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83-584: This alliance was conceived as part of one of various proposals for a Balkan federation , planned as a buffer zone between East and West. Members of the First Balkan Alliance were Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgarian revolutionary committees, the Croatian People's Party , Greece and Romania. The major role in establishing of the First Balkan Alliance was played by Serbia, under Prince Mihailo Obrenović and Prime Minister Ilija Garašanin . In

166-634: A Slovene Franciscan . Garašanin believed that it would be easier to establish cooperation with the Catholics in Albania (than Muslims), thus appointed Mauri as his envoy to the leaders of Mirdita tribe . Mauri explained to Mirdita chieftains that Serbia had no intention to forcefully convert Mirdita to Orthodox Christianity , but instead to help them to enjoy all rights they would have i.e. in Austro-Hungarian Empire . Besides Mauri who

249-612: A "Balkan Communist Federation". The BKP was compelled by Stalin to endorse the formation of Macedonian , Thracian, and Dobrujan nations in order to include those new separate states in the Balkan Communist Federation. Later, a resolution of the Balkan Communist Federation for the recognition of a Macedonian ethnicity was issued on January 7, 1934, by the Balkan Secretariat of the Comintern. It

332-621: A 'Piedmont' for the South Slavs. Garašanin however did not put forth the idea of a broader national unification that would have encompassed Serbs in the Ottoman and Habsburg lands. He assessed that because Serbia was small, its future security would be in jeopardy due to the current International system. Strengthening Serbia through enlargement was the primary goal and this could be done through an alliance with her neighbours and incorporating all Serbs into that state. Garašanin had to consider

415-408: A Greater Serbian state. The document was publicly referred to for the first time in an 1888 book by Serbian historian Milan Milićević but was only known to a few people at the time and remained unpublished until 1906. Because Načertanije was a secret document until 1906, it could not have affected national consciousness at the popular level, at least not in the 19th century. Although written by

498-471: A draft-agreement. The document was titled "Programme for Serbo-Bulgarian (Bulgaro-Serbian) political relations and the cordial relationships between them". The Bulgarian side proposed the founding of a Serbo-Bulgarian (Bulgaro-Serbian) dual state, headed by the Serbian Prince. This state was to be named Yugoslav Tsardom and was to have a common government, legislation, army etc. The draft defined also

581-593: A left-wing revolutionary committee openly pro-Soviet. Though KONARE, but even by themselves, the Committee of Kosovo would join the Balkan Federation and receive financial support. They would cooperate with IMRO militants as Todor Aleksandrov and Petar Chaulev . By 1928, KONARE came de facto under the control of the Comintern; 24 young Albanians were sent to Moscow to study in Soviet institutions. But by

664-630: A moderate position in regard with the nationalistic tendencies in Balkan social democratic parties. Venizelos and Alexandros Papanastasiou were supporters of an organization like the European Union in the Balkans, Venizelos talked about it a lot between 1929-1933 and Papanastasiou tried to put into action, having only three initial proposals for the union to work. First, was a Balkan-wide non-aggression pact with all other Balkan states. Second

747-656: A postponement as he was reluctant to approve a motion that was not on the agenda. In December 1923, the Balkan Communist Federation held its Fifth Conference in Moscow . In 1924 the Comintern entered negotiations about collaboration between the Communists and the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), Internal Thracian Revolutionary Organisation (ITRO) and Internal Dobrujan Revolutionary Organisation (IDRO), and

830-483: A reconstruction of the medieval Serbian empire and the unification of 'Serbian lands' (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, northern Albania, parts of Dalmatia and the Habsburg Military Border) with a plan for unification of the other South Slavs (Croatians and Bulgarians) under a Serbian dynasty. The basic idea was the liberation and unification of South-Slavic lands with Serbia playing the role of

913-693: A rejection of an important precondition for survival of Serbia. Garašanin believed that Albanians would be the biggest obstacle in case of general anti-Ottoman uprising in the Balkans, so he tried to establish cooperation with Albanian leaders. Already in 1844 Garašanin established relations with Catholic Albanians (Mirdita). Thanks to Mirdita's Catholic priest Gaspar Krasniqi, with whom Garašanin began communication in 1846, Garašanin signed an agreement about united activities with Mirdita chieftain Bib Doda in 1849. Garašanin believed that Albania should be established as an independent state. The eventual Albanian state

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996-617: A renewal of a South Slavic state union or to any form of consolidated Balkan state. This provision of the Croatian Constitution was criticized in 2009 by the President of the Civil Committee for Human Rights Zoran Pusić (brother of Vesna Pusić ) who underlined that it is unacceptable to restrict the right to associate with some country based on ethnic reasons. The committee, however, did not advocate for any such

1079-608: A short period during the Cominform , the Yugoslav and Bulgarian Communist leaders Josip Broz Tito and Georgi Dimitrov worked on a project to merge their two countries into a Balkan Federative Republic. As a concession to the Yugoslav side, Bulgarian authorities agreed to the recognition of a distinct Macedonian ethnicity and language in part of their own population in the Bulgarian part of the geographic region of Macedonia. This

1162-523: A statesman and politician identifying Serbian needs with those of the new Principality, Garašanin was strongly influenced by broader views of the Polish émigré Adam Jerzy Czartoryski and his advisers, as well as French and British attitudes toward nationality and statehood. Ideologically, Garašanin combines in his Načertanije the German and French models of a nation while politically attempting to balance

1245-637: A union, but underlined that the Article was introduced at the time of the Croatian War of Independence and before the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević in Serbia , and that as such it fails to acknowledge that all countries change over the time and that in the context of European integration future generations in Croatia should be free from such constraints. In his interview with Nick Holdstock during

1328-582: Is no wonder that I have been exhausted by this bloody cathedra to which I ascended by a curious chance these twenty years ago. Everyone is mortal and must die. I would be sorry for nothing now save for not seeing some progress among our whole people and for not being able in some way to establish the internal government of Montenegro on a firm foundation, and thus I fear that after me there will come back to Montenegro all those woes which existed before me, and that this small folk of ours, uneducated but militant and strong in spirit, will remain in perpetual misery. There

1411-549: The Communist Party of Greece (KKE), the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP), and, to a certain measure, those of the Communist Party of Romania (PCdR). It was disestablished in 1939. In Sofia , Bulgaria in May–June 1922 the question of the "autonomy of Macedonia, Dobruja and Thrace " was raised by Vasil Kolarov and was backed by Dimitrov, the Bulgarian delegate who presided over the meeting. The Greek delegate asked for

1494-684: The People's Party in Croatia-Slavonia , a neo- Illyrian party led by Catholic bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer . Garašanin struggled for the idea of Yugoslavia (dominated by Serbia) and supported cooperation with Croats . Matija Mrazović  [ hr ] was in charge of the foreign affairs of the People's Party. In his correspondence with Strossmayer he frequently discussed the contract between Serbian government and People's Party, without explaining its character or its date. This contract

1577-713: The Young Turk Revolution in 1908. The First Balkan Socialist Conference was held on January 7–9, 1910 in Belgrade . The main platforms at this conference were Balkan unity and action against the impending wars. Another important aspect was the call for a solution to the Macedonian Question. In 1915, after a conference in Bucharest , it was decided to create a Revolutionary Balkan Social Democratic Labour Federation, comprising groups which adhered to

1660-614: The Young Turk Revolution in 1908. The following year, in Salonika, the Socialist Workers Association merged with two Bulgarian socialist groups, and the Socialist Worker's Federation of Ottoman Workers was founded. This group underestimated, till 1913, the political significance of nationalism , as this significance manifested itself in the right of national self-determination . Its leadership kept

1743-674: The Zimmerwald Conference and opposed participation in World War I . Initially headed by Christian Rakovsky , it had Vasil Kolarov and Georgi Dimitrov among its prominent activists. In 1915, Dimitrov wrote that Macedonia , "... which was split into three parts ...", would be, "... reunited into a single state enjoying equal rights within the framework of the Balkan Democratic Federation." This independent and united Macedonia would have consisted of

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1826-596: The fortresses garrisoned by Turkish troops on Serbian territory, including the Kalemegdan (1867). Garašanin was preparing a general rising of the Balkan nations against the Turkish rule, and had entered into confidential arrangements with the Romanians , Albanians , Bulgarians and Greeks . But the execution of his plans was frustrated as in 1867 Garašanin was suddenly discharged, probably because he objected to

1909-663: The "change of the national composition of the Greek part of Macedonia" and hence because "the Leninist – Stalinist principle of self-determination demands the substitution of the old slogan". The KPJ had its own problems and dissentions; fears of Serbianisation of the party and of the Vardar Banovina , whose inhabitants felt closer (though not necessarily identified) to Bulgaria than the Kingdom of Yugoslavia . The KPJ followed

1992-506: The 2012 Subversive Film Festival in Zagreb , Pakistani-British political activist and writer Tariq Ali argued for the creation of the Balkan Federation as a part of wider formation of European regional federations capable of balancing the influence of the major European powers such as Germany or France . Ivaylo Ditchev , professor of cultural anthropology at Sofia University , stated in one interview for Deutsche Welle that revival of

2075-470: The Balkan alliance was campaigned by Prince Mihailo Obrenović of Serbia. To establish the First Balkan Alliance, the Principality of Serbia signed a series of contracts in the period 1866–68. The first contract was signed with Montenegro in 1866. The next contract was signed in autumn of 1866 with the People's Party in Croatia-Slavonia led by Catholic bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer . This contract

2158-568: The Balkans. The policies resulting from the agreement were reversed after the Tito–Stalin split in June 1948, when Bulgaria, being subordinated to Soviet interests, was forced to take a stance against Yugoslavia. The Article 142 of the Constitution of Croatia explicitly prohibits any procedure which may lead to creation of association with other states if this procedure leads or may lead to

2241-750: The Greek and Bulgarian bourgeoisie ". However, the KKE suffered a crushing defeat in the 1928 Greek elections , especially in Greek Macedonia. Dissentions within the KKE had already made the motion untenable by 1927, and in March, the KKE conference watered it down, calling for self-determination of the Macedonians until they join a "Balkan Soviet Socialist Federation" and only for "a section of Macedonia ( Florina area) inhabited by Slavomacedonians". By 1935, it simply called for "equal rights to all" due to

2324-642: The KKE example in 1936. In 1936 the left wings of the IMRO, ITRO, and IDRO were incorporated by regional principle into the Balkan Communist Parties. In Albania , Communist ideas were mainly influenced by neighbouring countries. Despite the effort of the Comintern to establish a Communist Party by sending and supporting emissaries as Kosta Boshnjaku and Ali Kelmendi later, Communist groups were not well organized, and they were weak. The Communist Party would be established only in 1941. Nevertheless,

2407-631: The KKE in Greece. The KKE found the BCF's position on Macedonia difficult but briefly went along with it. In June 1924, at its 5th meeting, it recognised "the Macedonian people" and in December 1924, it endorsed the motion for "a united and independent Macedonia and a united and independent Thrace" with the perspective of entering into a union within a Balkan federation "against the national and social yoke of

2490-669: The Kingdom of Greece and the Principality of Serbia was signed on 26 August 1867. The treaty had been negotiated by Greek minister Zanos and Serbian ministers Ristić , Petronijević and Garašanin . At the beginning of February 1868 the last of alliance agreements was signed with Romania . This agreement was mostly about trade relations. It confirmed that most of the Balkan countries were more ready to negotiate improvement of commercial relations than to accept firmer obligations. The government of Serbia maintained close relations with

2573-689: The October Revolution in 1917, and subsequently Dimitrov, Kolarov, and Rakovsky became members of the Comintern . After the Russian October Revolution , a Balkan Communist Federation was formed in 1920–1921, and was influenced by Vladimir Lenin 's views on nationality ( see Proletarian internationalism ). It was a Communist umbrella organisation in which all the Communist parties in the Balkans were represented. It

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2656-548: The Ottoman provinces of Europe ( Rumelia ). Austria's position was based on its own expansionistic plans on the Balkans and on fear that a strong Slavic state would attract Slavic citizens of the Austrian Empire. After defeat in the war against France in 1859 and against Prussia in 1866 , the influence of Austria weakened. Napoleon III was the champion of the idea of Balkan nationalism and fostered Serbia and Greece to build alliances and undermine Ottoman influence in

2739-785: The Russian ambassador in Istanbul about his plans. Sido worked for Nikolay Pavlovich Ignatyev , Russian ambassador in Istanbul who helped Garašanin to establish cooperation with Xhelal Pasha. Xhelal Pasha had great hopes to forge alliance with Serbia and refused the position of governor of Kurdistan offered to him by the Ottomans. Being under the pressure of the Ottoman police and facing substantial personal debts, Xhelal Pasha had to accept offered position in Anatolia and his task to suppress some revolt of highlander tribes. Because of this transfer

2822-564: The Serbian border and opened a way to the modernization of the country. One felt in Garašanin the irrepressible pulsation of the recently pacified uprisings, but also a sober program for an effective administration and free trade. His strength was all the more apparent in the light of Prince Alexander's impotence for the Prince merely reflected the glory of his great father Karađorđe. "You best see

2905-522: The Serbian government lost contact with him. The repressive policy of Ismail Pasha, Ottoman vali of the Sanjak of Scutari , additionally inspired northern Albanian tribes to participate in Serbia's anti-Ottoman activities. He imprisoned Miraši-Asi and Prek Staku, the chieftains of Hoti and Kelmendi tribes, who decided to cooperate with Serbia and accepted Mauri's idea as soon as they were released from

2988-463: The Serbian nation where as the nationally conscious Bulgarian population was recognized as a distinct nation. Of all the Serbian politicians Garašanin's view had not only the greatest breadth but also the most realism with respect to the national problems of both Serbia and other neighbouring states in 1848. The time of great uprisings against the Turks was on the wane then, and the role of opposition to

3071-455: The Turks was assumed by the recently created Balkan states. Garašanin perceived that such a role could be assumed by a modern bureaucratic administration—modern for Serbia and for the Balkans—for it was harsh, arbitrary, and rapacious. It was a matter of superimposing a European model on the chaotic orient and on but recently liberated and still-self-willed and defiant Balkan people. But the model

3154-553: The Yugoslav spirit of openness and cultural diversity and revival of the post-war utopian idea of Balkan Federation would be beneficial for the region and its European integration. Βενιζελισμός Και Αστικός Εκσυγχρονισμός (1992). Ilija Gara%C5%A1anin Ilija Garašanin ( Serbian Cyrillic : Илија Гарашанин ; 28 January 1812 – 22 June 1874) was a Serbian statesman who served as the prime minister of Serbia between 1852 and 1853 and again from 1861 to 1867. Ilija Garašanin

3237-560: The basis of brutal and bloody historical considerations, but rather on the basis of the situation which actually exists today. With the firm conviction that Soviet Russia will be able in the near future to determine the boundaries of Europe, especially in the Balkans, in a just manner, I pray that the great Soviet government will grant our just requests at that time." After the failed June Revolution , Noli and others settled in Vienna where they formed KONARE (Revolutionary National Committee),

3320-580: The contacts of the Albanians with Comintern were set way before. The Paris Peace Conference had fixed the borders of Albania as defined pre- World War I by the London Conference of 1912–13 , leaving substantial Albanian-populated areas outside of its borders. At the same time, the country was dominated by during the early 1920s by an Ottoman ruling class with no intention of addressing the country's sharp topics, including an agrarian reform and

3403-661: The corresponding geographical regions of Bulgaria , Yugoslavia , and Greece . The leaders of the Federation were repressed by the Balkan governments at different intervals. Rakovsky was expelled from various Balkan countries and, during World War I, became a founding member of the Revolutionary Balkan Social Democratic Labor Federation. Later he made his way to Russia, where he joined the Bolshevik Party after

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3486-543: The creation of a united revolutionary movement. The idea for a new unified organization was supported by the Soviet Union, which saw a chance for using this well developed revolutionary movements to spread revolution in the Balkans and destabilize the Balkan monarchies. The so-called May Manifesto of 6 May 1924 was issued in which the objectives of the unified Macedonian liberation movement were presented: independence and unification of partitioned Macedonia, fighting all

3569-509: The document, fearing how representative this organisation had been. On the other hand, the establishment of the Balkan alliance concerned other Bulgarian organisations, which perceived it as an of implementation Garašanin 's twenty-year-old Načertanije . The Serbian government planned to organize an uprising of the population of Macedonia and for that reason established a network of agents in western Macedonia, Stojan Vezenkov being most notable among these. A military alliance treaty between

3652-418: The early 1930s, the defense of Yugoslavia became an official Communist line. This way any support for the Committee of Kosovo faded. The introduction of Fascist Italy 's interests in the equation completely disrupted any connection between Albanian nationalist movements and the Comintern. KONARE would also dissolve in the mid-1930s, leaving the Comintern with few scattered communists groups within Albania. For

3735-472: The fact that a semi-united Balkan federation would damage Italian influence and it would also hurt other Great Powers (The United Kingdom , France and the United States of America ) as it would also limit their influence in the Balkan peninsula, another setback on the proposal was that Yugoslavia and Bulgaria barely took any interest in it. The movement for Balkan Socialist Federation arose after

3818-631: The fate of the Albanians left outside the borders. In the early 1920s, two entities came in contact with the Comintern: the left-wing opposition led by Bishop Fan Noli , and the Committee of Kosovo . Bajram Curri , a Kosovar Albanian and key person of both, said in December 1921 to the Soviet minister in Vienna that "the Albanian people await impatiently the determination of their frontiers not on

3901-412: The first phase the idea was articulated as a response to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. In the second phase, mostly through the interwar period (1919–1936), the idea of the Balkan federation was taken up by the Balkan Communist parties. The third phase is characterized by the clash between the Balkan Communist leaders and Joseph Stalin , the latter of whom opposed

3984-402: The honour of posterity when our people are raised up in spirit ... I have been very ill ... I have been in Italy ... got steadily worse ... was completely worn out, and so necessity and councel prevailed and I returned to our native clime after a month. I feel rather better, but I am still weak ... My dear and estimeed Mr. Garašanin, as backward as our Serbian state of affairs is in our country, it

4067-408: The idea during the post- World War II period. The first inception occurred in Belgrade in 1865 when a number of Balkan intellectuals founded the Democratic Oriental Federation, proposing a federation from the Alps to Cyprus based on political freedom and social equality. They confirmed their adherence to the ideals of French Revolution in the line of Saint-Simon 's federalism and in relation to

4150-480: The imminent collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the geo-strategic interests of European great powers and the identity of the populations surrounding Serbia in order to successfully achieve this goal. He did not have a single strategy for all neighbouring provinces. His strategy seems to have depended on whether he thought a society in question had or did not have a national identity. Hence, the non-national Catholic and Muslim South Slav population were to be assimilated into

4233-438: The interests of the present Serbian state with contemporary demographics (the fact that many Serbs were then still living under the yoke of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires) and past, medieval possessions in Old Serbia (i.e., present-day Kosovo and Metohija, and Macedonia). Insecurity, more so than Yugoslavism or Serbian nationalism, was the prevailing reasoning behind the idea of expanding Serbian borders. Načertanije

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4316-413: The middle of the 19th century, most of the territory of Balkans was still part of the Ottoman Empire, with several newly established independent or autonomous entities like Serbia , Greece , Bulgaria and Montenegro . All of them struggled to expand their influence and territory at Ottoman expense. Their intention was strongly opposed by Austria who opposed development of Balkan nations and revolutions in

4399-460: The neighbouring Balkan monarchies, forming a Balkan Communist Federation and cooperation with the Soviet Union. In 1925, under the influence of the BKP, several left-wing splinter groups (the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (United) , the Dobrujan Revolutionary Organisation and the Internal Thracian Organization), respectively, seceded from the main organizations. These wings militated for their own Soviet Republics, which would be part of

4482-442: The peace conference of Paris (1856) that the old constitution , granted to Serbia by Turkey as suzerain and Russia as protector in 1839, should be replaced by a more modern and liberal constitution, framed by a European international commission. But the agreement of the powers was not secured. Garašanin induced Prince Aleksandar Karađorđević to convoke a national assembly, which had not been called to meet for ten years. The assembly

4565-451: The preparation of Serbian capture of Ottoman Bosnia. On 29 December 1867 Mrazović informed the Government of Serbia that it can count on thousand Croats employed in a factory near Sarajevo . In 1868 Prince Mihailo gave up war against the Ottoman Empire and instead intended to sign a treaty with Austria, despite Garašanin's Yugoslavist ideas. Mrazović could not accept the thought that Serbia gave up its agreed action in Bosnia and saw this as

4648-453: The prison of Skadar. The chieftains of the northern Albanian tribes were so impatient to revolt against Ottomans that a sole visit of Serbian agent Vezenković sparked premature revolts. When Vezenković returned to Belgrade he urged the Serbian government to begin with the Albanian insurrection explaining that 10,000 Albanian rebels were prepared to revolt. At the end of 1867 a large Albanian revolt aimed against introduction of new taxes erupted in

4731-552: The proposed marriage of Prince Michael and Katarina Konstantinović . His dismissal caused energetic protests of Russia, and more especially by the assassination of Prince Michael a few months later (10 June 1868). When the assassination took place, he was in Topčider and immediately went to Belgrade to inform the ministers about the assassination and measures were taken to preserve order. The last years of his life were spent away from politics, on his estate in Grocka . The effective scope of Garašanin's activities extended beyond

4814-460: The region. France planned to resolve the Balkan Eastern Question through gathering of all Balkan Slavic people, including Bulgarians, around Serbia as their pillar. This was not only informally suggested by French diplomats since 1861, but also formally proposed in Saint Petersburg in 1867. The establishment of Balkan alliances was supported and aided by Russia because it corresponded with its policy of promoting Balkan unity. The establishment of

4897-453: The region. The central aim was to establish a new political unity: a common federal republic unifying the Balkan Peninsula on the basis of internationalism , socialism , social solidarity , and economic equality . The underlying vision was that, despite differences among the region's ethnic groups, the historical need for emancipation was a common basis for unification. This political concept went through three phases in its development. In

4980-407: The regions of Peć , Prizren and Đakovica . After the murder of Prince Mihailo Obrenović in 1868, he was succeeded by his 13-year-old grandnephew Milan Obrenović . Without Mihailo's strong direction, the Balkan alliance network collapsed. In the following years only Montenegro was ready to renew already agreed measures, which resulted with a new alliance agreement in 1876. Although this alliance

5063-484: The regular army and military police. His father was part of the Defenders of the Constitution , who managed to overthrow Miloš Obrenović and appointed Aleksandar Karađorđević in his place (Aleksandar was the son of Karađorđe , who was assassinated by Obrenović in 1817). In 1842, his father and brother were killed in revolts against knez Mihailo. Toma Vučić-Perišić , his father's colleague and Interior Minister, appointed Ilija his assistant, and in 1843, when Toma

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5146-406: The socialist ideas of Karl Marx or Mikhail Bakunin . Later, in France, a League for the Balkan Confederation, was constituted in 1894, in which Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian, and Romanian socialists participated, supporting Macedonian autonomy inside the general federation of Southeast Europe, as an attempt to deal with the complexity of the Macedonian Question . The next attempt came immediately after

5229-407: The son of businessman hadži Milutin Savić (nicknamed "Garašanin"), a Serbian revolutionary and member of the National Council, his mother was Pauna Loma, the sister of vojvoda Arsenije Loma . Savić was born in the village of Garaši , south of Belgrade . His father Sava "Saviša" Bošković settled in Garaši from Bjelopavlići (in Montenegro ). His paternal great-grandfather Vukašin Bošković

5312-412: The state of affairs, you are the greatest friend of the Serbian people, and everything else is but trifling and trivial", Petar II Petrović Njegoš wrote to Garašanin toward the close of 1850. Njegoš also had a personal, intimate feeling for Garašanin, engendered by the force of spontaneous attraction great men have for one another. Though they never met, and the only real contact they had centered around

5395-444: The territories that would constitute Bulgaria as follows: Bulgaria ( Moesia ), Thrace and Macedonia and per the Serbian newspaper, Vidov Dan (No. 38, March 29, 1862), the Bulgarian-Serbian frontier extended from the Danube in North, along the Timok and South Morava Rivers and then along the Black Drin River to the Lake Ohrid . Garašanin accepted the Bulgarian proposal in a letter from June 1867, but he diplomatically refused to sign

5478-399: The western powers. His anti-Russian views resulted in Prince Menshikov , while on his mission in Constantinople , 1853, peremptorily demanding from the prince Aleksandar Karađorđević , his dismissal. But although dismissed, his personal influence in the country secured the neutrality of Serbia during the Crimean War . He enjoyed esteem in France, and it was due to him that France proposed to

5561-402: The year 1848, Njegoš felt close enough to Garašanin to confide to him his personal troubles, which the latter would understand were also the obstacles to their common aims. Njegoš's letter, dated 5 July 1850, reads as follows: Thanks to the Illustrious Prince and Sovereign and to you, his councillor, for whatever thought you may from time to time lend this bloody Serbian crag. This will win you

5644-405: Was conservative in internal politics. He believed that bureaucracy was the only way for administration to work. In foreign politics, he was the first pro- Yugoslavia statesman among Serbs. He believed that a great Yugoslav state had to maintain its independence from both Russia and Austria . He was one of the more influential Serbian politicians of the 19th century. Ilija was born in Garaši ,

5727-466: Was a knez of the Bošković brotherhood in Bjelopavlići. Ilija was homeschooled with private teachers, he went to a Greek school in Zemun, and was for a time in Orahovica where he learnt German. He helped his father in business. Prince Miloš Obrenović put him in governmental work, appointing him customs officer in Višnjica , on the Danube , and later Belgrade . After serving in the regular army, Knez Miloš promoted him to colonel in 1837, he commanded

5810-516: Was a revised version of a programme entitled "The Plan" proposed to Garašanin by Czatoryski and his Czech envoy to Belgrade, František Zach . Zach presented his plan for regional politics to Garašanin in December 1843, which called for the unification by Serbia of the South Slav lands (Croatia-Slavonia, Dalmatia, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Slovenian lands), thus creating a basis for Serbian resistance to both Russian and Austrian influence. In his revision of Zach's plan, Garašanin envisioned

5893-405: Was a suitable one in that it did unite and ensure some measure of order and stability. Just prior to the outbreak of the Crimean War , Garašanin faced another dilemma, equal in gravity with the previous one (the 1848 Revolution that took place in the Habsburg Empire). As minister for foreign affairs in 1853 Garašanin was decidedly opposed to Serbia joining Russia in war against Ottoman Turkey and

5976-729: Was accepted by the Political Secretariat in Moscow on January 11, 1934, and approved by the Executive Committee of the Comintern. The KKE delegate Nikolaos Sargologos signed the motion without central authorisation; instead of returning to Athens , he emigrated to the United States . The KKE-controled newspaper, Rizospastis , was against the motion because it saw it as good for the BKP in Bulgaria but disastrous for

6059-514: Was active in Albania, the Serbian government engaged another envoy, Naum Sido, to actively work on gaining Albanian support for the Alliance. Sido was an Orthodox Albanian merchant from Debar (in western Macedonia) who frequently travelled to Istanbul. Xhelal Pasha, a member of the Albanian noble Zogu family planned to organize an anti-Ottoman uprising in Albania and through Sido he informed

6142-466: Was apparently signed in Autumn of 1866. The most important purpose of this contract and its main objective was the capture of Ottoman Bosnia by Serbia, as the first step in the creation of an independent south Slavic state. Mrazović believed that Serbia could not survive as an independent state if Austria-Hungary would capture Bosnia and Herzegovina from Ottomans. The People's Party actively participated in

6225-486: Was convoked for St Andrew's Day 1858, but its first act was to dethrone Prince Aleksandar and to recall the Prince Miloš Obrenović. After the death of his father Miloš (in 1860) Prince Mihailo Obrenović ascended the throne, he entrusted the premiership and foreign affairs to Ilija Garašanin. The result of their policy was that Serbia was given a new constitution, and that he obtained the peaceful withdrawal of all

6308-432: Was deeper economic cooperation within the Balkan states and the last one was freedom of movement and work within the Balkans and the ability for any citizen of any member to be able to live in another member state. This proposal was controversial within the Greek government and Venizelists because it went against the nationalist ideals of Venizelism and Venizelos', the fact that it would damage Greco-Italian relations due to

6391-556: Was dominated by the requirements imposed by the Soviet Union through the Comintern. It advocated a "Balkan Federative Republic" that would have included Bulgaria , Yugoslavia , Greece , and Turkey ; some projects also involved Romania , but most of them only envisaged its fragmentation. The body thus oversaw the activities of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP), the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ),

6474-423: Was exiled by Russia, he became the new Interior Minister. The primacy Garašanin gave to inter-state consideration is most clearly elaborated in his 1844 Načertanije ("The Draft"). The ideas expressed in the draft guided his policies throughout his career, but were never implemented. Načertanije became a 19th-century statement on the Serbian nation and its vital interests as well as the root of aspirations for

6557-458: Was followed by contract with Bulgarian Revolutionary Secret Society in 1867, with Greece in 1867 and with Romania in 1868. The agreement between Serbia and Montenegro was signed on 5 October 1866 in Cetinje . According to the agreement, Serbia and Montenegro would act as an unified Serb country. Contemporary Bulgarian leaders maintained friendly relations with the Serbian government and Serbia

6640-551: Was not successful, it was an indicator of a more aggressive period of Balkan nationalisms after the Berlin Congress (1878). Balkan federation In late 19th and throughout the 20th century, the establishment of a Balkan Federation had been a recurrent suggestion of various political factions in the Balkans . The concept of a Balkan federation emerged in the late 19th century among left-wing political forces in

6723-671: Was one of the conditions of the Bled Agreement , signed between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria on 1 August 1947. In November 1947, pressured by both the Yugoslavs and the Soviets, Bulgaria also signed a treaty of friendship with Yugoslavia. The Bulgarian head of state Georgi Dimitrov was sympathetic to the Macedonian Question . The Bulgarian Communist party was compelled once again to adapt its stance to Soviet interests in

6806-464: Was regarded as a brother state, which was acting as a protector of its Slavic brethren. However, in the second half of 1866, Serbia failed to contact any serious Bulgarian political party. Nevertheless, in 1867, a Bulgarian society, active in Bucharest took the initiative. That was the so-called " Benevolent Society ". This Society was urged on by the Russian diplomats to approach the Serbian state with

6889-617: Was to encompass territories between rivers Drin ( Drim ) and Aoös ( Vojuša ). In 1864 Garašanin sent captain Ljubomir Ivanović to northern Albania. Ivanović closely cooperated with Gaspar Krasniqi until the middle of 1865 when Krasniqi was expelled to Istanbul (the Ottoman capital) by the Ottomans, because of his participation in the unrests aimed against Mirdita chieftain Bib Doda. Ivanović had to send his reports to Garašanin through another Catholic priest, Jozef (Franc) Mauri,

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