The National Front for the Liberation of Angola ( Portuguese : Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola ; abbreviated FNLA ) is a political party and former militant organisation that fought for Angolan independence from Portugal in the war of independence , under the leadership of Holden Roberto .
91-530: Founded in 1954 as the União dos Povos do Norte de Angola guerrilla movement, it was known after 1959 as the União dos Povos de Angola ( UPA ) guerrilla movement, and from 1961 as the FNLA guerrilla movement. Ahead of the first multiparty elections in 1992, the FNLA was reorganized as a political party. The FNLA received 2.4% of the votes and had five Members of Parliament elected. In the 2008 parliamentary election ,
182-719: A one-party state . Several thousand Cuban troops remained in the country to combat UNITA fighters and bolster the regime's security. When the Cold War ended and the Soviet Union fell, the MPLA abandoned its Marxist–Leninist ideology. On its third congress in December 1990, it declared social democracy to be its official ideology. The MPLA emerged victorious in Angola's 1992 general election, but eight opposition parties rejected
273-466: A military government. It promptly ceased anti-independence fighting in Angola and agreed to transfer power to a coalition of three pro-independence Angolan movements. The coalition quickly broke down and the newly independent Angola broke into a state of civil war . Maintaining control over Luanda and the lucrative oil fields of the Atlantic coastline, Agostinho Neto , the leader of the MPLA, declared
364-862: Is a full-member of the Socialist International grouping of social democratic parties. The armed wing of MPLA was the People's Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA). The FAPLA later (1975–1991) became the national armed forces of the country when the MPLA took control of the government. In 1961, the MPLA joined the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), its fraternal party in Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde , in direct combat against
455-861: The Angolan Civil War , the MPLA received military and humanitarian support primarily from the governments of Algeria , Brazil , the Bulgarian People's Republic , East Germany , Cape Verde , Czechoslovak Socialist Republic , the Congo , Cuba , Guinea-Bissau , Mexico , Morocco , the Mozambican People's Republic , Nigeria , North Korea , the Polish People's Republic , China , the Romanian Socialist Republic , São Tomé and Príncipe , Somalia ,
546-577: The Angolan Civil War . The party has ruled Angola since the country's independence from Portugal in 1975, being the de facto government throughout the civil war and continuing to rule afterwards. On 10 December 1956, in Estado Novo -ruled Portuguese Angola , the underground Angolan Communist Party (PCA) merged with the Party of the United Struggle for Africans in Angola (PLUAA) to form
637-813: The Democratic Renewal Party (PRD), the Liberal Democratic Party (PLD), Party of the Alliance of Youth, Workers and Farmers of Angola (PAJOCA), Party for Democratic Support and Progress of Angola (PADEPA), the Democratic Party for Progress - Angolan National Alliance (PDP-ANA), the Front for Democracy (FpD) and four coalitions: the Democratic Angola – Coalition (AD), New Democracy Electoral Union (ND),
728-720: The Electoral Political Platform (PPE) and the Angolan Fraternal Forum Coalition (FOFAC). The Angolan Democratic Party (PDA), the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the Republican Party of Angola (PREA) were turned down, as were PSA, Angolan National Democratic Party , PACIA, UNDA, MPR/SN, PDUNA, PDPA - NTO BAKO and PSPA. 5,198 candidates are standing in the election. Dos Santos said that
819-774: The People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola – Labour Party (Portuguese: Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola – Partido do Trabalho ), is an Angolan social democratic political party . The MPLA fought against the Portuguese Army in the Angolan War of Independence from 1961 to 1974, and defeated the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) and the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) in
910-712: The Portuguese empire in Africa. The following year, the expanded umbrella group Conference of Nationalist Organizations of the Portuguese Colonies (CONCP) replaced FRAIN, adding FRELIMO of Mozambique and the CLSTP, forerunner of the Movement for the Liberation of São Tomé and Príncipe (MLSTP). In the early 1970s, the MPLA's guerrilla activities were reduced, due to the fierce counter-insurgency campaigns of
1001-468: The Portuguese military . At the same time, internal conflicts caused the movement to temporarily split into three factions (Ala Presidencialista or Presidentialist Wing, Revolta Activa or Active Revolt, and Revolta do Leste or Eastern Revolt). By 1974/75, this situation had been overcome with renewed cooperation, but it scarred the party. The Carnation Revolution in Lisbon , Portugal in 1974 established
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#17327656114221092-487: The Soviet Union , Sudan , Tanzania , Libya and SFR Yugoslavia . While China did briefly support the MPLA, it also actively supported the MPLA's enemies, the FNLA and later UNITA, during the war for independence and the civil war. The switch was the result of tensions between China and the Soviet Union for dominance of the communist bloc, which almost led to war. In the 1992 election , MPLA-PT won 53.74% of
1183-517: The "União das Populações de Angola" (UPA) under Holden Roberto who came from São Salvador , Bakongo, Northern Angola with the newly named organisation described as an ethnic political movement. In March 1961, the UPA began an uprising in the north massacring thousands of white settlers and their servants, most of the Bailundo southern ethnicity, "assimilados", African Catholics and tribal members other than
1274-505: The Bakongo tribe, men, women and children. The Portuguese government responded by sending soldiers to Angola and more than 50,000 people died in the violence by the end of 1961. It was said more than a million refugees fled the north of Angola for Zaire. In an attempt to become a national political movement, it merged with the "Partido Democratico de Angola" (PDA) to form the "Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola" (FNLA). By February 1962,
1365-705: The CIA doubted the FNLAs ability to beat the MPLA and this was confirmed when he visited Angola and discovered the lack of political support for the organisation and also feared any entry of South African forces in Angola would undermine the United States diplomatically in Africa. On the pretext of attacks around the Calueque hydroelectric facility, the South Africans army entered Angola to defend its interests in
1456-570: The CIA requested a meeting with the 40 Committee in which it proposed increased aid for the FNLA. A decision was not made for a month as the U.S. National Security Council (NSC) and U.S. State Department wished to consider the proposal. Assistant Secretary of State Nathaniel Davies objected to further aid, as he believed it would not help the FNLA to become as militarily strong as the MPLA except with massive amounts of money; escalate Soviet and Cuban involvement and feared South Africa would intervene and this would have negative diplomatic connotations for
1547-608: The Chinese government. After all groups met the Chinese, the FNLA received military aid and training from early 1973 until the fall of 1974, and then only diplomatic aid thereafter. In April 1974, a military coup occurred in Portugal with a later announcement of future independence for its colonies which began the process by the FNLA, MPLA and UNITA in attempting to strengthen their reach throughout Angola and resulted in conflict amongst each other. The Romanian government delivered arms to
1638-732: The Clark Amendment passed the Senate and covert US aid in Angola ended with the House following suit on 27 January 1976. The MPLA and Cubans maintained the initiative in Northern Angola after the defeat of the FNLA at Quifangondo with the advances on Caxito and the latter's airbases at Camabatela and Negage . Caxito fell on 27 December 1975 and the FNLAs main airbase at Camabatela was captured on 1 January and Negage on 3 January while their capital at Carmona fell on 4 January and so
1729-459: The Congo (later Zaire) in a coup. But by 1968, GRAE's unity had begun to disintegrate. On President Richard Nixon , assuming office in 1969, he ordered a review of the United States policy towards Angola as well as South Africa and Rhodesia . In January 1970, National Security Council Study Memorandum 39 was adopted, which acknowledged that the white regimes in those countries should not be politically and economically isolated and that engaging them
1820-587: The FNLA and MPLA with further violence on 23 March when the MPLAs Lopo do Nascimento was subject to an assassination attempt by the FNLA. The transitional government's failure to work was also said to be the result of a lack of interest by the Portuguese government in Angola as it tackled a failed counter-coup in Lisbon by General Spinola and the lack of will of the Portuguese troops to serve in Angola and end
1911-468: The FNLA between 1963 and 1969. Holden Roberto visited Israel during the 1960s, and FNLA members were sent to Israel for training. During the 1970s, the Israeli government shipped arms to the FNLA through Zaire . The People's Republic of China supplied the FNLA with military equipment and at least 112 military advisers in 1974. By July 1964, GRAE's right as the only liberation movement was challenged with
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#17327656114222002-469: The FNLA but not for UNITA. The money was to be used by the FNLA to purchase newspapers and radio stations. In addition to the money, the US supplied weapons to Zaire which, in turn, passed them on to the FNLA, and also supplied several thousand troops. With this funding, Roberto believed any future coalition could be abandoned and in doing so the Soviet Union would begin to increase its aid to the MPLA. By June 1975,
2093-734: The FNLA had merged into an organisation called the Angolan Revolutionary Government in Exile (GRAE) with Roberto as its President and Jonas Savimbi as its foreign minister, based in Kinshasa , Zaire . It was recognised by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) as Angola's only freedom movement until 1971. Its core membership were Angolan refugees and expatriates in Zaire. The United States government began aiding
2184-649: The FNLA in 1961 during the Kennedy administration and rerouted one-third of its official aid to Zaire to the FNLA and UNITA organisations. Over the course of many years, the governments of Algeria , Tunisia , West Germany , Ghana , Israel , France , Romania , the People's Republic of China , South Africa , the United States , Zaire , and Liberia actively supported and aided the FNLA. The French government supplied men and loaned one million pounds sterling without interest. The Israeli government gave aid to
2275-648: The FNLA in August 1974. In August 1974, the Portuguese Angolan government had proposed a two-year plan for independence with the three groups and white settlers forming a coalition government but this was rejected outright. In order to end the conflict amongst the groups, individual ceasefires were arranged between the groups and the Portuguese Angolan Military Council, with the FNLA signing on 15 October 1974 that allowed it and
2366-518: The FNLA received 1.11% of the vote, winning three out of 220 seats. In 1954, the United People of Northern Angola (UPNA) was formed as a separatist movement for the Bakongo tribe who wished to re-establish its 16th-century feudal kingdom but was also a protest movement against forced labour. Holden Roberto was to be the king of that land. By 1958, the organisation's name had been changed to
2457-560: The FNLA rout began in earnest. By early 1976, defeated by the MPLA, the FNLA began retreating, looting villages in northern Angola, as they headed for the Zairian border. On 11 January 1976, FAPLA and the Cubans captured Ambriz and Ambrizete from the FNLA and then advanced on their headquarters at São Salvador its route defended by foreign mercenaries under Colonel Callan and elements of the FNLA. With Colonel Callan committing atrocities in
2548-635: The FNLA that had taken part as South African army's Task Force Zulu, was reformed into 32 Battalion . On 29 February 1976, the Angolan President Agostinho Neto and Zairian President Mobuto Sese Seko met in Brazzaville to sign a non-aggression pact which was meant to see the end of Angola's support for Katangese rebels in their country while the Zairians promised to expel both the FNLA and UNITA from bases in Zaire but
2639-521: The FNLA through Zaire and Zambia and was able to supply by November 1975, 12 APC , 50 SAMs , 1000 mortars, 50,000 rifles and machine guns, 100,000 grenades, 25 million rounds of ammunition, 60 trucks, trailers, boats, radios, spare parts, medicine and food with training by retired US military advisors and five spotter planes as well as mercenaries. The CIA appointed John Stockwell to manage the Angolan Task Force but found that many members of
2730-418: The MPLA "to govern in the interest of all Angolans". Full provisional results, accounting for all normal votes (about 85% of the vote) were released on 9 September, showing the MPLA with 81.76% of the vote, while UNITA won 10.36%. The 15% of the results not included in the total were votes from citizens who did not vote within their area of registration, as well as unclear votes. Final results were released by
2821-411: The MPLA adopted Marxism–Leninism as the party ideology. It added Partido do Trabalho (Labour Party) to its name. After Nito Alves 's attempted coup in 1977, Neto ordered the killing of suspected followers and sympathisers of "orthodox communism" inside and outside the party. During the coup, Cuban forces stationed in Angola sided with the MPLA leadership against the coup organizers. Estimates for
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2912-443: The MPLA supporters were armed with "machetes, stones and sticks". The clash was reportedly broken up by police firing into the air. Each party was planned to receive about one million dollars from the government for campaign purposes. Opposition parties said that they had not received any money by early August, and Front for Democracy leader Filomeno Vieira Lopes expressed concern that the money might not be distributed until after
3003-536: The MPLA were responsible for between 100,000 and 200,000 deaths in democide from 1975 to 1987. The MPLA government of Angola has been accused of human rights violations such as arbitrary arrest and detention and torture by international organisations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch . The MPLA government hired Samuels International Associates Inc in 2008 to help improve Angola's global image and "'facilitate' its meetings with senior U.S. officials". At present, major mass organizations of
3094-644: The MPLA-PT include the Angolan Women's Organization ( Organização da Mulher Angolana or O.M.A.), National Union of Angolan Workers ( União Nacional dos Trabalhadores Angolanos or U.N.T.A.), Agostinho Neto Pioneer Organization ( Organização de Pioneiros de Agostinho Neto or O.P.A.), and the Youth of MPLA ( Juventude do MPLA or J.M.P.L.A.). During both the Portuguese Colonial War and
3185-598: The National Electoral Commission on 16 September, showing the MPLA with 81.64% of the vote (191 seats) and UNITA with 10.39% (16 seats), the PRS with 3.17% (eight seats), the ND with 1.20% (two seats), and the FNLA with 1.11% (three seats). Voter turnout was placed at 87.36% (7,213,281 votes), and 89.42% of the votes (6,450,407) were deemed valid. The MPLA won majorities in every province. Its best performance
3276-799: The People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola, with Viriato da Cruz , the president of the PCA, as secretary general. Other groups later merged into MPLA, such as the Movement for the National Independence of Angola (MINA) and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Angola (FDLA). The MPLA's core base includes the Ambundu ethnic group and the educated intelligentsia of the capital city, Luanda . The party formerly had links to European and Soviet communist parties , but today
3367-655: The Portuguese High Commissioner with Neto declaring the People's Republic of Angola. The FNLA continued its fight inside Angola for another four months. On 6 November 1975, CIA Director William Colby appeared before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and briefed them that his organisation had not informed the committee fully on its activities in Angola and the following day, the New York Times released
3458-712: The Senate Foreign Relations Committee drew up the Clark Amendment , named after Senator Dick Clark , after his visit to Angola. He concluded that the White House and CIA had lied about their involvement and that the US effort was responsible for dragging the Cubans and South Africans into the country's conflict. The State Department and CIA, unable to stay on message, were unable to convince the House or Senate and on 19 December 1975,
3549-422: The US would send 40 observers for the election. He said that expectations for the election were high and spoke approvingly of the conduct of the electoral process up to that point; according to Mozena, the election had the "potential to be a model for the coming elections in Africa if all the actors continue to play their part". Human Rights Watch released another statement in early September, expressing doubt that
3640-437: The United States in Africa, so the only option was a diplomatic solution. Henry Kissinger ensured that the NSC viewpoint prevailed and that aid, not diplomacy could prevent an MPLA win so aid of $ 14 million was approved for the FNLA and UNITA in July and that increased to $ 25 million in August and reached $ 32 million by September. The assistance became known as Operation IA Feature . The CIAs covert plan begun sending supplies to
3731-453: The Zairian President in November 1979 while he was in France for medical treatment. Elements of the FNLA continued the fight after Roberto left, now called the FNLA-COMIRA ( Angolan Military Resistance Committee ) but ceased to exist by 1983. Angolan parliamentary election, 2008 Parliamentary elections were held in Angola on 5 and 6 September 2008, as announced by President José Eduardo dos Santos on 27 December 2007. They were
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3822-470: The bush, and the South African forces withdrew. The United States Congress barred further U.S. military involvement in the country, against the wishes of President Ronald Reagan , as the representatives feared getting into a situation similar to the Vietnam War . In 1976 the FNLA withdrew its troops to their bases in Zaire . Part of them joined the 32 Battalion , formed by South Africa in order to receive anti-MPLA Angolans. At its first congress in 1977,
3913-398: The campaign money that was promised, although they protested that it came late due to procedural delays. Wary of such interference or disruption due to MPLA institutional influence, most of the parties chose to print materials for the election in South Africa rather than Angola. At a rally on 22 August, dos Santos said that the election marked "a new era for democracy". The African Union
4004-414: The control of Angola prior to that date. The US government did not believe the Portuguese plan would work and that the MPLA would seize power and install a Soviet-backed regime in power. In late January 1975, the 40 Committee , part of the executive branch of the US government, met and reviewed a proposal from the CIA to fund the FNLA with $ 300,000 and UNITA, $ 100,000. The committee approved the funding for
4095-726: The country following the end of the civil war and had failed to alleviate poverty. UNITA alleged that the campaign occurred in "a climate of threats, intimidation and violence", that four of the party's supporters were killed, and that some parts of the country were effectively MPLA "fiefdoms" where campaigning by other parties was impossible. According to Radio Ecclesia , 13 people were arrested on August 11 for allegedly holding an unauthorized rally and causing traffic disruption while campaigning for UNITA in Rangel, near Luanda. On 13 August, campaigning members of UNITA were attacked by over 100 MPLA supporters at Londuimbali in Huambo Province , according to UNITA official Alcides Sakala; he said that
4186-434: The country reportedly avoided the problems that plagued the vote in Luanda. In an interview with a South African radio station on 8 September, Samakuva alleged that some people were told and even forced to vote for the MPLA. With nearly half the vote counted on 7 September, the MPLA held a strong lead with 81.65% with UNITA at 10.59%. Opposition parties strongly criticised the result and stated they were unlikely to accept
4277-448: The country's decolonisation and defence. The FNLA and the other parties met in Portimao , Portugal on 10 January 1975 and resulted in the formation of the Alvor Agreement , signed on 15 January 1975, which would grant Angola independence from Portugal on 11 November, ending the war of independence. The plan also called for a coalition government and a united army. Within 24 hours of the Alvor Agreement, fighting broke out in Luanda amongst
4368-477: The deal did not hold and the Shaba I invasion occurred in March 1977. The Shaba II invasion of the Zairian Shaba Province in May 1978, by separatists based in eastern Angola, was the beginning of the end for the FNLA based in Zaire. The Angolan President Neto and Zairian President Mobuto Sese Seko met again in Brazzaville during June 1978 where a reconciliation pact was signed between the two countries. The result of this pact saw Holden Roberto exiled to Gabon by
4459-426: The election as rigged. UNITA sent negotiators to Luanda, where they were killed. As a consequence, hostilities erupted in the city, and immediately spread to other parts of the country. Tens of thousands of UNITA and FNLA sympathizers were subsequently killed nationwide by MPLA forces, in what is known as the Halloween Massacre . The civil war resumed. The war continued until 2002, when UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi
4550-404: The election was held, as was the case for the 1992 election. The PDP-ANA complained that the amount was too small, describing it as a "laughable" sum. The PLD also said that the amount was insufficient. Furthermore, according to PLD President Analia Victoria Pereira , the MPLA had full access to the resources of the government and military to assist in its campaign. The parties eventually received
4641-422: The election were absent in Luanda. By 8 September, about 80% of the votes had been counted, and the results continued to show the MPLA with over 80% of the vote. On the same day, the Electoral Commission said that the election would not be held over again, rejecting the opposition demands. Samakuva announced at a news conference on the night of September 8 that UNITA accepted the MPLA's election victory, and he urged
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#17327656114224732-483: The election would "be exemplary to the world", while UNITA leader Isaias Samakuva said that it would not be followed by a crisis, as occurred in the aftermath of the 2007 Kenyan election and the 2008 Zimbabwean election . Campaigning began on 5 August 2008. The parties were each allowed five minutes on television and ten minutes on the radio per day for campaigning purposes. There were also programmes on television, each lasting an hour, that were devoted to discussing
4823-405: The election would be fair. According to the statement, the MPLA benefited from "state funding and media coverage", while the other parties received their allotted campaign money late. The statement also said that Human Rights Watch had "documented ... intimidation of the opposition and media, interference in the electoral commission, and violent incidents against the opposition" in the period prior to
4914-440: The election, saying that the electoral commission did not act as an independent and impartial body in overseeing the election. Human Rights Watch urged that the electoral commission be reformed "to ensure credible and independent oversight of all future elections". MPLA The People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola ( Portuguese : Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola , abbr. MPLA ), from 1977–1990 called
5005-419: The election, saying that voter education was inadequate and suggesting that the media was dominated by the MPLA. José Manuel Barroso , the President of the European Commission , gave an essentially positive assessment, describing the election as "a step towards the consolidation of a multiparty democracy, a fundamental element for peace, stability, and socio-economic development". On election day, 5 September,
5096-525: The end of the registration period, more than seven million voters had already registered for the election. Over eight million were registered by August 2008. The names of the candidates and parties contesting the election were to be announced on 22 July 2008. Of the 34 lists who filed to contest the election, the following ten parties and four coalitions were accepted: the ruling MPLA, the leading opposition parties UNITA, National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and Social Renewal Party (PRS), as well as
5187-412: The facility and this action developed into Operation Savannah to assist the FNLA and UNITA to gain as much control of southern and central Angola prior to independence day in November. The US appeared to give the green light for the South Africans covert invasion but this soon changed as their involvement became public knowledge, the US distanced themselves. The South Africans advanced close to Luanda from
5278-440: The fighting including against his own men he was stripped of his command in the FNLA and so mercenary support which had begun the previous December ended and São Salvador was captured on 15 February 1976. The South Africans withdrew from Angola on 27 March 1976 after receiving guarantees from Angola and United Nations on the safety of the installations at the Calueque hydroelectric facility so ending Operation Savannah . Elements of
5369-470: The final order to attack Quifangondo on 10 November unaware that the Cubans had reinforced the positions with troops and new Soviet equipment. Roberto claimed the South African were sending men to help him while the South Africans claimed they warned against a frontal assault but whatever the real story was, the FNLA's final assault on what became known as the Battle of Quifangondo failed disastrously. The MPLA retained Luanda, and Angola gained independence from
5460-436: The first since the 1992 general elections , which had led to the outbreak of the second phase of the Angolan Civil War , which continued until 2002. The results showed the ruling People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola ( MPLA ) winning 82% of the vote and 191 of 220 seats in the Parliament of Angola . The main opposition UNITA ( National Union for the Total Independence of Angola ) won 10%. The international response
5551-419: The government's accomplishments in a positive light; UNITA leader Isaias Samakuva described this as "shocking", while expressing confidence that the people would not believe these programmes. Prior to the start of the campaign period, MPLA posters and symbols were already plentiful in major cities. The MPLA emphasizes its work in rebuilding and developing the country following the end of the civil war in 2002, and
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#17327656114225642-414: The independence of the Portuguese Overseas Province of Angola as the People's Republic of Angola on 11 November 1975, in accordance with the Alvor Accords . UNITA and FNLA together declared Angolan independence in Huambo . These differences reignited civil war between UNITA & FNLA and the MPLA, with the latter winning the upper hand. Agostinho Neto became the first president upon independence. He
5733-421: The legality of the election. UNITA leader Samakuva said on 7 September that "the final result might not fully reflect the will" of the people, but also said that the election marked "an important step towards consolidation of our democracy". UNITA spokesman Adalberto da Costa initially said that the party would legally challenge the election before the Constitutional Court, arguing that the necessary conditions for
5824-429: The meeting was to unite the parties and find common ground prior to the independence talks in Portugal later that month. Roberto speaking on behalf of all, declared an accord had been reached and that all parties had overcome their differences and had agreed firstly to a just and democratic society without ethnic discrimination; agreeing to a transitional government, armed forces and civil service and lastly to co-operate in
5915-609: The necessary material and equipment for voting was unavailable at some polling stations, particularly in Luanda; registration lists were absent at some polling stations, and some polling stations failed to open or opened late. The first hours of voting were described as "chaotic". Criticizing the problems, UNITA leader Samakuva and PDP-ANA leader Sindiangani Mbimbi said that the election should be canceled and held over again. According to Samakuva, some of his party's delegates had "received false credentials, or were given wrong addresses of non-existent polling stations", and he said that there
6006-403: The need "to safeguard freedom of assembly and expression and access to the media by all stakeholders, and to establish an impartial national electoral body"; it also said that the government had not "provided adequate security to political parties" and was failing "to ensure political tolerance and full participation of citizens." Prime Minister Fernando Dias Dos Santos responded to the report on
6097-435: The new President of the National Assembly. Speaking to the MPLA Political Bureau, President dos Santos said that the party's "victory is cause for great joy and celebration" and that the MPLA had a responsibility to "continue to consolidate peace and national reconciliation, rebuild infrastructure, and multiply efforts to fight hunger, poverty and regional imbalances". He stressed that the MPLA could only achieve those goals if
6188-423: The number of Alves' followers killed by Cuban and MPLA troops in the aftermath range from 2,000 — 70,000 dead, with some placing the death toll at 18,000. After the violent internal conflict called Fractionism , the MPLA declared that it would follow the socialist, not the communist, model. But it did maintain close ties with the Soviet Union and the Communist bloc, establishing socialist economic policies and
6279-407: The other three liberation parties to set up political offices in Luanda. By 25 November 1974, a ceasefire was concluded between the FNLA and UNITA and with the MPLA on 18 December. When Gerald Ford assumed the presidency in August 1974, the new US foreign policy moved away from the National Security Council Study Memorandum 39 to one of support for black rule in Angola as well as passive support for
6370-539: The outcome of the election and Samakuva's leadership. On 19 September 2008, the Permanent Committee said in a statement that it "salutes the performance and reaffirms its confidence" in Samakuva. According to the statement, only 20% of the party's poor performance was the result of UNITA's own failings; it placed the primary blame for its defeat on abuses by the MPLA. On 26 September, the MPLA Political Bureau chose Paulo Kassoma to replace Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos as Prime Minister; it also chose Piedade to become
6461-487: The party and its parliamentary deputies practiced "humility, rigour, and discipline", and he urged the party to "not sleep under the shade of the conquest we got at the ballot box, nor get carried away by vanity and a superiority complex". 214 of the newly elected members of the National Assembly were sworn in on 30 September; Piedade was elected as President of the National Assembly on the same occasion, receiving 211 votes in favor and three opposed. Meanwhile, João Lourenço
6552-486: The party was perceived as having a very strong institutional advantage. It was widely expected to win the election. UNITA concentrated its campaign in rural areas, while the remaining parties tended to conduct their small-scale campaigns, which were characterized by festive gatherings, in Luanda , the capital. The UNITA campaign stressed the party's claims that the MPLA government had made insufficient progress in rebuilding
6643-499: The poll "credible, peaceful and transparent". Luisa Morgantini, the head of the EU observer mission, said at a press conference on 8 September that the organization of the election was poor, although she remarked positively on voters' behavior. She declined to say whether she thought the election was free and fair on the grounds that such a classification was vague. The Pan-African Parliament observer mission gave only half-hearted approval of
6734-658: The resignation of the Congolese Prime Minister Cyrille Adoula , their backer, and the departure of Jonas Savimbi, who went on to form his own liberation movement UNITA because of Roberto's dictatorial leadership, unwillingness to accept non-western support and a lack of a political program. Roberto saw off a "coup d'état" in June 1965 by his defence minister and in November of the same year, his brother-in-law, Mobutu Sese Seko , took control of
6825-507: The same day with an assurance that the election would be "free, fair and transparent". MPLA spokesman Norberto dos Santos also replied to the report on 14 August, saying that it was "offensive and has no basis of truth". He accused Human Rights Watch of interfering in the election and Angola's internal affairs. Dan Mozena , the United States Ambassador to Angola, said in an interview with Radio Ecclesia on 28 August that
6916-472: The south while a small force of South African artillery and advisors supported the FNLA in the north. Without the control of Luanda on independence day, Roberto saw that the FNLA's international legitimacy would be in doubt. The only 'suitable' attack on Luanda was from the north through Quifangondo. Attacks were carried out by the FNLA on 5 and 8 November 1975 but were repulsed each time by the MPLA. With independence day looming on 11 November 1975, Roberto gave
7007-399: The start of campaigning. Human Rights Watch's Africa director, Georgette Gagnon , accused the government of being "more concerned with keeping the MPLA's grip on power than with moving towards genuine political accountability by giving Angolans a real chance to choose their government." The head of the EU mission called the polls "a disaster" early in the first day of voting, stating that of
7098-399: The testimony to the world. By 26 November, Nigeria , against U.S. wishes, had recognised the MPLA government and soon convinced twenty-two other African nations to recognise them too. By December, President Ford and Kissinger decided that the aid to the opposition parties should not be abandoned and the CIA was ordered to draw up further aid plans which would need Senate approval but meanwhile,
7189-478: The three voting stations in Luanda they had visited, none had been prepared for voters, they lacked voting lists, and voting had not started yet at any of them. However, it appeared that the problems were concentrated in Luanda only. The EU observers later stated that bribes and intimidation were widespread. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) observation commission (80 observers were sent) considered
7280-633: The violence between the MPLA and FNLA. The final straw was the dismissal in August of the Portuguese High Commissioner Antonio da Silva Cardoso whose attempt to reign in the MPLA had the support of the FNLA. The FNLA saw its only alternative as a military one after having been expelled from Luanda. On 29 August 1975, the Alvor Agreement was suspended by Portugal except for independence in November, and withdrawal of its troops that signal an escalation of violence for
7371-453: The votes and 129 out of 227 seats in parliament; however, eight opposition parties rejected the 1992 elections as rigged . In the next election , delayed until 2008 due to the civil war, the MPLA won 81.64% of the vote and 191 out of 220 parliamentary seats. In the 2012 legislative election , the party won 71.84% of the vote and 175 of 220 parliamentary seats. In the 2022 general election , MPLA won 124 parliamentary seats and about 51% of
7462-544: The white rule and so minimal aid was returned to the FNLA. But by November 1974, the US decided they did not want a future government dominated by the pro-Soviet MPLA so the CIA funded the FNLA with $ 300,000 to help it achieve that objective. The increasing violence resulted in the gathering of the FNLA and the other two parties in Mombasa , Kenya , from 3–5 January 1975 by the invitation of President Jomo Kenyatta . The object of
7553-611: Was elected as First Vice-President of the National Assembly (213 votes in favor, none opposed, and one abstention), Joana Lina as Second Vice-President (207 votes in favor, four opposed, and three abstentions), Ernesto Mulato as Third Vice-President (210 votes in favor, one opposed, and three abstentions), and Benedito Muxiri as Fourth Vice-President (211 votes in favor, none opposed, and three abstentions). Four parliamentary secretaries were also elected. dos Santos appointed Kassoma as Prime Minister on 30 September, and he
7644-585: Was in Cuanza Norte , where it won 94.64% of the vote; its worst performance was in Lunda Sul , where it won 50.54% against 41.74% for the PRS. UNITA's best performance was in Cabinda , where it received 31.37%. In Luanda, the most populous province (1,837,865 valid votes), the MPLA won 78.79% against 14.06% for UNITA. Following the results, UNITA's Permanent Committee held a two-day meeting to consider
7735-410: Was invited to send observers. The European Union also sent a team of 90 observers. In a report on August 13, Human Rights Watch —which sent missions to Luanda and four provinces—said that campaigning was not occurring in an atmosphere "free from intimidation or pressure", and it predicted that the election would not be free and fair if the process continued along the same course. The report stressed
7826-409: Was killed. The two parties agreed to a ceasefire, and a plan was laid out for UNITA to demobilize and become a political party. More than 500,000 civilians were killed during the civil war. Human rights observers have accused the MPLA of "genocidal atrocities," "systematic extermination," "war crimes" and "crimes against humanity during the civil war." Political scientist Rudolph Rummel estimated that
7917-661: Was mixed, with the European Commission , the United States and the Southern African Development Community praising the elections as generally fair, while Human Rights Watch has questioned the legitimacy of this result. UNITA accepted the MPLA's victory. Voter registration was to take place in late 2006 and through 2007. It was originally meant to be held in 1997, but was postponed numerous times due to organizational and logistical problems. In early August 2007, one month before
8008-436: Was succeeded after his death in 1979 by José Eduardo dos Santos . In 1974–1976, South Africa and Zaire intervened militarily in favor of FNLA and UNITA. The United States strongly aided the two groups. Cuba in turn intervened in 1975 to aid the MPLA against South African intervention, and the Soviet Union aided both Cuba and the MPLA government during the war. In November 1980, the MPLA had all but pushed UNITA into
8099-469: Was sworn in on the same day. Speaking to the press, Kassoma said that he would place a priority on accelerating the process of national reconstruction. The EU observers criticized lack of transparency and strongly pro-MPLA media bias in their election report published on 11 December 2008. In a 45-page report released on 23 February 2009 and titled "Democracy or Monopoly? Angola's Reluctant Return to Elections", Human Rights Watch criticized alleged flaws in
8190-533: Was the best means of achieving changes in their systems. This meant a reduction in aid to the FNLA. In late 1972, the FNLA concluded a ceasefire with the MPLA , which was being attacked by the former in northwest Angola and by the Portuguese in the northeast. A condition of the ceasefire was it needed more arms as it had no US aid apart from Roberto's CIA retainer, and Neto spoke to the Tanzanians who interceded with
8281-430: Was widespread confusion in Luanda; meanwhile, Mbimbi condemned the election as "political theatre". As a result of the problems, the electoral commission announced that 320 polling stations would open again on 6 September; however, it also asserted that the election had proceeded properly at most polling stations. The election reportedly became more orderly and functional in Luanda later in the day on 5 September, and most of
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