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112-933: Its major adversaries were the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), its armed wing, the Armed Forces of Liberation of Angola (FALA), and the South African Defence Force (SADF). The FAPLA fought the SADF and UNITA/FALA constantly from the 1970s, part of the Angolan Civil War and the South African Border War , including during Operation Savannah (1975-76), and Operation Sceptic (1980). The Battle of Cuito Cuanavale (1987-1988)

224-564: A Cuban military presence." The Federal government of the United States said in 1988 that 'FAPLA's military performance was difficult to gauge,' particularly due to opposing propaganda from the different warring parties. On the one hand, UNITA had extended its range of operations from the remote south-eastern extremities throughout the entire country within a few years of Portugal's withdrawal. The SADF had occupied parts of southern Angola for extended periods, virtually without contest, for

336-542: A November 1978 special communique, Portuguese troops were among the 20,000 MPLA troops that participated in a major offensive in central and southern Angola. The FNLA formed parallel to the MPLA and was initially devoted to defending the interests of the Bakongo people and supporting the restoration of the historical Kongo Empire . It rapidly developed into a nationalist movement, supported in its struggle against Portugal by

448-466: A ceasefire contingent on the MPLA's agreement to "free and fair elections." When the UNITA demand was originally rebuffed by the MPLA, Savimbi vastly intensified his military pressure, while alleging that the MPLA was resisting free and fair elections because they feared a UNITA electoral victory. Meanwhile, an agreement was reached that provided for the removal of foreign troops from Angola in exchange for

560-509: A costly one, with many of Savimbi's U.S. conservative allies urging Savimbi to contest dos Santos electorally in the run-off election. Savimbi's decision to forego the run-off also greatly strained UNITA's relations with U.S. President George H. W. Bush . As Savimbi resumed fighting, the U.N. responded by implementing an embargo against UNITA through United Nations Security Council Resolution 1173 . The UN-commissioned Fowler Report detailed how UNITA continued to finance its war effort through

672-615: A coup against Neto. By the time he returned, Neto had grown suspicious of Alves' growing power and sought to neutralize him and his followers, the Nitistas. Neto called a plenum meeting of the Central Committee of the MPLA. Neto formally designated the party as Marxist-Leninist , abolished the Interior Ministry (of which Alves was the head), and established a Commission of Enquiry. Neto used the commission to target

784-532: A few settlements. In this context, they also moved further south along the coast and founded the "third bridgehead" of Moçâmedes . In the course of this expansion, they entered into conflict with several of the African political units. Territorial occupation only became a central concern for Portugal in the last decades of the 19th century, during the European powers' " Scramble for Africa ", especially following

896-648: A large-scale military intervention nicknamed Operation Carlota in support of the MPLA. Cuba had initially provided the MPLA with 230 military advisers prior to the South African intervention. The Cuban intervention proved decisive in repelling the South African-UNITA advance. The FNLA were likewise routed at the Battle of Quifangondo and forced to retreat towards Zaire. The defeat of the FNLA allowed

1008-459: A massive influx of Bantu people who came from the north and east. The Bantu influx began around 500 BC, and some continued their migrations inside the territory well into the 20th century. They established a number of major political units, of which the most important was the Kongo Empire , whose centre was located in the northwest of what today is Angola and which stretched northwards into

1120-552: A meager $ 15 million-worth of non-military aid. American timidity during the war prompted a shift in Zaire's foreign policy towards greater engagement with France, which became Zaire's largest supplier of arms after the intervention. Neto and Mobutu signed a border agreement on 22 July 1977. John Stockwell , the CIA's station chief in Angola, resigned after the invasion, explaining in

1232-473: A national army capable of sustained field operations. This transformation was gradual until the Soviet - Cuban intervention and ensuing UNITA insurgency, when the sudden and large-scale inflow of heavy weapons and accompanying technicians and advisers quickened the pace of institutional change. Beginning in 1978, periodic South African incursions into southern Angola, coupled with UNITA's northward expansion in

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1344-1507: A power-hungry propagandist. After the 1992 Angolan general election , UNITA lost its support from the United States and was only supported by South Africa. Support ceased after the end of the apartheid in South Africa and the election of Nelson Mandela as President in 1994; Mandela and the African National Congress had given the MPLA military support through the ANC armed wing uMkhonto we Sizwe . Angolan Civil War MPLA victory [REDACTED] People's Republic of Angola / Republic of Angola [REDACTED]   Cuba (1975–1989) [REDACTED] SWAPO (1975–1989) [REDACTED] ANC (1975–1989) Executive Outcomes (1993–1995) [REDACTED] FLNC (1975–2001) [REDACTED]   Namibia (2001–2002) [REDACTED] Democratic People's Republic of Angola [REDACTED] FNLA (1976–1978) [REDACTED]   South Africa (1975–1989) [REDACTED]   Zaire (1975) [REDACTED] MPLA troops: [REDACTED] Cuban troops: [REDACTED] Soviet troops : [REDACTED] UNITA militants: [REDACTED] FNLA militants: [REDACTED] South African troops : The Angolan Civil War ( Portuguese : Guerra Civil Angolana )

1456-421: A ratio FAPLA could never approximate. The air force and navy were even further behind and had required years to acquire the assets and expertise needed for effective operations. Although the navy was of marginal use in the war, air power was critical. It was only after sufficient aircraft and air defence systems had been deployed in the mid-1980s that Luanda was able to launch and sustain large offensives in

1568-537: A reporter for The New York Times , revealed IA Feature to the public on 13 December 1975. Clark proposed an amendment to the Arms Export Control Act , barring aid to private groups engaged in military or paramilitary operations in Angola. The Senate passed the bill, voting 54–22 on 19 December 1975, and the House of Representatives passed the bill, voting 323–99 on 27 January 1976. Ford signed

1680-589: Is thus reasonable to talk of Angola as a defined territorial entity from this point onwards. In 1961, the FNLA and the MPLA, based in neighbouring countries, began a guerrilla campaign against Portuguese rule on several fronts. The Portuguese Colonial War , which included the Angolan War of Independence , lasted until the Portuguese regime's overthrow in 1974 through a leftist military coup in Lisbon . When

1792-579: Is widely considered a Cold War proxy conflict , as the Soviet Union and the United States, with their respective allies Cuba and South Africa , assisted the opposing factions. The conflict became closely intertwined with the Second Congo War in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo and the South African Border War . Land mines still litter the countryside and contribute to

1904-465: The 1884 Berlin Conference . Several military expeditions were organized as preconditions for obtaining territory, which roughly corresponded to present-day Angola. By 1906, about 6% of that territory was effectively occupied, and the military campaigns had to continue. By the mid-1920s, the limits of the territory were finally fixed, and the last "primary resistance" was quelled in the early 1940s. It

2016-687: The Battle of Cuito Cuanavale (1987-1988) being the largest land battle in Africa since the Second World War . In January 1985, the CIA Directorate of Intelligence estimated that ".. in spite of intensive Soviet training and infusions of Soviet equipment, we believe the Angolan Army is still only a marginally capable fighting force and could not survive against any military threat--internal or external -- without Soviet backing and

2128-646: The Caribbean . In addition, Benguela developed commerce in ivory , wax , and honey , which they bought from Ovimbundu caravans which fetched these goods from among the Ganguela peoples in the eastern part of what is now Angola. Nonetheless, the Portuguese presence on the Angolan coast remained limited for much of the colonial period. The degree of real colonial settlement was minor, and, with few exceptions,

2240-733: The Congolese National Liberation Front (FNLC) invaded the Shaba Province (modern-day Katanga Province) in Zaire from eastern Angola on 7 March 1977. The FNLC wanted to overthrow Mobutu, and the MPLA government, suffering from Mobutu's support for the FNLA and UNITA, did not try to stop the invasion. The FNLC failed to capture Kolwezi , Zaire's economic heartland, but took Kasaji and Mutshatsha. The Zairean army (the Forces Armées Zaïroises )

2352-564: The Estado Novo regime). 200 other delegates were present in the event. UNITA launched its first attack on Portuguese colonial authorities on 25 December 1966. Savimbi was originally affiliated with Holden Roberto 's National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA). UNITA later moved to Jamba in Angola's southeastern province of Cuando Cubango . UNITA's leadership was drawn heavily from Angola's majority Ovimbundu ethnic group and its policies were originally Maoist , they quickly abandoned

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2464-472: The Kongo Empire , maintaining a continuous presence in its territory and enjoying considerable cultural and religious influence after that. In 1575, Portugal established a settlement and fort called Saint Paul of Luanda on the coast south of the Kongo Empire, in an area inhabited by Ambundu people. Another fort, Benguela , was established on the coast further south, in a region inhabited by ancestors of

2576-712: The National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), having fought the MPLA with UNITA during the Angolan War of Independence , played almost no role in the Civil War. Additionally, the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), an association of separatist militant groups, fought for the independence of the province of Cabinda from Angola. With the assistance of Cuban soldiers and Soviet support,

2688-510: The Ovimbundu of central Angola, who constituted about one-third of the country's population, but the organization also had roots among several less numerous peoples of eastern Angola. UNITA was founded in 1966 by Jonas Savimbi , who until then had been a prominent leader of the FNLA. During the anti-colonial war, UNITA received some support from the People's Republic of China. With the onset of

2800-532: The Ovimbundu people. Neither of these Portuguese settlement efforts was launched for the purpose of territorial conquest. Both gradually came to occupy and farm a broad area around their initial bridgeheads (in the case of Luanda, mostly along the lower Kwanza River ). Their main function was in the Atlantic slave trade . Slaves were bought from African intermediaries and sold to Portuguese colonies in Brazil and

2912-604: The Reagan administration and the U.S. Congress. Michael Johns , the Heritage Foundation's leading expert on Africa and Third World Affairs issues, visited Savimbi in his clandestine southern Angolan base camps, offering the UNITA leader both tactical military and political advice. Through the lobbying efforts of Paul Manafort and his firm Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly which was paid $ 600,000 each year from Savimbi beginning in 1985, UNITA gained strong backing from

3024-714: The Reagan administration high ranking security officials met with UNITA leaders. Central Intelligence Agency Director William J. Casey , National Security Advisor Richard Allen , and Secretary of State Alexander Haig , on 6 March met with UNITA leaders in Washington, D.C. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Walker met with Savimbi in March in Rabat , Morocco. Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger , his assistant for International Security Matters Francis West, Deputy Defense Secretary Frank Carlucci , Deputy Director of

3136-582: The Republic of Congo . In August 1974, a few months after a military coup d'état had overthrown the Lisbon regime and proclaimed its intention of granting independence to Angola, the MPLA announced the formation of FAPLA, which replaced the EPLA. The FAPLA started with a strength of some 1,500, but by late 1976 grew staggeringly, to over 95,000. In 1974-75, '..after a period of six months, Moscow started to arm Neto's faction exclusively. The Soviet Union supplied

3248-583: The SWAPO and the MPLA in the mid-1970s, and regularly raised the issue of UNITA in political discussions between the two movements. Cuban logistics were primitive, relying on a few aging commercial aircraft, small cargo ships, and large fishing vessels to support a major, long-range military operation. In early September 1975, the Cuban merchant ships Viet Nam Heroico , Isla Coral , and La Plata , loaded with troops, vehicles, and 1,000 tons of gasoline, crossed

3360-530: The Soviet Union . Cuba became the MPLA's strongest ally, sending significant combat and support personnel contingents to Angola. This support, as well as that of several other countries of the Eastern Bloc , e.g. East Germany, was maintained during the Civil War. Yugoslavia provided financial military support for the MPLA, including $ 14 million in 1977, as well as Yugoslav security personnel in

3472-554: The United Nations on 23 June 1976. Zambia forbade UNITA from launching attacks from its territory on 28 December 1976 after Angola under MPLA rule became a member of the United Nations. According to Ambassador William Scranton , the United States abstained from voting on the issue of Angola becoming a UN member state "out of respect for the sentiments expressed by its [our] African friends". About 1,500 members of

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3584-668: The Zaire and Uíge Provinces , while the Second comprised the Cabinda enclave. The Fifth and Sixth Military Regions faced Namibia in the south. In early 1988, however, calling this structure inadequate, the Ministry of Defence announced the formation of northern, eastern, southern, and central fronts. The northern front encompassed Zaire , Uíge , Malanje , Cuanza Norte, and Bengo provinces. The eastern front covered Luanda Norte , Lunda Sul, and Moxico Provinces . No official information on

3696-529: The "Program For Social and Productive Reintegration of Demobilized and War Displaced People". In August 2002, UNITA officially gave up its armed wing, and UNITA placed all of its efforts on the development of its political party. Despite the ceasefire, deep political conflict between UNITA and the MPLA remains. Savimbi was immediately succeeded by António Dembo , who died shortly after Savimbi. Following Dembo, in elections contested by General Paulo Lukamba Gato , Dinho Chingunji and Isaías Samakuva , Samakuva won

3808-633: The Active Revolt during Angola's War of Independence. Factionalism within the MPLA became a major challenge to Neto's power by late 1975 and Neto gave Alves the task of once again clamping down on dissent. Alves shut down the Cabral and Henda Committees while expanding his influence within the MPLA through his control of the nation's newspapers and state-run television. Alves visited the Soviet Union in October 1976, and may have obtained Soviet support for

3920-627: The Angolan government and stopped supporting UNITA, further alienating Savimbi. After failed talks in 1993 to end the conflict, another agreement, the Lusaka Protocol, was implemented in 1994 to form a government of national unity. In 1995, U.N. peacekeepers arrived. But UNITA broke away from the Lusaka agreement in 1998, citing violations of it by the MPLA. In late 1998, a militant group calling itself UNITA Renovada broke away from mainstream UNITA, when several UNITA commanders dissatisfied with

4032-470: The April 1977 The Washington Post article "Why I'm Leaving the CIA" that he had warned Secretary of State Henry Kissinger that continued American support for anti-government rebels in Angola could provoke a war with Zaire. He also said that covert Soviet involvement in Angola came after, and in response to, U.S. involvement. The FNLC invaded Shaba again on 11 May 1978, capturing Kolwezi in two days. While

4144-528: The Atlantic and sailed to Angola. The United States held a secret, high-level talk with Cuba to express its consternation over Cuba's actions, but this had little effect. The Cuban troops landed in early October. On 7 November, Cuba began a thirteen-day airlift of a 650-man special forces battalion. The Cubans used old Bristol Britannia turboprop aircraft, making refueling stops in Barbados, Guinea-Bissau, and

4256-752: The CIA Bobby Inman , and Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency James Williams met with Savimbi between November 1981 and January 1982. Although the Clark Amendment forbid U.S. involvement in the civil war, Secretary Haig told Savimbi in December 1981 that the U.S. would continue to provide assistance to UNITA. The U.S. government "explicitly encouraged" the governments of Israel, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, and Zaire to aid UNITA. In 1983

4368-590: The Carter Administration had accepted Cuba's insistence on its non-involvement in Shaba I, and therefore did not stand with Mobutu, the U.S. government now accused Castro of complicity. This time, when Mobutu appealed for foreign assistance, the U.S. government worked with the French and Belgian militaries to beat back the invasion, the first military cooperation between France and the United States since

4480-640: The Congo joined the Cubans on 12 November. The Soviet leadership expressly forbade the Cubans from intervening in Angola's civil war, focusing the mission on containing South Africa. In 1975 and 1976 most foreign forces, with the exception of Cuba, withdrew. The last elements of the Portuguese military withdrew in 1975 and the South African military withdrew in February 1976. Cuba's troop force in Angola increased from 5,500 in December 1975 to 11,000 in February 1976. Sweden provided humanitarian assistance to both

4592-537: The Congo before landing in Luanda. The troops traveled as "tourists," carrying machine guns in briefcases. They packed 75mm cannons, 82mm mortars, and small arms into the aircraft's cargo holds. On 14 October, four South African columns totaling 3,000 troops launched Operation Savannah in an attempt to capture Luanda from the south. The Cubans suffered major reversals, including one at Catofe, where South African forces surprised them and caused numerous casualties. However,

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4704-464: The Cubans ultimately halted the South African advance by 26 November. Later, another 4,000 South African soldiers entered southern Angola to establish a buffer zone along the Namibian border. The MPLA received support from 3,000 Katangan exiles, a Mozambican battalion, 3,000 East German personnel, and 1,000 Soviet advisors. The pivotal intervention came from 18,000 Cuban troops, who defeated the FNLA in

4816-497: The EPLA attacked a Portuguese military post in Cabinda , killing a number of troops. During the mid-1960s and early 1970s, the EPLA operated very successfully from bases in Zambia against the Portuguese in eastern Angola. After 1972, however, the EPLA's effectiveness declined following several Portuguese victories, disputes with National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) forces, and the movement of about 800 guerrillas from Zambia to

4928-430: The FNLA and UNITA. Zaire, in a bid to install a pro- Kinshasa government and thwart the MPLA's drive for power, deployed armored cars, paratroopers, and three infantry battalions to Angola in support of the FNLA. Within three weeks, South African and UNITA forces had captured five provincial capitals, including Novo Redondo and Benguela . In response to the South African intervention, Cuba sent 18,000 soldiers as part of

5040-516: The FNLA, was mainly composed of Ovimbundu people , Angola's largest ethnic group, from the Bié Plateau . Since its formation in the 1950s, the MPLA's main social base has been among the Ambundu people and the multiracial intelligentsia of cities such as Luanda , Benguela and Huambo . During its anti-colonial struggle of 1962–1974, the MPLA was supported by several African countries and

5152-491: The FNLC. The counter-invasion force pushed the last of the militants, along with numerous refugees, into Angola and Zambia in April 1977. Mobutu accused the MPLA, Cuban and Soviet governments of complicity in the war. While Neto did support the FNLC, the MPLA government's support came in response to Mobutu's continued support for Angola's FNLA. The Carter Administration , unconvinced of Cuban involvement, responded by offering

5264-478: The Ford administration could use diplomacy to campaign against foreign aid to the communist MPLA, refuse to take sides in factional fighting, or increase support for the FNLA and UNITA. He warned that supporting UNITA would not sit well with Mobutu Sese Seko , the president of Zaire. Dick Clark , a Democratic Senator from Iowa , discovered the operation during a fact-finding mission in Africa, but Seymour Hersh ,

5376-409: The French government, declared the independence of the Republic of Cabinda from Paris . The FNLA and UNITA forged an alliance on 23 November, proclaiming their own coalition government, the Democratic People's Republic of Angola , based in Huambo with Holden Roberto and Jonas Savimbi as co-presidents , and José Ndelé and Johnny Pinnock Eduardo as co-Prime Ministers . In early November 1975,

5488-444: The Lomba River in September and laid siege to Cuito Cuanavale for months until 12,000 Cuban troops broke the blockade in March 1988. On 26 June, South African forces engaged Cuban forces at Techipa, killing several Cuban troops. In response, Cuba launched an air strike on SADF positions the following day, killing nearly a dozen South African troops. Both sides promptly withdrew to prevent further escalation of hostilities. President of

5600-436: The MPLA and Zairean governments led to a peace accord in 1979 and an end to support for insurgencies in each other's respective countries. Zaire temporarily cut off support to the FLEC, the FNLA and UNITA, and Angola forbade further activity by the FNLC. By the late 1970s, Interior Minister Nito Alves had become a powerful member of the MPLA government. Alves had successfully put down Daniel Chipenda 's Eastern Revolt and

5712-493: The MPLA managed to win the initial phase of conventional fighting, oust the FNLA from Luanda , and become the de facto Angolan government. The FNLA disintegrated, but the U.S.- and South Africa-backed UNITA continued its irregular warfare against the MPLA government from its base in the east and south of the country. The 27-year war can be divided roughly into three periods of major fighting – from 1975 to 1991, 1992 to 1994 and from 1998 to 2002 – with fragile periods of peace. By

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5824-433: The MPLA to consolidate power over the capital Luanda . Agostinho Neto , the leader of the MPLA, declared the independence of the Portuguese Overseas Province of Angola as the People's Republic of Angola on 11 November 1975. UNITA declared Angolan independence as the Social Democratic Republic of Angola based in Huambo , and the FNLA declared the Democratic Republic of Angola based in Ambriz . FLEC, armed and backed by

5936-427: The MPLA with $ 300 million worth of materiel as compared to $ 54 million over the previous fourteen years. The weapons that went to MPLA included AK-47 assault rifles, 120-mm mortars, 82-mm and 107-mm recoilless rifles , 37-mm and 14.5 mm antiaircraft guns..' and T-34 , T-54 , and PT-76 tanks. Independence was set for November 11, 1975. By 1976, FAPLA had been transformed from lightly armed guerrilla units into

6048-547: The MPLA. After the Carnation Revolution in Lisbon and the end of the Angolan War of Independence , the parties of the conflict signed the Alvor Accords on 15 January 1975. In July 1975, the MPLA violently forced the FNLA out of Luanda, and UNITA voluntarily withdrew to its stronghold in the south. By August, the MPLA had control of 11 of the 15 provincial capitals, including Cabinda and Luanda . South Africa intervened on 23 October, sending between 1,500 and 2,000 troops from Namibia into southern Angola in order to support

6160-411: The Maoist struggle, when they started collaborating with Portuguese Officials against the MPLA . They then aimed for rural rights and recognized ethnic divisions. During the 1980s, however, UNITA was aligned with the United States and apartheid South Africa . After the 1992 Angolan general election , UNITA lost its support from the United States and was only supported by apartheid South Africa. After

6272-421: The People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola ( MPLA ) and the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) in the Angolan War for Independence (1961–1975) and then against the MPLA in the ensuing civil war (1975–2002). The war was one of the most prominent Cold War proxy wars , with UNITA receiving military aid initially from the People's Republic of China from 1966 until October 1975 and later from

6384-428: The Portuguese did not interfere by means other than commercial in the social and political dynamics of the native peoples. There was no real delimitation of territory; Angola, to all intents and purposes, did not yet exist. In the 19th century, the Portuguese began a more serious program of advancing into the continental interior. They wanted a de facto overlordship that allowed them to establish commercial networks and

6496-412: The Portuguese withdrawal from Angola in 1974–75 and the end of their colonial rule, the MPLA and UNITA splintered, and civil war began as the movements clashed militarily and ideologically. MPLA leader Agostinho Neto became the first president of post-colonial Angola. Backed by Soviet and Cuban money, weapons and troops, the MPLA defeated the FNLA militarily and forced them largely into exile. UNITA also

6608-697: The Reagan administration. In 1986, U.S. conservatives convinced President Ronald Reagan to meet with Savimbi at the White House . While the meeting itself was confidential, Reagan emerged from it with support and enthusiasm for Savimbi's efforts, stating that he could envision a UNITA "victory that electrifies the world," suggesting that Reagan saw the outcome of the Angolan conflict as critical to his entire Reagan Doctrine foreign policy, consisting of support for anti-communist resistance movements in Central America, Southeast Asia, and elsewhere. Under Savimbi's leadership, UNITA proved especially effective militarily before and after independence, becoming one of

6720-490: The South African government warned Savimbi and Roberto that the South African Defence Force (SADF) would soon end operations in Angola despite the failure of the coalition to capture Luanda and therefore secure international recognition for their government. Savimbi, desperate to avoid the withdrawal of South Africa, asked General Constand Viljoen to arrange a meeting for him with Prime Minister of South Africa John Vorster , who had been Savimbi's ally since October 1974. On

6832-471: The U.S. and South African governments agreed to ship weapons from the Honduras , Belgium and Switzerland to South Africa and then to UNITA in Angola. The U.S. also traded weapons with South Africa for intelligence on the civil war. Savimbi benefited from the support of influential American conservatives, including The Heritage Foundation 's Michael Johns and other U.S. conservative leaders, who helped elevate Savimbi's stature in Washington and promoted

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6944-469: The UNITA election and emerged as UNITA's new president. In November 2019, Isaias Samakuva resigned as president and was replaced by Adalberto Costa Júnior with Arlete Leona Chimbinda as the new vice-president. UNITA received support from several governments in Africa and around the world, including the People's Republic of Bulgaria , Egypt , France, Israel, Morocco , the People's Republic of China, Saudi Arabia , Zaire , and Zambia . During

7056-483: The United States Gerald Ford approved covert aid to UNITA and the FNLA through Operation IA Feature on 18 July 1975, despite strong opposition from officials in the State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Ford told William Colby , the Director of Central Intelligence , to establish the operation, providing an initial US$ 6 million. He granted an additional $ 8 million on 27 July and another $ 25 million in August. Two days before

7168-433: The United States and apartheid South Africa while the MPLA received material and technical support from the Soviet Union and its allies, especially Cuba . Until 1996, UNITA was funded through Angolan diamond mines in both Lunda Norte and Lunda Sul along the Cuango River valley, especially the Catoca mine , which was Angola's only Kimberlite mine at that time. Valdemar Chindondo served as chief of staff in

7280-561: The Vietnam War. The French Foreign Legion took back Kolwezi after a seven-day battle and airlifted 2,250 European citizens to Belgium, but not before the FNLC massacred 80 Europeans and 200 Africans. In one instance, the FNLC killed 34 European civilians who had hidden in a room. The FNLC retreated to Zambia, vowing to return to Angola. The Zairean army then forcibly evicted civilians along Shaba's border with Angola. Mobutu, wanting to prevent any chance of another invasion, ordered his troops to shoot on sight. U.S.-mediated negotiations between

7392-572: The bill into law on 9 February 1976. Even after the Clark Amendment became law, then- Director of Central Intelligence , George H. W. Bush , refused to concede that all U.S. aid to Angola had ceased. According to foreign affairs analyst Jane Hunter, Israel stepped in as a proxy arms supplier for South Africa after the Clark Amendment took effect. Israel and South Africa established a longstanding military alliance, in which Israel provided weapons and training, as well as conducting joint military exercises. The U.S. government vetoed Angolan entry into

7504-608: The civil war, the United States decided to support UNITA and considerably augmented their aid to UNITA in the following decades. In the latter period, UNITA's main ally was the apartheid regime of South Africa . Angola, like most African countries, became constituted as a nation through colonial intervention. Angola's colonial power was Portugal, which was present and active in the territory, in one way or another, for over four centuries. The original population of this territory were dispersed Khoisan groups. These were absorbed or pushed southwards, where residual groups still exist, by

7616-485: The close nominal association with the MPLA. In 1988, the strength of the Angolan armed forces was estimated at 100,000 active-duty and 50,000 reserve personnel, organized into a regular army and a supporting militia, air and air defense force, and navy. The active-duty forces had expanded greatly since independence in the face of SADF and UNITA pressure. The regular army's 91,500 troops were organized into brigades ranging in size from 750 to 1,200 men each, deployed throughout

7728-418: The country and diplomatic training for Angolans in Belgrade . The United States Ambassador to Yugoslavia wrote of the Yugoslav relationship with the MPLA and remarked, " Tito clearly enjoys his role as patriarch of guerrilla liberation struggle." Agostinho Neto , MPLA's leader during the civil war, declared in 1977 that Yugoslav aid was constant and firm and described the help as extraordinary. According to

7840-415: The country, the national economy began to sink into depression . The South African government initially became involved in an effort to counter the Chinese presence in Angola, which was feared might escalate the conflict into a local theatre of the Cold War . In 1975, South African Prime Minister B.J. Vorster authorized Operation Savannah , which began as an effort to protect engineers constructing

7952-458: The dam at Calueque after unruly UNITA soldiers took over. The dam, paid for by South Africa, was felt to be at risk. The South African Defence Force (SADF) dispatched an armoured task force to secure Calueque. From this, Operation Savannah escalated; no formal government was in place and thus, no clear lines of authority. The South Africans came to commit thousands of soldiers to the intervention and ultimately clashed with Cuban forces assisting

8064-734: The east, forced the Angolan government to increase expenditures on Soviet military aid. Dependence also increased on military personnel from the Soviet Union, the German Democratic Republic (East Germany), and Cuba. Unlike African states that acceded to independence by an orderly and peaceful process of institutional transfer, Angola inherited a disintegrating colonial state whose army was in retreat. The confluence of civil war, foreign intervention, and large-scale insurgency made Angola's experience unique. After independence, FAPLA had to reorganize for conventional war and counterinsurgency simultaneously and immediately to continue

8176-453: The end of U.S. support for UNITA. Matters were further complicated by repeated reports that Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev had raised U.S. support for UNITA in several formal and informal summit meetings with President George H. W. Bush , placing further pressure on the U.S. to end its support for UNITA. As the war began to include both military and diplomatic components, Johns and leading U.S. conservatives urged Savimbi to make

8288-661: The first round of balloting, and then questioning the election's legitimacy, Savimbi and UNITA returned to armed conflict. Fighting resumed in October 1992 in Huambo, quickly spreading to Angola's capital, Luanda . It was here that Jeremias Chitunda , UNITA's long-time vice-president and other UNITA officials were killed while fleeing the city culminating in the Halloween Massacre . Following Chitunda's death, UNITA defensively moved their base from Jamba to Huambo. Savimbi's 1992 decision to return to combat ultimately proved

8400-583: The forces aligned against him, American conservatives pointed to his success, and that of Afghan mujahideen and the Nicaraguan contras , all of which, with U.S. support, were successfully opposing Soviet-sponsored governments, as evidence that the U.S. was beginning to gain an upper hand in the Cold War conflict and that the Reagan Doctrine was working. Critics, on the other hand, responded that

8512-474: The government of Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire . During 1974, the FNLA was also briefly supported by the People's Republic of China ; but the aid was quickly withdrawn since China mainly supported the UNITA during the Angolan War of Independence . The United States refused to support the FNLA during the movement's war against Portugal, a NATO member but agreed during the civil war. UNITA's main social basis were

8624-943: The government of UNITA, pro-Western rebels, during the Angolan Civil War (1975–2002). Jonas Savimbi , leader of UNITA, allegedly ordered Chindondo's assassination. Savimbi's successor as president of UNITA was Isaías Samakuva . Following Savimbi's death, UNITA abandoned armed struggle and participated in electoral politics. The party won 51 out of 220 seats in the 2017 parliamentary election . Samakuva resigned as party leader in November 2019, being replaced by Adalberto Costa Júnior . Jonas Savimbi and Antonio da Costa Fernandes founded UNITA on 13 March 1966 in Muangai in Moxico province in Portuguese Angola (during

8736-459: The improved capabilities and performance of its armed forces were among the essential conditions under which South Africa agreed to negotiate its withdrawal from Angola. Howe writes that Angola's defence minister acknowledged that senior officials profited significantly from weapons purchases; a newspaper sympathetic to the MPLA, Angolense reported that senior officers made US$ 320 million in commissions. The Bicesse Accords of May 1991 called for

8848-439: The independence of Namibia from South Africa. In Angola, however, Savimbi told Johns and conservative leader Howard Phillips that he had not felt adequately consulted on the negotiations or agreement and was in opposition to it. "There are a lot of loopholes in that agreement. The agreement is not good at all," Johns reported Savimbi telling both of them during a March 1989 visit with Savimbi in Angola." A ceasefire ultimately

8960-653: The integration of the FAPLA and UNITA forces, into a 50,000-strong unified, neutral military force.. before the September 1992 election. The FAA was to contain an equal number of FAPLA and FALA personnel. The FAPLA and UNITA armies began the integration process, but it was halted, as UNITA returned to war following their loss of the 1992 Angolan general election . The army was renamed the Angolan Armed Forces (Portuguese: Forças Armadas Angolanas (FAA)), losing

9072-536: The late 1980s, Angola's minister of defence publicly called for greater discipline in FAPLA, citing reports of theft, assaults, and drunken military drivers. As late as 1988, in the wake of reports of increased Angolan Air Force effectiveness, the South African Air Force commander dismissed the Angolans as "extremely unprofessional," noting that "50 percent of the threat against us is Cuban." On

9184-445: The leadership of Jonas Savimbi ended their allegiance to his organization. Thousands more deserted UNITA in 1999 and 2000. In 1999, a MPLA military offensive damaged UNITA considerably, essentially destroying UNITA as a conventional military force and forcing UNITA to return to more traditional guerrilla tactics. The Angolan civil war ended only after the death of Savimbi, who was killed in an ambush on 22 February 2002. His death

9296-461: The new war with South Africa and UNITA. Ironically, a guerrilla army that conducted a successful insurgency for more than a decade came to endure the same kind of exhausting struggle for a similar period. FAPLA fought UNITA and the South African Defence Force constantly from the 1970s, part of the Angolan Civil War and the South African Border War , including during their 1975-76 invasion, Operation Savannah , and Operation Sceptic (1980), with

9408-462: The night of 10 November, the day before the formal declaration of independence, Savimbi secretly flew to Pretoria to meet Vorster. In a reversal of policy, Vorster not only agreed to keep his troops in Angola through November, but also promised to withdraw the SADF only after the OAU meeting on 9 December. While Cuban officers led the mission and provided the bulk of the troop force, 60 Soviet officers in

9520-531: The north and UNITA in the south, concluding the conventional war by 12 February 1976. In Cabinda, the Cubans launched a series of successful operations against the FLEC separatist movement. By March 1977, the MPLA controlled enough of the country to permit Castro to pay a state visit. However, in May, Nito Alves and José Jacinto Van-Dúnem attempted an unsuccessful coup against Agostinho Neto. Cuban troops helped defeat

9632-501: The ongoing civilian casualties. Angola's three rebel movements had their roots in the anti-colonial movements of the 1950s. The MPLA was primarily an urban-based movement in Luanda and its surrounding area. It was largely composed of Mbundu people . By contrast, the other two major anti-colonial movements, the FNLA and UNITA, were rural groups. The FNLA primarily consisted of Bakongo people from Northern Angola. UNITA, an offshoot of

9744-402: The other fronts was available in late 1988, but presumably the southern front included Cuando Cubango, Huíla, and Namibe provinces, and the central front may have comprised Bié, Huambo, Benguela, and Cuanza Sul provinces. There was no information on the status of Cabinda and Luanda provinces, but perhaps they remained separate regions because of their strategic importance and small size. Because of

9856-424: The other hand, it could be argued that FAPLA had substantially improved its capabilities and performance. In the first place, FAPLA had begun to develop and acquire the organisation, doctrine, and equipment of a conventional army only during the civil war of 1975-76. It was then forced to fight a counterinsurgency war in the most remote and inaccessible parts of the country over extended lines of communications, without

9968-529: The program's approval, Nathaniel Davis , the Assistant Secretary of State, told Henry Kissinger , the Secretary of State , that he believed maintaining the secrecy of IA Feature would be impossible. Davis correctly predicted the Soviet Union would respond by increasing involvement in the Angolan conflict, leading to more violence and negative publicity for the United States. When Ford approved

10080-431: The program, Davis resigned. John Stockwell , the CIA's station chief in Angola, echoed Davis' criticism saying that success required the expansion of the program, but its size already exceeded what could be hidden from the public eye. Davis' deputy, former U.S. ambassador to Chile Edward Mulcahy , also opposed direct involvement. Mulcahy presented three options for U.S. policy towards Angola on 13 May 1975. Mulcahy believed

10192-449: The purposes of resupplying UNITA, intervening on its behalf, conducting reconnaissance flights and patrols, and attacking South-West Africa People's Organisation encampments. UNITA reported low morale among captured FAPLA conscripts, lack of discipline among troops, heavy losses of personnel and equipment in battle, countless ambushes and attacks on FAPLA forces, successful sabotage operations, and desertions by battalion-size FAPLA units. In

10304-538: The rebels. In May 1978, South Africa initiated Operation Reindeer, during which an airstrike on a Cuban convoy resulted in the loss of 150 Cuban troops. By July 1978, Cuba had suffered 5,600 casualties in its African wars (Angola and Ethiopia), including 1,000 killed in Angola and 400 killed against Somali forces in the Ethiopian Ogaden. In 1987, 6,000 South African soldiers reentered the Angolan war, clashing with Cuban forces. They defeated four MPLA brigades at

10416-549: The release of the civilians. Fighting in Angola continued until 1989, when, with UNITA advancing militarily, Cuba withdrew its support, removing several thousand troops that it had dispatched to Angola to fight Savimbi's UNITA. With many commentators and foreign policy specialists seeing that the Cold War might be drawing to an end, Savimbi's U.S. support, which had been strong, began to be questioned, with some in Congress urging

10528-428: The requisite air or ground transport or logistical infrastructure. UNITA also enjoyed the advantages of operating in thinly populated areas along porous borders with Zambia and Zaire , with extensive SADF combat and logistic support, making it impossible for FAPLA to isolate or outflank UNITA. Moreover, military experts believe that counterinsurgency troops must outnumber guerrillas by ten to one in order to win such wars,

10640-502: The sales of diamonds (later to be known as blood diamonds ) and resulted in further sanctions in the form of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1295 and action to end to the trade in blood diamonds through the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme . In late 1992 following the general elections , the U.S. government, which had never recognized the legitimacy of the MPLA, finally recognized

10752-560: The south of the territory, and the north of present-day Namibia , lay the Kwanyama kingdom, along with minor realms on the central highlands. All these political units were a reflection of ethnic cleavages that slowly developed among the Bantu populations and were instrumental in consolidating these cleavages and fostering the emergence of new and distinct social identities. At the end of the 15th century, Portuguese settlers made contact with

10864-491: The south. In August 1986, FAPLA repelled UNITA after they had captured Cuito Cuanavale during Operation Alpha Centauri . Although they suffered heavy losses and perhaps relied too heavily on Soviet military doctrine, the FAPLA and the Angolan Air Force (FAPA/DAA) in the late 1980s showed increased strength, put greater pressure on UNITA, and raised the costs of South Africa's support for UNITA. Luanda's resolve and

10976-464: The strategic oil fields. But UNITA controlled much of the highland's interior, notably the Bié Plateau , and other strategic regions of the country. Up to 300,000 Angolans died in the civil war. In the 1980s and early 1990s, Savimbi sought out vastly expanded relations with the U.S. He received considerable guidance from The Heritage Foundation , an influential conservative research institute in Washington, D.C. that maintained strong relations with both

11088-463: The support given to UNITA, the contras, and the Afghan mujahideen was inflaming regional conflicts at great expense to these nations. Furthermore, UNITA, like the Angolan government it fought, was criticized for human rights abuses. UNITA gained some international notoriety in 1983 after abducting 66 Czechoslovak civilians and detaining a third of them for about 15 months. Belgium eventually negotiated

11200-690: The ten military regions. Most regions were commanded by lieutenant colonels, with majors as deputy commanders, but some regions were commanded by majors. Each region consisted of one to four provinces, with one or more infantry brigades assigned to it. The brigades were generally dispersed in battalion or smaller subunits to protect strategic terrain, urban centers, settlements, and critical infrastructure such as bridges and factories. Counterintelligence agents were assigned to all field units to thwart UNITA infiltration. Five military regions were initially established in 1975. Their numbers grew to seven in 1983 and ten by December 1985. The First Military Region comprised

11312-450: The time the MPLA achieved victory in 2002, between 500,000 and 800,000 people had died and over one million had been internally displaced . The war devastated Angola's infrastructure and severely damaged public administration, the economy, and religious institutions. The Angolan Civil War was notable due to the combination of Angola's violent internal dynamics and the exceptional degree of foreign military and political involvement. The war

11424-451: The timeline for independence became known, most of the roughly 500,000 ethnic Portuguese Angolans fled the territory during the weeks before or after that deadline. Portugal left behind a newly independent country whose population was mainly composed of Ambundu, Ovimbundu, and Bakongo peoples. The Portuguese that lived in Angola accounted for the majority of the skilled workers in public administration, agriculture, and industry; once they fled

11536-427: The transfer of American weapons to his war. Johns and other American conservatives met regularly with Savimbi in remote Jamba , culminating in the " Democratic International " in 1985. Savimbi later drew the praise of U.S. President Ronald Reagan , who hailed him as a freedom fighter and spoke of Savimbi winning a victory that "electrifies the world" while others hinted at a much darker regime, dismissing Savimbi as

11648-441: The uncertain boundaries of these fronts, most news accounts referred to the military regions when describing FAPLA's operational areas. National Union for the Total Independence of Angola The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola ( Portuguese : União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola , abbr. UNITA ) is the second-largest political party in Angola . Founded in 1966, UNITA fought alongside

11760-530: The west of the present Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the south and west of the contemporary Republic of Congo and even the southernmost part of Gabon . Also of historical importance were the Ndongo and Matamba kingdoms to the south of the Kongo Empire, in the Ambundu area. Additionally, the Lunda Empire occupied a portion of north-eastern Angola in the south-east of the present-day DRC. In

11872-521: The world's most effective armed resistance movements of the late 20th century. According to the U.S. State Department , UNITA came to control "vast swaths of the interior (of Angola)". Savimbi's very survival in Angola in and of itself was viewed as an incredible accomplishment, and he came to be known as "Africa's most enduring bush fighter" given assassination attempts, aided by extensive Soviet, Cuban, and East German military troops, advisors and support, that he survived. As Savimbi gained ground despite

11984-638: Was a civil war in Angola , beginning in 1975 and continuing, with interludes, until 2002. The war began immediately after Angola became independent from Portugal in November 1975. It was a power struggle between two former anti-colonial guerrilla movements, the communist People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the anti-communist National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). The MPLA and UNITA had different roots in Angolan society and mutually incompatible leaderships, despite their shared aim of ending colonial rule. A third movement,

12096-582: Was defeated without difficulty and the FNLC continued to advance. On 2 April, Mobutu appealed to William Eteki of Cameroon , Chairman of the Organization of African Unity , for assistance. Eight days later, the French government responded to Mobutu's plea and airlifted 1,500 Moroccan troops into Kinshasa . This force worked in conjunction with the Zairean army, the FNLA and Egyptian pilots flying French-made Zairean Mirage fighter aircraft to beat back

12208-467: Was nearly destroyed in November 1975, but it managed to survive and set up a second government, the Democratic People's Republic of Angola , in the provincial capital of Huambo . UNITA was hard-pressed but recovered with South African aid and then was strengthened considerably by U.S. support during the 1980s. The MPLA's military presence was strongest in Angolan cities, the coastal region and

12320-527: Was negotiated and MPLA leader José Eduardo dos Santos and the MPLA's Central Committee rejected its Marxist past and agreed to Savimbi's demand for free and fair elections, though UNITA and its supporters viewed the promises skeptically, especially because the MPLA's relations with the Soviet Union remained strong. Following the 1991 Bicesse Accords , signed in Lisbon , United Nations-brokered elections were held, with both Savimbi and dos Santos running for president in 1992. Failing to win an overall majority in

12432-445: Was shocking to many Angolans, many of whom had grown up during the Angolan civil war and witnessed Savimbi's ability to successfully evade efforts by Soviet, Cuban and Angolan troops to kill him. Six weeks following Savimbi's death, in April 2002, UNITA agreed to a ceasefire with the government. Under an amnesty agreement, UNITA soldiers and their families, comprising roughly 350,000 people, were gathered in 33 demobilisation camps under

12544-651: Was the largest land battle in Africa since the Second World War . After the Bicesse Accords in 1993, the FAPLA were transformed into the Angolan Armed Forces ( Forças Armadas de Angola , FAA), by the integration of UNITA and FALA members. In the early 1960s, the MPLA named its guerrilla forces the "People's Army for the Liberation of Angola" ( Exército Popular de Libertação de Angola - EPLA). Many of its first cadres had received training in Morocco and Algeria . In January 1963, in one of its early operations,

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