the noun, which creates the verb stem – in this case, djamadji ; the suffix -gi places the verb in either the non-past or future tense. Nouns follow
760-434: Is that their language is directly connected to their land. While the Djinang have no definite boundaries to their lands, they and the clans of surrounding areas know which sites belong to a language. Their land is what links the Djinang to their ancestors—a function of bapurrur . It is because of this "land–language" dependency that Australian languages are largely contained in a particular region. The Djinang language
798-904: Is their close association with their traditional ways that ensures the transfer of language and culture from one generation to the next. As of 2020 , "Djinang/Wurlaki" is listed as one of 20 languages prioritised as part of the Priority Languages Support Project, being undertaken by First Languages Australia and funded by the Department of Communications and the Arts . The project aims to "identify and document critically-endangered languages – those languages for which little or no documentation exists, where no recordings have previously been made, but where there are living speakers". Allophones In phonology , an allophone ( / ˈ æ l ə f oʊ n / ; from
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#1732773124775836-519: The Greek ἄλλος , állos , 'other' and φωνή , phōnē , 'voice, sound') is one of multiple possible spoken sounds – or phones – used to pronounce a single phoneme in a particular language. For example, in English, the voiceless plosive [ t ] (as in stop [ˈstɒp] ) and the aspirated form [ tʰ ] (as in top [ˈtʰɒp] ) are allophones for
874-485: The American structuralist tradition. Whenever a user's speech is vocalized for a given phoneme, it is slightly different from other utterances, even for the same speaker. That has led to some debate over how real and how universal phonemes really are (see phoneme for details). Only some of the variation is significant, by being detectable or perceivable, to speakers. There are two types of allophones, based on whether
912-419: The allophones is simple to transcribe, in the sense of not requiring diacritics, that representation is chosen for the phoneme. However, there may be several such allophones, or the linguist may prefer greater precision than that allows. In such cases, a common convention is to use the "elsewhere condition" to decide the allophone that stands for the phoneme. The "elsewhere" allophone is the one that remains once
950-452: The choice among allophones is seldom under conscious control, few people realize their existence. English-speakers may be unaware of differences between a number of (dialect-dependent) allophones of the phoneme /t/ : In addition, the following allophones of /t/ are found in (at least) some dialects of American(ised) English; However, speakers may become aware of the differences if – for example – they contrast
988-497: The conditions for the others are described by phonological rules. For example, English has both oral and nasal allophones of its vowels. The pattern is that vowels are nasal only before a nasal consonant in the same syllable; elsewhere, they are oral. Therefore, by the "elsewhere" convention, the oral allophones are considered basic, and nasal vowels in English are considered to be allophones of oral phonemes. In other cases, an allophone may be chosen to represent its phoneme because it
1026-468: The deictic word class: Interrogative particles are quite simply the words that signify an utterance as a question, e.g. wari 'who', nyadji 'when'. In Djinang interrogative particles are found at the beginning of an utterance in exactly the same manner as the English language. Loanwords derived from English: There is very little written about the Djinang language or its people. The majority of all papers written on Djinang were all written by
1064-426: The distinction. One may notice the (dialect-dependent) allophones of English /l/ such as the (palatal) alveolar "light" [l] of leaf [ˈliːf] as opposed to the velar alveolar "dark" [ɫ] in feel [ˈfiːɫ] found in the U.S. and Southern England. The difference is much more obvious to a Turkish -speaker, for whom /l/ and /ɫ/ are separate phonemes, than to an English speaker, for whom they are allophones of
1102-429: The host clan. Likewise, children usually have a father from one clan and a mother from another clan. While the father's language would be the child's primary language, the child would learn the mother's language and would speak to her in her own language. The Djinang, and indeed all Aboriginal people, even though they are multilingual, but keep their primary language in a place of great importance. One reason for this
1140-444: The intended article. Retrieved from " https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Djinang&oldid=697320250 " Category : Disambiguation pages Hidden categories: Short description is different from Wikidata All article disambiguation pages All disambiguation pages Djinang language Djinang is an Australian Aboriginal language, one of the family of Yolŋu languages which are spoken in
1178-401: The last item deals with the quality of a consonant. These descriptive rules are as follows: There are many examples for allophones in languages other than English. Typically, languages with a small phoneme inventory allow for quite a lot of allophonic variation: examples are Hawaiian and Pirahã . Here are some examples (the links of language names go to the specific article or subsection on
Djinang - Misplaced Pages Continue
1216-694: The north-east Arnhem Land region of the Northern Territory . Dialects of the two moieties are: Wurlaki is included in a language revival project, as one of many critically endangered languages. Djinang is a language found in the Northern Territory of Australia in Arnhem Land. Djinang is a part of the Yolngu language family—consisting of 11 other languages. It is a part of the much larger Pama-Nyungan language family —285 languages. Mark Harvey (2011) writes "Pama-Nyungan
1254-500: The object (accusative). Because word order is variable, these cases are important in building an intelligible utterance. The chart below lists the different noun cases with their functions and common endings. An interesting aspect of Djinang is the nominal class of words (deictics and interrogative). Deictics use the same cases as nouns. They also often convey number (singular/plural) and relative distance like 'this', 'here' or 'that', 'there'. An example of suffix compounding in
1292-514: The only allophones , are allophones of plosives. For example, the phonemes /b/, /d/, and /g/ could be sounded as /p/, /t/, and /k/ in certain Aboriginal languages. However, in Djinang there is a clear contrast between those phonemes along with the phonemes of c/ɟ. Of Djinang's 24 phoneme set, only three are vowels. In addition to the low vowel count, or because of it, there are also no instances of diphthongs or triphthongs. Moreover, there
1330-399: The phenomenon): Since phonemes are abstractions of speech sounds, not the sounds themselves, they have no direct phonetic transcription . When they are realized without much allophonic variation, a simple broad transcription is used. However, when there are complementary allophones of a phoneme, the allophony becomes significant and things then become more complicated. Often, if only one of
1368-497: The phoneme /t/ , while these two are considered to be different phonemes in some languages such as Central Thai . Similarly, in Spanish , [ d ] (as in dolor [doˈloɾ] ) and [ ð ] (as in nada [ˈnaða] ) are allophones for the phoneme /d/ , while these two are considered to be different phonemes in English (as in the difference between dare and there ). The specific allophone selected in
1406-461: The pronunciations of the following words: A flame that is held in front of the lips while those words are spoken flickers more for the aspirated nitrate than for the unaspirated night rate. The difference can also be felt by holding the hand in front of the lips. For a Mandarin -speaker, for whom /t/ and /tʰ/ are separate phonemes, the English distinction is much more obvious than for an English-speaker, who has learned since childhood to ignore
1444-653: The same author, Bruce E. Waters. Anthropologist Ad Borsboom worked with the Djinang in the 1970s and has published papers about the Marrajiri ritual and song repertoire. Anthropologist Craig Elliott lived and worked with Djinang/Wurlaki people in the late 1980s and has also written about local cosmology and songs. His work contains much linguistic information. Djinang teaching staff, assistant teachers and literacy workers in Maningrida and Ramingining continue to produce literacy materials for use in their schools and for
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