The Eurasia Party ( Russian : Партия «Евразия» ; Partiya «Yevraziya» ) is a neo- Eurasianist Russian political party . It was registered by the Ministry of Justice on 21 June 2002, approximately one year after the pan-Russian Eurasia Movement was established by Aleksandr Dugin .
114-572: Often seen to be a form of National Bolshevism , one of the basic ideas that underpin Eurasian theories is that Moscow , Berlin and Paris form a natural geopolitical axis because a line or axis from Moscow to Berlin will pass through the vicinity of Paris if extended. Dugin and his Eurasia Party foresee an eternal world conflict between land and sea, between the United States and Russia . He believes: "In principle, Eurasia and our space,
228-556: A democratic demagogue that lacked any actual socialism , he claimed and criticized that Hitler, after release from prison, started to look more towards Italian Fascism for inspiration, rather than Ludendorff . After the Nazis took power, Niekisch organised a national revolutionary resistance , for which he was sentenced to life imprisonment until being released in 1945 by the Red Army . Upon his release from prison, Niekisch started
342-768: A Eurasian empire that will occupy the entire continent. The main threat is declared by the United States and the English-speaking world in general under a " neo-liberal " ideology he calls " Atlanticism ". His most preferred form of government is a Russian dictatorship and a totalitarian state with complete ideological control over society. In the 1990s, Dugin criticized Italian fascism and German Nazism as "not enough fascist" and accused China of anti-Russian subversion . In subsequent years, he abandoned direct apology for fascism and called for collaboration with China, and began to refer to his positions as being from
456-527: A National Bolshevik political party, was banned on March 20, 2022. Conservative Revolution Defunct Defunct The Conservative Revolution ( German : Konservative Revolution ), also known as the German neoconservative movement , or new nationalism , was a German national-conservative and ultraconservative movement prominent during the Weimar Republic and Austria, in
570-424: A minority. The Finnish language was made one of the official languages of the republic and efforts were made to make it even the main language. School language was changed to Finnish, in some places against the will of the local population. During Gylling's time, Finnish workers from Canada and the United States were also systematically enticed to Soviet Karelia, from which several thousands would be recruited during
684-639: A mirror-image of the historical materialism developed by Karl Marx . Spengler also wrote about the decline of the West as an ineluctable phenomenon, but his intention was to provide modern readers with a "new socialism" that would enable them to realize the meaninglessness of life, contrasting with Marx's idea of the coming of paradise on earth. Above all, the Conservative Revolution drew influences from vitalism (Lebensphilosophie) and irrationalism , not from materialism . Spengler argued that
798-607: A modern decadent spirit. Jung perceived this return as a gradual and lengthy transformation, similar to the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century, rather than a sudden revolutionary eruption like the French Revolution . Other Conservative Revolutionaries rather drew influence from their life at the front line ( Kriegserlebnis , "war experience") during the First World War . Far from
912-418: A paradox, sometimes as a "semantic absurdity", for many modern historians, and some of them have suggested "neo-conservative" as a more easily justifiable label for the movement. Sociologist Stefan Breuer wrote that he would have preferred the substitute "new nationalism" to name a charismatic and holistic cultural movement that differed from the "old nationalism" of the previous century, whose essential role
1026-403: A point between communist and fascists, and forced to act in the peripheries of each group. The group's early policies and actions show some alignment and sympathy with radical nationalist groups, albeit while still holding to the tenets of a form of Marxism that Dugin defined as "Marx minus Feuerbach , i. e. minus evolutionism and sometimes appearing inertial humanism", but a split occurred in
1140-475: A political career in East Germany , which was abruptly ended after the crushing of the 1953 uprising , which resulted in him leaving the party and retiring from politics. Following his retirement, Niekisch moved back to West Berlin and proclaimed himself a 'victim of fascism' due to being blinded while imprisoned, after a long legal battle with West German courts, Niekisch received minor compensation from
1254-473: A remedy to the political situation: a "Third Reich" that would unite all classes under an authoritarian rule based on a combination of the nationalism of the right and the socialism of the left. Rejecting both the nation-state narrowed to one unified people and the imperialistic structure based on different ethnic groups, the goal of Jungkonservativen was to fulfil the Volksmission ("mission of
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#17327724492561368-487: A return to the spirit of the Middle Ages with a new Holy Roman Empire federating central Europe. The theme of a return to medieval values and aesthetics among "young conservatives" was inherited from a Romantic fascination for that period, which they believed to be simpler and more integrated than the modern world. Oswald Spengler praised medieval chivalry as the philosophical and moral attitude to adopt against
1482-708: A revolution in Finland against the Russian Imperial government. When the Finnish civil war started, most sided with the White Army but a third sided with the communists. The so-called "Red jägers" were left-wing working class jägers who formed the executive committee of Worker-Jägers that maintained contacts with left-wing revolutionaries back home and in Germany. Influential politicians of the labor movement at
1596-411: A serious attempt to draw a political analysis of that period, young Mann's writings have been influential on many Conservative Revolutionaries. Mann was accused by the right of watering down his undemocratic views in 1922 after he removed some paragraphs from the republication of Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen ("Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man"), originally released in 1918. In a speech delivered
1710-662: A solid world of values in the face of continuous historical setbacks. In the face of modernity as an era of insecurity, opposing the securities of the past is no longer enough; instead it is necessary to redesign new safety by adopting and taking on the same risky conditions with which it is defined. Edgar Jung indeed dismissed the idea that true conservatives wanted to "stop the wheel of history". The chivalric way of life they were seeking to achieve was, according to Oswald Spengler , not governed by any moral code, but rather by "a noble, self-evident morality, based on that natural sense of tact which comes from good breeding". This morality
1824-404: A sovereign authority. He defined sovereignty as the possibility , or the power, to decide on the triggering of a "state of emergency", in other words a state of exception regarding the law: "There is some person or institution, in a given polity, capable of bringing about a total suspension of the law and then to use extra-legal force to normalize the situation, then that person or institution
1938-427: A springboard from which the revolution could spread to Finland and Scandinavia. His vision was to create a "Scandinavian Socialist Federal Republic" or "red Greater Finland " separate from Russia, which would also include Eastern Karelia. However, to Gylling's chagrin, the borders of Soviet Karelia were drawn in 1924 in such a way that Russians made up more than half of its population, while Karelians and Finns remained
2052-798: A temporary alliance with German communists and the Soviet Union in order to annihilate the capitalist West. In his PhD thesis supervised by Karl Jaspers , Armin Mohler distinguished five currents inside the nebula of the Conservative Revolution: the Jungkonservativen ("young conservatives"), the Nationalrevolutionäre ("national revolutionaries"), the Völkischen (from the "folkish movement"),
2166-680: A traitor to his homeland who contributed to the downfall of the Soviet Union. In The Oak and the Calf , Solzhenitsyn openly attacked the notions that the Russians were "the noblest in the world" and that "tsarism and Bolshevism [...] [were] equally irreproachable", defining this as the core of the National Bolshevism to which he was opposed. The Eurasia Movement is a National Bolshevik Russian political movement founded in 2001 by
2280-592: A victory by the National Bolsheviks. Vladimir Lenin , who did not use the term National Bolshevism, identified the Smenovekhovtsy as a tendency of the old Constitutional Democratic Party who saw Russian communism as just an evolution in the process of Russian aggrandisement. He further added that they were a class enemy and warned against communists believing them to be allies. Liberal philosopher Peter Struve , who Ustryalov greatly admired,
2394-513: A view also shared by David Brandenberger and Evgeny Dobrenko . The National Bolshevik Party (NBP) was founded in 1992 as the National Bolshevik Front , an amalgamation of six minor groups. The party has always been led by Eduard Limonov . Limonov and extreme right-wing ultranationalist activist Aleksandr Dugin sought to unite far-left and far-right radicals on the same platform, with Dugin viewing national-bolsheviks as
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#17327724492562508-708: Is a syncretic political movement committed to combining ultranationalism and Bolshevik communism . National Bolshevism as a term was first used to describe a faction in the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) and later the Communist Workers' Party of Germany (KAPD) which wanted to ally the insurgent communist movement with dissident nationalist groups in the German army who rejected the Treaty of Versailles . Heinrich Laufenberg and Fritz Wolffheim led
2622-598: Is a form of rule that rises above the Volkstum and can leave it untouched. But it shall not want to be total, and shall recognize autonomies ( Autonomien ) and sovereignties ( Eigenständigkeiten ). Although Moeller van der Bruck killed himself in despair in May 1925, his ideas continued to influence his contemporaries. Among them was Edgar Jung, who advocated the creation of a corporatist organic state , free from class struggle and parliamentary democracy, which would make way for
2736-551: Is affiliated with the Eurasia Movement , a National Bolshevik Russian political movement founded in 2001 by the political scientist Aleksandr Dugin . The movement follows the neo-Eurasian ideology, which adopts an eclectic mixture of Russian patriotism , Orthodox faith , anti-modernism , and even some Bolshevik ideas. It opposes "American" values such as liberalism , capitalism , and modernism . Alexander Dugin, an exponent of neo-Eurasianism, initially followed
2850-521: Is described as a Bejahung ("affirmation") by Dupeux: Conservative Revolutionaries said "yes" to their time as long as they could find the ways to facilitate the resurgence of anti-liberal and what they saw as "eternal values" within modern societies. Dupeux conceded at the same time that the Conservative Revolution was rather a counter-cultural movement than an actual philosophical proposition, relying more on non-rationalistic "feeling, images and myths" than on scientific analysis and concepts. He also admitted
2964-565: Is the sovereign in that polity." According to him, every government should include within its constitution that dictatorial possibility to allow, when necessary, for faster and more effective decisions than going through parliamentary discussion and compromise. Referring to Adolf Hitler , he later used in 1934 the following formulation to justify the legitimacy of the Night of the Long Knives : Der Führer schützt das Recht ("The leader defends
3078-481: Is to say the "political reality of that Conservative Revolution". In 1921, Carl Schmitt published his essay Die Diktatur ("The Dictatorship"), in which he studied the foundations of the recently established Weimar Republic . Comparing what he saw as the effective and ineffective elements of the new constitution, he highlighted the office of the Reichspräsident as a valuable position, essentially due to
3192-470: The Kulturpessimismus concern of the "young conservatives", Ernst Jünger and the other "national revolutionaries" advocated total acceptance of modern technique and endorsed the use of any modern phenomena that could help them overcome modernity—such as propaganda or mass organizations —and eventually achieve a new political order. The latter would have been based on life itself rather than
3306-620: The Jugendbewegung ("youth movement") in 1896 are cited as conducive to the emergence of the Conservative Revolution in the following decades. Moeller van den Bruck was the dominant figure of the movement until his suicide on 30 May 1925. His ideas were initially spread through the Juniklub he had founded on 28 June 1919, on the day of the signing of Treaty of Versailles . Conservative Revolutionaries frequently referred to German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche as their mentor and as
3420-699: The Bündischen ("leaguists") and the Landvolksbewegung ("rural people's movement"). According to Mohler, the last two groups were less theory- and more action-oriented, the Landvolks movement offering concrete resistance in the form of demonstrations and tax boycotts. French historian Louis Dupeux saw five lines of divisions that can be drawn inside the Conservative Revolutionaries: the small farmers were different from
3534-533: The Smenovekhovtsy (named after a series of articles he published in 1921) Smena vekh (Russian: change of milestones), came to regard themselves as National Bolsheviks, borrowing the term from Niekisch. Similar ideas were expressed by the Evraziitsi movement and writers such as D. S. Mirsky , and the pro-monarchist Mladorossi . Joseph Stalin 's idea of socialism in one country was interpreted as
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3648-513: The Treaty of Versailles , as well as being characterized by an Anti-French sentiment . Paetel's National Bolshevism advocated for soviet democracy , while also emphasizing a strong nationalism , including a return to paganism , and believing that the nation is a prerequisite for building socialism . Following Hitler's rise to power , Paetel fled Germany, initially to Paris and later New York , where he would die in 1975. The National Bolshevik project of figures such as Niekisch and Paetel
3762-533: The Volk ") through the edification of a new Reich, i.e. "the organization of all the peoples in a supra-state, dominated by a superior principle, under the supreme responsibility of only one people" in the words of Armin Mohler. As summarized by Edgar Jung in 1933: The concept of the nation-state is the transfer of individualistic doctrines from the individuals to the individual state. [...] The super-state (the Reich)
3876-409: The middle class , in which they felt crushed at the centre of an economic struggle between the ruling capitalists and the potentially dangerous masses. Although they dismissed communism as mere idealism, many of them showed their dependence on some Marxist terminology in their writings. For instance, Jung emphasized the "historical inevitability" of conservatism taking over from the liberal era, in
3990-430: The political scientist Aleksandr Dugin . The organization follows the neo-Eurasian ideology, which adopts an eclectic mixture of Russian patriotism , Orthodox faith , anti-modernism , and even some Bolshevik ideas. The organization opposes "American" values such as liberalism , capitalism , and modernism . The patriotism of the working class is profoundly progressive and revolutionary...By overthrowing
4104-503: The "Conservative Revolution" has been widely criticized by scholars, but the validity of a redefined concept of "neo-conservative" or "new nationalist" movement active during the Weimar period (1918–1933), whose lifetime is sometimes extended to the years 1890s–1910s, and which differed in particular from the "old nationalism" of the 19th century, is now generally accepted in scholarship. The name "Conservative Revolution" has appeared as
4218-558: The "insecurities of the modern world". Historian Louis Dupeux , a specialist of the Conservative Revolution, saw the movement as an intellectual project with its own consistent logic, namely the striving for an Intellektueller Macht ("intellectual power"), if necessary via the use of modern technique and concepts, which would allow them to promote and gain wider support to conservative and revolutionary ideas directed against liberalism, egalitarianism, and traditional conservatism. This change of attitude, compared to 19th-century conservatism,
4332-450: The "left-wing-people of the right" ( Linke Leute von rechts ). They defended an ultra-nationalist form of socialism that took its roots in both Völkisch extremism and nihilistic Kulturpessimismus , rejecting any Western influence on German society: liberalism and democracy , capitalism and Marxism , the bourgeoisie and the proletariat , Christianity and humanism . Niekisch and National Bolsheviks were even ready to build
4446-552: The 1900s to the 1920s, the Konservative Revolution ("Conservative Revolution") became an established concept in the Weimar Republic (1918–1933) through the writings of essayists like Arthur Moeller van den Bruck , Hugo von Hofmannsthal , Hermann Rauschning , Edgar Jung and Oswald Spengler . The creation of the Alldeutscher Verband ("Pan-German League") by Alfred Hugenberg in 1891 and
4560-435: The 1920s to the early 1930s, which has led scholars to describe it as a form of "German pre-fascism" or "non-Nazi fascism". Although they share common roots in 19th-century anti-Enlightenment ideologies, the disparate movement cannot be easily confused with Nazism. Conservative Revolutionaries were not necessarily racialist as the movement cannot be reduced to its Völkisch component. Although they participated in preparing
4674-631: The 2000s which changed this to an extent. This led to the party moving further left in Russia's political spectrum, and led to members of the party denouncing Dugin and his group as fascists. Dugin subsequently developed close ties to the Kremlin and served as an adviser to senior Russian official Sergey Naryshkin . NBP was banned and outlawed in 2007 and its members went on to form a new political party in 2010, The Other Russia . Initially critical of Vladimir Putin , Limonov at first somewhat liberalized
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4788-623: The Berlin government. Niekisch died in 1967. In modern times, Niekisch and his works have been cited and praised by both neo-fascists , in particular the Autonomous Nationalists , and some elements of the West German far-left. Aleksandr Dugin also referenced Niekisch in his book The Fourth Political Theory in relation to Eurasianism . Another prominent National Bolshevik was Karl Otto Paetel , notable for writing
4902-586: The Conservative Revolution included: Despite a broad range of political positions that historian Roger Woods has labelled the "conservative dilemma", the German Conservative Revolution can be defined by its disapproval of: Conservative Revolutionaries argued that their nationalism was fundamentally different from the precedent forms of German nationalism or conservatism. They condemned the reactionary outlook of traditional Wilhelmine conservatives and their failure to fully understand
5016-438: The Conservative Revolution: the "völkischen", the "national socialists", the "revolutionary nationalists" as such, the "vital-activists" ( aktivistisch-vitalen ), and, a minority in the movement, the "biological naturalists". Building on the previous studies conducted by Mohler and Dupeux, French political scientist Stéphane François summarized the three main currents within the Conservative Revolution, this broad division being
5130-678: The Fourth Political Theory as a cultural phenomenon; as a community of language, religious belief, daily life, and of sharing resources and efforts; as an organic entity’. Defunct The Eurasia Party is based around the following five principles: With respect to foreign policy , the Eurasia Party believes that: With respect to Russia's domestic policies, the Eurasia Party intends to: National Bolshevism National Bolshevism , whose supporters are known as National Bolsheviks and colloquially as Nazbols ,
5244-472: The German society to the rule of the Nazi Party with their antidemocratic and organicist theories, and did not really oppose their rise to power, Conservative Revolutionary writings did not have a decisive influence on Nazism , and the movement was brought to heel like the rest of the society when Adolf Hitler seized power in 1933, culminating in the assassination of prominent thinker Edgar Jung by
5358-672: The Great Depression. Iivo Ahava was a prominent Karelian nationalist who was a leading figure in the local Red Guards. Yrjö Ruutu , the founder and leader of the interwar Strasserist National Socialist Union of Finland , joined the communist Finnish People's Democratic League after the Second World War. In the 2000s, Communist Party MP Pirkko Turpeinen has associated with the far-right, like Juha Korhonen of Freedom Alliance . Johan Bäckman who has been involved with far-right parties recruiting people for
5472-780: The NBP and joined forces with leftist and liberal groups in Garry Kasparov 's United Civil Front to fight Putin. However, he later expressed support of Putin following the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian War . Limonov died in March 2020 and his The Other Russia party re-organized and renamed itself to "The Other Russia of E. V. Limonov" to honor its founder. The term National Bolshevism has sometimes been applied to Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and his brand of anti-communism . However, Geoffrey Hosking argues in his History of
5586-600: The National Bolshevik movement in Germany was Ernst Niekisch of the Old Social Democratic Party of Germany . Niekisch was the founder and primary editor of Widerstand , a magazine which advocated for National Bolshevik ideology. Co-publisher and illustrator of Widerstand was the openly antisemitic A. Paul Weber , who saw himself primarily concerned with the future of Germany due to the growing popularity of Nazism . Other authors of
5700-442: The National Bolsheviks, who were not religious in tone (although not completely hostile to religion) and who felt that involvement overseas was important for the prestige and power of Russia. There was open hostility between Solzhenitsyn and Eduard Limonov , the head of Russia's unregistered National Bolshevik Party . Solzhenitsyn had described Limonov as "a little insect who writes pornography" and Limonov described Solzhenitsyn as
5814-896: The National Bolshevist Manifesto (published 1933), in which he bases himself on Marxism . Originally a figure in the German Youth Movement , and later the KPD , Paetel founded the Arbeitsring junge Front , and later the Group of Social Revolutionary Nationalists , which sought to bring together radicals of left and right in pursuit of a " third way " between the NSDAP and the KPD, encompassing both nationalism and socialist economics. The GRSN, founded in 1930,
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#17327724492565928-522: The Nazi Party; an example of this being his largely unsuccessful attempt to win over a section of the Hitler Youth to his cause. Paetel would later strongly condemn both Nazism and all other forms of fascism in the National Bolshevist Manifesto. Similarly to the National Bolshevism of Niekisch , Paetel's ideology was strongly anti-western , focusing on anti-imperialism and opposition to
6042-696: The Nazis during the Night of the Long Knives in the following year. Many of them eventually rejected the antisemitic or the totalitarian nature of the Nazi regime, with the notable exception of Carl Schmitt and some others. From the 1960–1970s onwards, the Conservative Revolution has largely influenced the European New Right , in particular the French Nouvelle Droite and the German Neue Rechte , and through them
6156-474: The Soviet Union that Solzhenitsyn cannot be labelled a National Bolshevik since he was thoroughly anti-Stalinist and wished a revival of Russian culture that would see a greater role for the Russian Orthodox Church , a withdrawal of Russia from its role overseas and a state of international isolationism . Solzhenitsyn and his followers, known as vozrozhdentsy (revivalists), differed from
6270-481: The West during World War I was stronger than its spiritual resistance, it was primarily because the ethos ("character") of the German Volksgemeinschaft ("national community") cannot quickly express itself in words, and as a result is not able to counter effectively the solid rhetoric of the West. Since German culture was "of the soul, something which could not be grasped by the intellect",
6384-540: The anti-modern and anti-rationalist tendencies of German Romanticism ; the vision of an organic and naturally-organized folk community cultivated by the Völkisch movement ; the Prussian tradition of militaristic and authoritarian nationalism; and their own experience of comradeship and irrational violence on the front lines of World War I . The Conservative Revolution held an ambiguous relationship with Nazism from
6498-453: The authoritarian state was the natural order desired by the German people. Politics, Mann argued, was inevitably a commitment to democracy and therefore alien to the German spirit: There is no such thing as a democratic or a conservative politician. Either you are a politician or you are not , and if you are, you are a democrat. While scholars have debated whether these formulations should be considered artistic and idealistic, or rather
6612-431: The backward-looking regret is replaced by a juvenile energy — and led to a wide-ranging political and cultural initiative. Political scientist Tamir Bar-On has defined the Conservative Revolution as a combination of "German ultra-nationalism, defence of the organic folk community, technological modernity, and socialist revisionism, which perceived the worker and soldier as models for a reborn authoritarian state superseding
6726-571: The basis of a political and strategic union". The party has been deemed neo-fascist by critics, a label Dugin denies. The Eurasia Party was founded by Dugin shortly before George W. Bush 's visit to Russia at the end of May 2002. The party hopes to play a key role in attempts to resolve the Chechen problem , with the objective of setting the stage for Dugin's dream of a Russian strategic alliance with European and Middle Eastern states, primarily Iran and states like Germany . The Eurasia Party
6840-631: The brothers Gregor and Otto Strasser , after which the movement was later named, as well as Walther Stennes , Hermann Ehrhardt , and Ernst Röhm . As the Russian Civil War dragged on, a number of prominent Whites switched to the Bolshevik side because they saw it as the only hope for restoring greatness to Russia. Amongst these was Professor Nikolai Ustryalov , initially an anti-communist, who came to believe that Bolshevism could be modified to serve nationalistic purposes. His followers,
6954-437: The co-option of aspects of nationalism by Stalin and his ideologue Andrei Zhdanov enjoyed membership of the intellectual elite under the designation non-party Bolsheviks. Similarly, B. D. Grekov 's National Bolshevik school of historiography, a frequent target under Lenin, was officially recognised and even promoted under Stalin, albeit after accepting the main tenets of Stalinism . It has been argued that National Bolshevism
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#17327724492567068-590: The communist regime of Ceaușescu ) as "National Bolshevik" for often seen blending of left-wing and right-wing political viewpoints, including irrendentism , interventionism and anti-globalist approach to foreign policy. In July 2021, the leader of the American Traditionalist Worker Party Matthew Heimbach announced his intention to reform the party along National Bolshevik lines. The Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine , which has been described as
7182-491: The community, the nation, the people—while "espousing their times" in the very same movement. Moeller van den Bruck tried to overcome the Kulturpessimismus dilemma by fighting decadency to build a new political order over it. In 1923, he published the influential book Das Dritte Reich ("The Third Reich") , in which he went further from theoretical analysis to introduce a practical revolutionary programme as
7296-474: The concept of revolution from November 1918 in order to attach it to August 1914. Conservative Revolutionaries indeed painted the November Revolution , which led to the foundation of the Weimar Republic , as a betrayal of the true revolution and, at best, hunger protests by the mob. The common agreement with socialists was the abolition of the excesses of capitalism. Jung claimed that, while
7410-477: The concepts of European New Right . Researchers note that in the formulation of philosophical problems and political projects, he significantly deviates from classical Eurasianism, which is presented in his numerous works very selectively, eclectically. In Dugin's version of neo-Eurasianism , the Russian ethnos is considered "the most priority Eurasian ethnos", which must fulfill the civilizational mission of forming
7524-522: The contemporary European Identitarian movement . Although conservative essayists of the Weimar Republic like Arthur Moeller van den Bruck , Hugo von Hofmannsthal or Edgar Jung had already described their political project as a Konservative Revolution ("Conservative Revolution"), the name saw a revival after the 1949 doctoral thesis of Neue Rechte philosopher Armin Mohler on the movement. Molher's post-war ideological reconstruction of
7638-441: The cultural pessimists and the "pseudo-moderns", who belonged for the most part to the middle class; while the proponent of an "organic" society diverged from those of an "organized" society. A third division split the supporters of deep and lengthy political and cultural transformations from those who endorsed a quick and erupting social revolution, as far as challenging economic freedom and private property. The fourth rift resided in
7752-418: The cultural spirit of the bourgeoisie and modernity . Plunged into what historian Fritz Stern has named a deep "cultural despair", uprooted as they felt within the rationalism and scientism of the modern world, theorists of the Conservative Revolution drew inspiration from various elements of the 19th century, including Friedrich Nietzsche 's contempt for Christian ethics , democracy and egalitarianism;
7866-442: The derision of the past by liberals and the modern concept of 'progress' as being seriously flawed, going so far as to describe it as racism and even 'moral genocide against the past'. From the three other political theories, he discards the aspects he finds unacceptable and highlights what he sees as the positive qualities. He combines them to form a new political theory based on the 'ethnos', describing this as ‘the greatest value of
7980-473: The disquiet and longing of the German being! Völkischen were involved in a racialist and occultist movement dating back to the middle of the 19th century and had an influence on the Conservative Revolution. Their priority was the fight against Christianity and the return to a (reconstructed) Germanic pagan faith, or the "Germanization" of Christianity to purge it from foreign (Semitic) influence. Thomas Mann believed that if German military resistance to
8094-413: The doctrine of National Bolshevism, which was a break from the group's fascist outlook under its previous leader. Nathan Yellin-Mor , one of the leaders of Lehi, formulated the group's unique form of Hebrew National Bolshevism. Some have described the Bulgarian Attack party (which considers itself neither left nor right-wing ), the Slovenian National Party (position of which is disputed, with
8208-400: The economy should remain in private hands, the "greed of capital" should at the same time be controlled, and that a community based on shared interests had to be set up between workers and employers. Another source of aversion for capitalism was rooted in the profits made from the war and inflation, and a last concern can be found in the fact that most of Conservative Revolutionaries belonged to
8322-513: The egalitarian "decadence" of liberalism, socialism, and traditional conservatism." The Conservative Revolution is encompassed in a larger and older counter-movement to the French Revolution of 1789, influenced by the anti- modernity and anti- rationalism of early 19th-century romanticism , in the context of a German, especially Prussian , "tradition of militaristic, authoritarian nationalism which rejected liberalism, socialism, democracy and internationalism." Historian Fritz Stern described
8436-415: The emerging concepts of the modern world, such as technology, the city and the proletariat . Moeller van den Bruck defined the Conservative Revolution as the will to conserve a set of values seen as inseparable from a Volk ("people, ethnic group"). These eternal values were able to survive through the fluctuations of the ages because of innovations in their institutional and ideal forms. Distant from
8550-643: The faction and it was primarily based in Hamburg . They were subsequently expelled from the KAPD which Karl Radek justified by stating that it was necessary for the KAPD to be welcomed into the Third Congress of the Third International , although the expulsion would likely have happened regardless as Radek previously dismissed the pair as "National Bolsheviks" (which was the first recorded use of
8664-498: The front line, with its violence and irrationality, caused most of them to search a posteriori for a meaning to what they had to endure during the conflict. Ernst Jünger is the major figure of that branch of the Conservative Revolution which wanted to uphold military structures and values in peacetime society, and saw in the community of front line comradeship ( Frontgemeinschaft ) the true nature of German socialism. According to Armin Mohler and other sources, prominent members of
8778-478: The heartland (Russia), remain the staging area of a new anti- bourgeois , anti-American revolution ". According to Dugin's book The Basics of Geopolitics (1997): "The new Eurasian empire will be constructed on the fundamental principle of the common enemy: the rejection of Atlanticism , strategic control of the USA, and the refusal to allow liberal values to dominate us. This common civilisational impulse will be
8892-640: The idea. The Nouvelle Droite tendency was influenced by both left-wing and right-wing doctrines, taking heavy inspiration from Antonio Gramsci , with many supporters of the concept calling themselves "Gramscians of the Right". Former GRECE secretary-general Pierre Vial has praised Che Guevara , the Italian Red Brigades and the Red Army Faction for their opposition towards liberal democracy. GRECE's Alain de Benoist stated that
9006-495: The ideology of National Bolshevism. Expanding out of National Bolshevism, he brought into the existing ideology of Eurasianism the idea of a "third position" (a combination of capitalism and socialism ), geopolitics (Eurasia as a tellurocracy , opposing the "Atlantic Anglo-Saxon thalassocracy " of the United States and NATO ) and Russian conservatism and Stalinism (the Soviet Union as a major Eurasian power). In Dugin's works, Eurasian concepts and provisions are intertwined with
9120-551: The intellect, founded on organic, naturally structured and hierarchical communities, and led by a new aristocracy of merit and action. Historian Jeffrey Herf used the term " reactionary modernism " to describe that "great enthusiasm for modern technology with a rejection of the Enlightenment and the values and institutions of liberal democracy ". That time is only worth destroying. But to destroy it, you have to know it first. [...] You had to completely submit yourself to
9234-452: The law"). Conservative Revolutionaries asserted that they were not guided by the "sterile resentment of the class struggle". Many of them invoked the community of front line comradeship ( Frontgemeinschaft ) of World War I as the model for the national community ( Volksgemeinschaft ) to follow in peaceful times, hoping in that project to transcend the established political categories of right and left. For that purpose, they tried to remove
9348-606: The left-right political divide has "lost any operative value to analyze the field of ideological or political discourse", and he himself supported the French Communist Party during 1984 elections to the European Parliament . In 1944, Indian nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose called for "a synthesis between National Socialism and communism" to take root in India. The All India Forward Bloc
9462-478: The left-wing of the Nazi Party . This was represented by what has now come to be known as Strasserism . Initially one of the stronger factions of the NSDAP, the left-wing slowly started to lose power to Adolf Hitler 's faction; this culminated in much of the wing splitting off to form the Black Front , whereas the rest would be purged in the Night of the Long Knives . Prominent figures of this movement were
9576-660: The magazine included Otto Petras , Friedrich Georg Jünger , Hugo Fischer , Hans Bäcker , Friedrich Reck-Mellecze , and Alexander Mitscherlich . The ideology of Ernst Niekisch and the group which had formed around the publication, named Widerstandskreis , has been described as anti-democratic , nationalist , anti-capitalist , anti-western , as well as exhibiting racist and fascist traits. Others have called his ideology outright fascist, despite Niekisch condemning and critiquing fascism , primarily in his work "Hitler - ein deutsches Verhängnis" . Niekisch strongly and publicly condemned Adolf Hitler , who he perceived as
9690-401: The main intellectual influence on their movement. Despite Nietzsche's philosophy being often misinterpreted, or wrongly appropriated by thinkers of the Conservative Revolution, they retained his contempt for Christian ethics, democracy, modernity and egalitarianism as the cornerstone of their ideology. Historian Roger Woods writes that Conservative Revolutionaries "constructed", in response to
9804-486: The main subject of politics is not individualism , class struggle , or nation , but rather Dasein (existence itself). According to Dugin, his aim is to take elements from all three, 'neutralise and decontaminate' negative aspects such as racism (in the case of fascism) and incorporate them into this new ideology. He refers to this ideology as a 'timeless, non-modern theory' valid for all time. Dugin views liberalism as having 'defeated all its competitors'. He refers to
9918-432: The materialist vision of Marx was based on nineteenth-century science, while the twentieth century would be the age of psychology . We no longer believe in the power of reason over life. We feel that it is life which dominates reason. Along with Karl Otto Paetel and Heinrich Laufenberg , Ernst Niekisch was one of the main advocates of National Bolshevism , a minor branch of the Conservative Revolution described as
10032-407: The most internationalist class - the working class - is at the same time the most patriotic class." Otto Wille Kuusinen , "Cosmopolitanism, not patriotism, is the ideology of the imperialist bourgeoisie." Before the independence of Finland, Finnish nationalists sent volunteers to German army, to the 27th Jäger Battalion , who were supposed to act as the revolutionary vanguard who would incite
10146-407: The most widely shared among analysts of the movement: "Young conservatives" were deeply influenced by 19th-century intellectual and aesthetic movements such as German romanticism and Kulturpessimismus ("cultural pessimism"). Contrary to traditional Wilhelmine conservatives, Jungkonservativen aimed at assisting the re-emergence of "persistent and fundamental structures"—authority, the state,
10260-543: The movement as disoriented intellectuals plunged into a profound "cultural despair": they felt alienated and uprooted within a world dominated by what they saw as "bourgeois rationalism and science". Their hatred of modernity, Stern follows, led them to the naive confidence that all these modern evils could be fought and resolved by a "Conservative Revolution". Although terms such as Konservative Kraft ("conservative power") and schöpferische Restauration ("creative restoration") began to spread across German-speaking Europe from
10374-478: The necessity to distinguish several leanings, sometimes with contradictory views, within its diverse ideological spectrum. [Conservative Revolutionaries] are, admittedly, as reactionary in politics as their pre-war predecessors, but they stand out by their optimism — or at least by their voluntarism — in front of the modern world. They do not really fear the masses , nor the technique anymore. Yet this change of Haltung ("attitude") had significant consequences —
10488-654: The party refusing to set itself on the political spectrum), the Bosnian-Serb Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (which has gradually abandoned its reformist ideology for a more assertive advocacy of Serbian nationalism ), the Macedonian Levica (which was described with many terms, including fascist ) and the Greater Romania Party (that expressed nostalgia for both Axis -aligned dictatorship of Ion Antonescu and
10602-612: The power granted to the president by the Article 48 to declare an Ausnahmezustand (" state of emergency "), which Schmitt implicitly praised as dictatorial. If the constitution of a state is democratic, then every exceptional negation of democratic principles, every exercise of state power independent of the approval of the majority, can be called dictatorship. Schmitt further advanced in Politische Theologie (1922) that there cannot be any functioning legal order without
10716-592: The pure reactionary who, in Moeller van den Bruck's eyes, does not create (and from the pure revolutionary who does nothing but destroys everything), the Conservative Revolutionary sought to give a form to phenomena in an eternal space, a shape that could guarantee their survival among the few things that cannot be lost: Conserving is not receiving to hand down, but rather innovating the forms, institutional or ideal, which agree to remain rooted in
10830-579: The question of the Drang nach Osten ("drive to the East") and the attitude to adopt towards Bolshevik Russia , escorted by a debate on the place of Germany between a so-called "senile" West and "young and barbaric" Orient ; the last division being a deep opposition between the Völkischen and the pre-fascist thinkers. In 1995, historian Rolf Peter Sieferle described what he labelled five "complexes" in
10944-479: The rule of the exploiting classes the working class creates the conditions for the fullest possible manifestation of its patriotism, for it itself is the true bearer of patriotism in our time...This does not in any way mean, however, that while belonging to the single international army of working people, the worker ceases to be a Frenchman, Englishman, etc...the building of socialism, can bring every nation real freedom, independence and national greatness. It follows that
11058-489: The same year (" On the German Republic " [ Von deutscher Republik ]), Mann publicly became a staunch defender of the Weimar Republic and attacked many of the figures associated with the Conservative Revolution such as Oswald Spengler, whom he depicted as intellectually dishonest and irresponsibly immoral. In 1933, he described National Socialism as the politische Wirklichkeit jener konservativen Revolution , that
11172-423: The strong into mandatory, rather than optional, service to the weak. On a geopolitical scale, theorists of the movement adopted a vision of the world ( Weltanschauung ) where nations would abandon moral standards in their relationship to each others, only guided by their natural self-interest. Let thousands, nay millions, die; what meaning have these rivers of blood in comparison with a state, into which flow all
11286-598: The successful construction of socialism in Karelia required " the implementation of nationalist politics in a communist spirit ", which would win the support of the anti-Russian peasant population. Among his nationalist policies was the Finnicization of the Karelians, because the ultimate goal was the unification of the region with Finland. He believed that the autonomous Finnish-speaking Soviet Karelia could act as
11400-618: The technique, by shaping it at last. [...] The apparatus itself deserved no admiration — that was the dangerous thing to do — it just had to be used. Jünger supported the emergence of a young intellectual elite that would spring out from the trenches of WWI, ready to oppose bourgeois capitalism and to embody a new nationalist revolutionary spirit. In the 1920s, he wrote more than 130 articles in various nationalist magazines, mostly in Die Standarte or, less frequently, in Widerstand ,
11514-439: The term). National Bolshevism was among several early ultranationalist , and according to some, fascist movements in Germany that predate Adolf Hitler 's Nazi Party . During the 1920s, a number of German intellectuals began a dialogue which created a synthesis between radical nationalism (typically referencing Prussianism ) and Bolshevism as it existed in the Soviet Union. One of the early and most prominent pioneers of
11628-611: The time, K. H. Wiik , Oskari Tokoi and Yrjö Mäkelin , among others, supported the Jäger movement. The son of the latter, Leo Mäkelin , joined the ranks of the Jägers on February 14, 1916. Edvard Gylling , Commissar of Finance for the Revolutionary "Red" Finnish government and later Chairman of Karelian ASSR implemented a policy to increase the economic independence and to Finnicize Karelian population. According to Gylling,
11742-511: The traditions of the conservative revolution and National Bolshevism. However, researchers typically refer to neo-Eurasianism (also known Fourth Political Theory and Duginism) as a form of fascism. Dugin states that the Eurasia Party is developing the foundations for an entirely new political ideology , the Fourth Political Theory , which integrates and supersedes liberal democracy , Marxism , and fascism . In this theory,
11856-430: The war and the unstable Weimar period , a Nietzsche "who advocated a self-justifying activism, unbridled self-assertion, war over peace, and the elevation of instinct over reason." Many of the intellectuals involved in the movement were born in the last decades of the nineteenth century and experienced WWI as a formative event ( Kriegserlebnis , "war experience") for the foundation of their political beliefs. The life on
11970-578: The war in Ukraine was a candidate of the communist Workers' Party of Finland . Hannu Rainesto who identifies as a communist and runs a group called the Red Guard has been active in the far-right Finns Party . The Franco-Belgian Parti Communautaire National-Européen shares National Bolshevism's desire for the creation of a united Europe as well as many of the NBP's economic ideas. French political figure Christian Bouchet has also been influenced by
12084-550: The years 1918–1933 (between World War I and the Nazi seizure of power ). Conservative revolutionaries were involved in a cultural counter-revolution and showed a wide range of diverging positions concerning the nature of the institutions Germany had to instate, labelled by historian Roger Woods the "conservative dilemma". Nonetheless, they were generally opposed to traditional Wilhelmine Christian conservatism , egalitarianism , liberalism and parliamentarian democracy as well as
12198-457: Was a direct response to the challenge posed by the rise in popularity of the Nazis. While initially somewhat receptive to Nazism , Paetel quickly grew disillusioned with the NSDAP as he no longer believed they were genuinely committed to either revolutionary activity or socialist economics . Similarly to the Communists and Strasserists , Paetel too, tried to split off vulnerable elements of
12312-555: Was formed by Bose in 1939 as a left-wing nationalist and socialist party, and exists to this day, designated by ECI as a State Party. Subhas Chandra Bose formed also a pro-nazi military force in a form of a Free India Legion , which was composed of 3,000 POWs captured by Erwin Rommel . After the death of Avraham Stern , the new leadership of the Israeli paramilitary organization Lehi moved towards support for Joseph Stalin and
12426-409: Was initially sympathetic to calling it the most interesting movement to emerge among the emigre community, but soon turned against the movement denouncing it as superficial and a Trojan horse for the Bolshevik regime. Ustryalov and others sympathetic to the Smenovekhovtsy cause, such as Aleksey Nikolayevich Tolstoy and Ilya Ehrenburg , were eventually able to return to the Soviet Union and following
12540-413: Was limited to the preservation of the German institutions and their influence in the world. Despite the apparent contradiction, however, the association of the terms "Conservative" and "Revolution" is justified in Moeller van den Bruck's writings by his definition of the movement as a will to preserve eternal values while favouring at the same time the redesign of ideal and institutional forms in response to
12654-542: Was not the product of a conscious reflection, but rather "something innate which one senses and which has its own organic logic." Conservative revolutionaries saw the values of morality as instinctive and eternal, and as such embodied in rural life. The latter became challenged, Spengler believed, by the rise of the artificial world of the city, where theories and observations were needed to understand life itself, either coming from liberal democrats or scientific socialists . What Conservative Revolutionaries were aiming to achieve
12768-539: Was the main impetus for the revival of nationalism as an official part of state ideology in the 1930s. Many of the original proponents of National Bolshevism, such as Ustryalov and members of the Smenovekhovtsy were suppressed and executed during the Great Purge for " anti-Soviet agitation ", espionage and other counter-revolutionary activities. Russian historian Andrei Savin stated that Stalin's policy shifted away from internationalism towards National Bolshevism
12882-603: Was the restoration, within the modern world, of what they saw as natural laws and values: We call Conservative Revolution the restoration of all those elementary laws and values, without which man loses his connection with Nature and with God and cannot establish a true order. Influenced by Nietzsche, most of them were opposed to the Christian ethics of solidarity and equality. Although many Conservative Revolutionaries described themselves as Protestant or Catholics , they saw Christian ethical premise as structurally indenturing
12996-447: Was typically presented as just another strand of Bolshevism by the Nazi Party , and was thus viewed just as negatively and as part of a " Jewish conspiracy ". After Hitler's rise to power , many National Bolsheviks were arrested and imprisoned or fled the country. Despite opposition to National Bolshevism, usually on the grounds that it tends to take Marxist influence, a similarly syncretic, but non-Marxist, tendency had developed in
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