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119-461: The Koeri (spelt as Koiry or Koiri ), also referred to as Kushwaha and more recently self-described as Maurya in several parts of northern India are an Indian non-elite caste , found largely in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh , whose traditional occupation was agriculture. According to Arvind Narayan Das they were horticulturists rather than agriculturists. They are also recorded as performing
238-555: A "Messiah of Backward castes" lost traction when the Yadav ascendancy in politics led other aspirational Backward castes to move away from his party. During the 1990s, Nitish Kumar , who was projected as the leader of Kurmi and Koeri communities, formed the Samta Party , leading to the isolation of Koeri-Kurmi community from Yadavs and Laloo Prasad. In the decades following independence, a complete shift of power from upper castes to
357-524: A caste and the "less literate villagers". Some communities, such as the Muraos in Ayodhya , also constructed temples in support of these claims. Some Kushwaha reformers also said, in a similar vein to Kurmi reformer Devi Prasad Sinha Chaudhari, that since Rajputs , Bhumihars , and Brahmins worked the fields in some areas, there was no rational basis for assertions such labour marked a community as being of
476-542: A category of new landlords in the countryside as these three middle castes seldom sold their land, rather they looked on reforms as an opportunity to buy more. This phenomenon promoted the upward mobility of middle peasant castes. While this mobility in the Yadavas consolidated them as both big peasants and landlords, in the Koeris, the vertical mobility was exclusively towards them becoming landlords . The rise of castes like
595-490: A class of rising Kulaks in the agricultural society of India. The diversification in occupation of the Koeri caste in post independence India is shown by studies in select villages of North Bihar. In his paper, called Land and caste relation , Awanish Kumar's study of select villages of West Champaran and Samastipur district of North Bihar revealed that in some of these villages, Koeri and Yadav caste have become dominant over
714-585: A community of agriculturists found in parts of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar . They are also known as Maurya. They form a part of a wider community called the Kushwaha , which includes Koeri and Kachhi castes. The All India Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha is an organisation of these sub-castes, which also represents the interests of the Murao community. In Uttar Pradesh, a section of the community called Kunjra amongst Muslims , classified as an Other Backward Class ,
833-584: A long period in politics or played a secondary role, while the Yadav-centric politics of Laloo Yadav flourished in Bihar. However, after the formation of the Samta Party (now Janata Dal (United) ) by Nitish Kumar , they voted en masse for Samta . Its alliance showed that political parties in Bihar are identified with caste and the Samta Party was considered the party of Koeri-Kurmi community. Until
952-402: A man was to be blamed for his own decline, fecklessly mortgaging and then selling off his lands to maintain his unproductive dependents. By the same logic, a flourishing field of wheat would belong to a non-twice-born tiller, wheat being a crop requiring skill and enterprise on the part of the cultivator. These, said such commentators as Denzil Ibbetson and E. A. H. Blunt , were the qualities of
1071-583: A million supporters. This coalition followed an alliance for the 1930 local elections, which performed poorly at the polls. The new grouping had little electoral success; it won a few seats in the 1937 elections but was defeated by a two-pronged opposition that saw the rival Indian National Congress (Congress) attracting some of its wealthier leaders to a newly formed unit called the Backward Class Federation, and an effective opposition from upper castes organised to prevent upward mobility of
1190-946: A month in the Hindu lunar calendar . William Pinch notes a Kushwaha presence in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar , and they are also recorded in Haryana . Outside India, they are found in Terai , Nepal, where they have been officially recorded as Kushwaha and Koiri . They also have significant presence among the Bihari diaspora in Mauritius. The migration of Biharis to neighbouring countries became more pronounced in post-independence India. Small island nations like Mauritius have significant populations of people of Indian origin. The tradition and culture of Hindu migrants in countries like Mauritius
1309-522: A peak among Kurmi, Yadav, and Kushvaha peasants in the first four decades of the twentieth century". From around 1910, the Kachhis and the Koeris, both of whom had close links with the British for much of the preceding century due to their favoured role in the cultivation of the opium poppy , began to identify themselves as Kushwaha Kshatriya . An organisation claiming to represent those two groups and
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#17327721133931428-670: A peasant community and hence perceived to be of the Shudra varna . Pinch described them as "skilled agriculturalists". This traditional perception of Shudra status was increasingly challenged during the late decades of British Raj rule, although some castes had made claims of a higher status well before the British administration instituted its first census. The Kurmi community of cultivators, described by Christophe Jaffrelot as "middle caste peasants", led this search for greater respectability. According to Pinch; "The concern with personal dignity, community identity, and caste status reached
1547-648: A proponent of Kushwaha sanskritisation, published a book offering proof of the Kshatriya status of the Koeri, Kachhi, Murao, and Kushwaha. His reconstructed history said the Kushwaha were Hindu descendants of Kush, and that in the twelfth century, they served Raja Jayachandra in a military capacity during the Muslim consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate . Subsequent persecution by the victorious Muslims caused
1666-932: A report of the Institute of Human Development and Studies , the Kushwaha with the per capita income of ₹18,811 are among the highest-earning social groups of Bihar, much above the other important backward castes like Yadavs. They are placed below the upper castes in per capita earning. In regions like Samastipur , Bihar, the Kushwaha are politically strong and are involved with criminality. Author Tilak Das Gupta notes that Koeris of Bihar are known to be an educationally advanced community, along with castes like Awadhia Kurmi and Bania , due to more spread of education among them in contrast with several other communities categorised as Other Backward Class . Amongst various subgroups constituting Kushwaha community, Koeris of Bihar were known to be owner of significant amount of land; they were employers of Schedule Caste labourers and after
1785-517: A significant population residing in Nepal . The 1991 census conducted there included estimates of their population estimates but these were not included in the 2001 census. In some regions of Uttar Pradesh , many of the Koeris were also involved in the occupation of weaving along with members of the Mallaah caste and produce cloth for local use. Castes similar to the Koeri in northern India include
1904-644: A sizeable presence in Indian state of Madhya Pradesh . They are found primarily in areas of the state bordering neighbouring state of Uttar Pradesh. In 2023, the regional caste organisation of the community in Madhya Pradesh demanded that at least twenty five candidates of the Kushwaha caste should contest the election in 230 membered Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly . The leaders of the organisation declared that they will support only that political party which will provide appropriate representation to them in
2023-621: A “Backward caste” or “Other Backwards Caste” under the Indian governments system of positive discrimination, so they are entitled to OBC reservations in govt jobs. The findings of 2022 Bihar caste-based survey showed that a total of 1,12,106 members of community were holding government jobs in 2023, leading to their inclusion in the group having highest number of government jobs besides Yadavs and Kurmis in Other Backward Class category in Bihar. However, they were behind Forward Castes in holding government jobs. Between 1872 and 1921
2142-432: Is a broad community formed by coming together of several caste groups with similar occupational backgrounds and socio-economic status, who, over the time, started inter-marrying among themselves and created all India caste network for caste solidarity. The communities which merged into this caste cluster includes Kachhi, Kachhwaha, Kushwaha, Mali , Marrar, Saini , Sonkar, Murai, Shakya , Maurya , Koeri and Panara. Before
2261-532: Is quite different from the Indian subcontinent, including varna status and "social hierarchy", both of which terms have several variations in Mauritius vis a vis India. The traditional ruling elites like Rajputs and Brahmins are politically and economically marginalised in Mauritius, whereas cultivating castes like Koeri, Ahir , Kurmi, Kahar , and others have improved their social and financial position. According to Crispin Bates: The Vaish are
2380-521: The Buxar of South western Bihar which were close to each other concluded that Koeris had the largest population and were one of the main landholding castes in ten of those villages but the average landholding by the households in the surveyed villages were found to be just 2.12 acres per household. The limited landholding was also found to be unequally distributed in caste and class. Further, another study conducted in some select villages of rural Bihar revealed
2499-609: The Indo-Gangetic Plain that has traditionally been involved in agriculture, including beekeeping . The term has been used to represent different sub-castes of the Kachhis , Kachhvahas, Koeris and Muraos . The Kushwaha had worshipped Shiva and Shakta , but beginning in the 20th century, they claim descent from the Suryavansh (Solar) dynasty via Kusha , one of the twin sons of Rama and Sita . At present, it
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#17327721133932618-555: The Kachhis and the Kurmis were not only the major "agricultural caste", but were also reputed as most skilled cultivators. As per the description of William Crooke of the contemporary agrarian society, the Koeris were 'quiet, industrious and well-behaved people'. In the early 19th century in the Gaya district , Koeris were recorded by Francis Buchanan as a community of "ploughing tribes" consisting primarily of poor and middle peasants. It
2737-496: The begar system of forced, unpaid labour; and by providing a platform for people seeking reservation of jobs in government for non-upper-caste people. In 1965, there was an abortive attempt to revive the defunct federation. The Kisan Sabha was dominated by peasant castes like the Koeri, Kurmi, and Yadav; historian Gyan Pandey termed them mainly movements of the middle-peasant castes who organised against eviction with limited participation of other communities. The reality, however,
2856-522: The tika – a liquid form of sandalwood on the head – which is made by the Brahmin priests. In recent times (21st century), Kushwahas of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have started associating themselves with the Mauryan dynasty . The members of caste claim that they are direct descendant of the third century B.C ruler Chandragupta Maurya and his grandson Ashoka . The Kushwaha were traditionally
2975-504: The "most advanced" cultivators in Bihar and said, "Simple in habits, thrifty to a degree and a master in the art of market-gardening, the Koeri is amongst the best of the tillers of the soil to be found anywhere in India." During the colonial period , in the provinces such as Bengal, although majority of rural population was having a living from the agriculture, only a few of them deserved classification as "agriculturists". The Koeris along with
3094-498: The "upper Backward castes"; a term coined to describe the Koeri, Yadav, Kurmi, and Bania in Bihar. The transfer of power also occurred at the local level of governance. The upper caste were first to acquire education and initially benefitted from it but with the expansion in electoral franchise and growth of the "party system", they lost support to upper Backward communities. Nepotism and patronage for fellow caste members in government, which had previously been an upper-caste phenomenon,
3213-445: The 1980s, in region surrounding Kaimur Plateau of Rohtas district , Koeris also operated bandit groups, which were responsible for caste warfare with the members of rival groups. One such group was Ramashish Koeri gang , which operated out of Kaimur hills. In the interwar years, during a period when there was a general movement among various castes seeking to uplift their status, there was also at least one journal being published for
3332-425: The 1990s. Consequently, the coalition emerged with a massive victory and the number of legislators from these agrarian castes grew compared to previous elections. The coalition was later dissolved and in the 2020 Assembly election, the disunity among the three castes and split of votes led to huge decline in the number of Kushwaha legislators. Though generally considered as supporters of Janata Dal (United) in Bihar,
3451-663: The 2015 Bihar Legislative Assembly elections, Koeris were well represented in Janata Dal (United) . Out of twenty Koeri legislators elected to 243 membered Bihar Legislative Assembly, eleven were from JDU. The parting of the ways between the Koeris and the Kurmis and the movement of the Koeris away from Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) was witnessed after the formation of the Rashtriya Lok Samta Party by Upendra Kushwaha , who commanded huge support among members of
3570-581: The 20th century CE, branches that form the Kushwaha community – the Kachhis, Koeris, and Muraos – favoured a connection with Shiva and Shakta. In the 20th century, the Kushwaha began to claim descent from the Suryavansh dynasty through Kusha, a son of the mythical Rama , an avatar of Vishnu . In the 1920s, Ganga Prasad Gupta, a proponent of Kushwaha sanskritisation , said Kushwaha families worshiped Hanuman , who Pinch described as "the embodiment of true devotion to Ram and Sita", during Kartika ,
3689-548: The Assembly, Baijnath Kushwah, Ajab Singh Kushwah , Siddharth Sukhlal Kushwaha , and Hina Kaware . According to Arun Sinha, the Koeris were known for their market gardening activities. Since Indian independence , the land reform movement made it difficult for the erstwhile upper-caste landlords to maintain their holdings. The growing pressure from left-wing militants backed by Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation (CPI(ML)) and some local political parties; and
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3808-610: The BJP with the Lok Janshakti Party and the Rashtriya Lok Samata Party . In the 2015 Bihar Legislative Assembly election, Janata Dal (United) allied with its rival Rashtriya Janata Dal due to differences with the BJP. Due to the social composition of these parties and the core-voter base, this coalition drew immense support from the Yadav, Kurmi, and Kushwaha castes, which rarely voted together after
3927-493: The Extremely Backward Castes in Bihar, when it comes to assuming the political leadership of latter. Mani points towards existence of cordial relationship of Kushwahas with the other caste groups in Bihar's villages, where guests of all rural communities are sent to Mahto Ji ka Dalan (a rural living room owned by Kushwahas in popular village culture) to spend the night. As a political bloc, Kushwahas decides
4046-581: The Indian opium trade, which had its main base in Bihar. For many years the British East India Company via an agency in Patna regulated and exploited it. Carl Trocki believes that. "Opium cultivators were not free agents" and describes the coercion and financial arrangements that were involved to achieve production, which included restricting land to that product even when the people needed grain because of famine. Although profitable for
4165-511: The Indian government's system of positive discrimination. Haruka Yanagisawa, Professor Emeritus of the University of Tokyo mentions in his work that Koeris along with Yadav and Kurmis were classified as upper-middle caste, who were known for their sturdy and hardy nature. Koeris have traditionally been classified as a “ shudra “ caste and today Koeris have attempted Sanskritisation —the attempt by traditionally middle and low castes to rise up
4284-496: The Indian subcontinent. Some castes in Mauritius in particular are unrecognisable from a subcontinental Indian perspective, and may incorporate mutually antagonistic castes into a single group. The 'vaish', which includes the Koeris, is the largest and most influential caste group on the island. The former Brahmin elites together with former Kshatriya are called 'Babuji' and enjoy the prestige conferred by high caste status, though politically they are marginalised. The Koeris also have
4403-512: The Koeri and Kurmi castes. In context of the communal riots related to cow protectionism, some writers are also of the opinion that low castes groups like Koeri, Ahirs also took to cow protection for asserting higher social status since cow already had symbolic importance in Hinduism. This particular view of cow protection was different from the UP's urban elites. The community was at the heart of
4522-527: The Koeri castes. The Bharatiya Janata Party appealed to the kushwaha in the 2014 elections in hopes of getting the support of the Koeri caste who had earlier voted for Nitish Kumar and the JD(U). However, the quitting of BJP and alliance by Upendra Kushwaha left Koeri politics in Bihar in a dilemma. This rift between the Koeris and the Kurmis was orchestrated by the rise of influential Koeri leaders like Mahendra Singh and Shakuni Choudhury , while Kushwaha remained
4641-711: The Koeri community, the Kashbala Kshatriya Mitra , while other interests of the Koeri community is taken care of by the Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha. Besides these organisations, there exists various state level organisations catering to socio-political needs of the community. In Jharkhand , one such organisation called Kushwaha Mahasabha works for political empowerment of community. Prominent Jharkhand leaders like Aklu Ram Mahto , Dev Dyal Kushwaha and Bhubneshwar Prasad Mehta had remained associated with this organisation in past. In
4760-432: The Koeri were prominent. In this period, caste remained the most-effective tool of political mobilisation; some leaders who were theoretically opposed to caste-based politics also appealed to caste loyalties to secure their victory. The Rabri Devi government appointed ten Koeris as ministers in her cabinet, which was sought by many community leaders as a fair representation of the caste. The portrayal of Lalu Prasad Yadav as
4879-628: The Koeri, the Kurmi, and the Yadav, and the fall from power of the forward castes was characterised by growing assertiveness among these middle peasants who now acted as the landowners they once condemned. In 1989, Frankel observed that 95% of the upper castes and 36% of the middle peasant castes like the Koeri and the Yadav belonged to a rich peasant-cum-landlord class. An aversion to manual labour characterised this class. However, some Koeris and Yadavas who held comparatively less land to provide them with subsistence also worked as agricultural labourers, though
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4998-591: The Koeri-Kurmi community and Yadavs, whose voting patterns were contrasted. When the Samta Party allied with the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), Koeris voted for this alliance and in the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP fared well, mostly due to the support of Koeri and Kurmis. The division among Backwards castes also cost their representation in the assemblies. The profile of the Bihar legislative assembly rapidly changed since 1967; until 1995 or 1996,
5117-530: The Koeris are distributed among the Bihari diaspora in Mauritius where they were taken as indentured labourers. They also have a significant population residing in Nepal . In 1977, the government of Bihar introduced an affirmative action of quota in government jobs and universities which has benefitted the backward castes like the Koeris. They are classified as a “Backward caste” or “Other Backwards Caste” under
5236-430: The Koeris perform the function of a Purohit (family priest) and a significant number of houses were seen availing themselves of the services of the purohits of the Koeri caste. Outside India, Koeris are distributed among the Bihari diaspora in Mauritius . Though the island is divided along ethnic and religious lines, 'Hindu' Mauritians follow a number of original customs and traditions, quite different from those seen on
5355-518: The Koeris represented approximately seven per cent of the population in Saran district , according to tabulated data prepared by Anand Yang . Yang also notes their involvement in tenanted landholdings around the period 1893–1901: the Koeris worked around nine per cent of the total cultivated area of the district which was one per cent less than the Ahirs, although they represented around five per cent more of
5474-522: The Kurmis and the Yadavs to form a caste coalition-cum-political party called Triveni Sangh . The actual date of the formation of Triveni Sangh is disputed among scholars. This caste coalition fared badly against the Congress party and faced a considerable challenge from Congress's backward class federation. Though politically it was not able to make a significant mark, it remained successful in eradicating
5593-672: The Kushvaha- kshatriya movement reveal distinct cosmological associations with Shiva and his divine consort, Parvati. Kushvaha-kshatriya identity was espoused by agricultural community well known throughout the Gangetic north for an expertise in vegetable and (to an increasingly limited scale after the turn of twentieth century) poppy cultivation. Prominent among them were Kachhi and Murao agriculturalist of central Uttar Pradesh , Kachhvahas of western Uttar Pradesh and Koiris of Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh." Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha,
5712-512: The Kushwaha community in some of the left -dominated assembly constituencies like Ziradel and Bibhutipur are also core supporters of communist parties— Communist Party of India (Marxist) and Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation ; mainly because of the creation of rooted leaders like Ramdeo Verma and Amarjeet Kushwaha from the community by these parties. According to author and political analyst Prem Kumar Mani , Kushwahas are more acceptable to other caste groups specially
5831-421: The Kushwaha to disperse and disguise their identity, foregoing the sacred thread, and thus becoming degraded and taking on localised community names. Gupta's attempt to prove Kshatriya status, in common with similar attempts by others to establish histories of various castes, was spread via the caste associations, which Dipankar Gupta wrote provided a link between the "urban, politically literate elite" members of
5950-766: The Kusvaha Kshatriya to flee into the forest in disarray and discard their sacred threads, so as not to appear as erstwhile defenders of Hinduism. The British ethnographer Herbert Hope Risley recorded various Koeri origin myths in the 1890s. According to one of them, Shiva and Parvati created Koeri and Kachhi to take care of vegetables and their flower gardens in Banaras. Writing eighty years later, Francis Buchanan-Hamilton records that Koeris of Bihar were followers of Dashanami Sampradaya while those of Gorakhpur and Ayodhya looked towards Ramanandi saints for spiritual guidance. According to Christophe Jaffrelot ,
6069-884: The Maurya, the Kushwaha , the Mahto , the Kachhi , the Shakya and the Saini . Over the time, these castes have come closer and began intermarrying while developing the all India network to strengthen their caste solidarity. In 1811, the physician Francis Buchanan-Hamilton classified the producer castes of Bihar and Patna - the Koeri, the Gwala, the Kurmi, the Sonar (goldsmith) and even the Kayasthas (a scribe caste) as "pure Shudra ". However, due to
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#17327721133936188-522: The Muraos petitioned for official recognition as one of the Kshatriya varna in 1928. This action by the All India Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha (AIKKM) reflected the general trend for social uplift by communities that had traditionally been classified as Shudra. The process, which M. N. Srinivas called sanskritisation , was a feature of late nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century caste politics. AIKKM's position
6307-713: The Shudra varna. William Pinch described the growth of militancy among agricultural castes in the wake of their claims to Kshatriya status. Castes like Koeris, Kurmis, and Yadavs asserted their Kshatriya status verbally and by joining the British Indian Army as soldiers in large numbers. The growing militancy among the castes led rural Bihar to become an arena of conflict in which numerous caste-based militias surfaced and atrocities against Dalits became normalised. The militias founded during this period were named after folk figures or popular personalities who were revered by
6426-467: The Upper-Backwards. The period of the 1960s witnessed an improvement in the fortunes of the backward castes in politics, with a significant growth seen in the number of backward caste MLAs in the Bihar legislative assembly. In the 1970s, with the defining slogan of social justice, Koeris rose to prominence in the politics of Bihar under the leadership of Jagdeo Prasad . However, this achievement
6545-496: The advancements in their level of education, the Kayastha community was first among them to challenge their Shudra status and claimed a higher Varna. They were followed by the rest of these communities. In the households of the cultivator castes like the Koeris, there was no major segregation of family duties based on gender. Here, both male and female members of the family participated in cultivation- related operations, thus paving
6664-457: The alliance of Upper Castes , Dalits and Muslims became the prime reason behind the upper-OBC's drive for alternative route to gain political ascendency. The "Coalition Of Extremes" was also favourable for the upper-caste lobby within the Congress, as they knew that Dalits being a weak socio-economic group could hardly pose any challenge to their position in the socio-economic sphere unlike
6783-520: The boundaries between Koeris and Bhumihars in the Ekwaari . For much of the 20th century, the Koeri were generally less effective and less involved in politics than the Kurmis and Yadavs, who broadly shared their socio-economic position in Hindu society. The latter two groups were more vociferous in their actions, including involvement in caste rioting, whilst the Koeris had only a brief prominence during
6902-467: The bulk of agricultural labourers belonged to the Dalit caste. According to Frankel, the bulk of middle and poor peasantry belonged to castes like the Koeris and the Yadavas; this class worked in their own fields but considered it beneath their dignity to work in others' fields. However, the socio-economic progress and transition towards the upper edge of the social hierarchy was not unabated. The Koeris, like
7021-505: The caste association of Koeris, held its first session in 1922. Some Kushwaha reformers like Ganga Prasad Gupta in Banaras argued the Koeris descended from Kusha and that they served Raja Jayachandra in their military capacity during the period of Muslim consolidation under Shuhabuddin Ghuri . He argued further that after defeat, the fear of persecution at the hands of Muslims caused
7140-463: The caste associations were formed with the basic objective of unifying individual castes. The All India Kushwaha Kshatriya Mahasabha was formed to bring the horticulturist and market gardener communities like the Koeri, the Kachhi and the Murao under one umbrella. The Koeris also attempted to forge a caste coalition called Raghav Samaj, backed by kurmis which was named after one of Rama 's names. This
7259-450: The company, it was often not so for the peasant producer, and, "Only one particular caste, the Koeris, managed to carry on the cultivation with some degree of efficiency. They were able to do this because they could employ their wives and children to help out with the tasks of opium production." Other groups involved in opium production had to hire labour, but the Koeris cut costs by utilising that available within their own family. Describing
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#17327721133937378-647: The decades preceding the period of 1970-90. According to Kumar: Despite all their limitations, the land reform laws since 1948 have transferred ownership right in vast areas of land to upper-OBCs mainly Yadav and Koeri-Kurmi. This gave them strength to ask for a larger share in political power and by the late 1960s, they seemed to have started asserting themselves politically, which is reflected in slow but gradual rise of their representation in Vidhan Sabha (legislative assembly) The conflict with upper caste landlords led to an attraction towards far-left naxalism . This
7497-478: The dependent labourers in order to bring them under debt bondage and Kamia-Malik relationship. According to author Bindeswar Ram, who studied rural credit market of 1880s in region such as Bengal and Bihar, Koeris worked as Mahajan or moneylenders alongside Bania and Sonar caste in rural areas. Ram mentions that these social groups acted both as prosperous peasant proprietors as well as rural credit market agent by forwarding credit to tenants ( Raiyat ). By 1885, when
7616-543: The dominant Backwards castes away from the Rashtriya Janata Dal and distributed their votes to other political parties. Koeris, who were one of the most-populous caste groups, were shifted first towards the JD (U)-BJP coalition. After the expulsion of Upendra Kushwaha from the JD (U) and the formation of the Rashtriya Lok Samata Party , their votes were distributed amongst the JD (U) and the new social coalition of
7735-695: The early twentieth century, the Koeri and their sub-caste the Murao participated in the politics of the Kisan Sabha , which worked for the peasants' cause against the ill effects of landlordism and the 1920 Gandhian non-cooperation movement . These peasant castes, which had a long tradition of independence and caste solidarity, founded the Kisan Sabhas, which later became instrumental in supporting peasant causes. The traditional method of Nai-Dhobi band—disallowing of service of washermen and barbers to enforce
7854-470: The entrepreneur or official who planted the colony were very great." They are also distributed in the Samastipur district of Bihar. In this district the Koeri caste is notorious for their criminal affairs and represent most of the ten Legislative Assembly seats in this district. In a fieldwork study, where data was collected in 2008-11 by Gaurang R Sahay, the details of 13 villages of Unwas panchayat in
7973-437: The folds of revolutionary groups. The CPI(ML) remained successful in mobilising Koeris in the districts of Patna , Bhojpur , Aurangabad and Rohtas districts. Later, a section of the upper strata of the Koeris and other middle peasant castes voiced their support for the militant organisation Ranvir Sena . This group had benefitted the most from land reforms and became ruthless towards the Dalits . Koeris are classified as
8092-412: The formation of a private army called the Bhumi Sena , which perpetrated massacres of Dalits and other atrocities. The Koeris have always led the battle of weaker sections of society against landlords. In districts such as Aurangabad , Bihar, where the feudal system was prevalent, the Kushwaha along with Yadavs have successfully led the Dalits in their armed struggle against landlords. According to
8211-452: The government. In the 2018-23 Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly, there were eight members of legislative assembly belonging to Kushwaha community. From the Bharatiya Janata Party which was in government, Bharat Singh Kushwah and Ram Kishor Kawre from the community were ministers in Government of Madhya Pradesh . There were two other legislators from the BJP in the Assembly. From the Indian National Congress , there were four legislators in
8330-711: The group of four of the OBC communities in Bihar , who acquired land overtime, adopted improved agricultural technology and attained political power to become a class of rising Kulaks in the agricultural society of India. In some of the districts of Bihar, they have also participated in the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency against the feudal order. In parts of northern India, they, besides Yadavs , Jats and Kurmis , are considered as largest politically organised peasant community. The Koeris are found in Saran district and are also distributed more heterogeneously across Munger , Banka , Khagaria , Samastipur , East Champaran , West Champaran and Bhojpur district. Outside India,
8449-569: The groups like Koeris, and they were able to consolidate their landholdings at the cost of big landlords, whose possession witnessed a liquidation. It is argued that these reforms weren't percolated down to the most vulnerable groups in agrarian society, the Scheduled Castes , but the traditional agrarian relations based on caste did witness some changes. In the backdrop of this change many new landlords of post reform period hailed from groups like Koeris. In post-independence India, Koeris have been classified as Upper Backwards by virtue of being part of
8568-418: The hard working castes like Kurmi, Koeris and Yadav. These small peasant proprietors worked very hard on their land and also drive their labourers hard, and any resistance by agricultural labourers gives rise to the mutual conflicts and atrocities on Harijans. The differences between upper backward castes and the extremely backward castes, and Dalits, due to unequal distribution of the benefits of land reforms,
8687-408: The industrious nature of the Koeri people, Susan Bayly wrote: "By the mid-nineteenth century, influential revenue specialists were reporting that they could tell the caste of a landed man by simply glancing at his crops. In the north, these observers claimed, a field of 'second-rate barley' would belong to a Rajput or Brahman who took pride in shunning the plough and secluding his womenfolk. Such
8806-571: The land ceiling laws and communist pressure in the 1970s, upper caste landlords resorted to selling off their lands. In most cases the buyer would be from the Koeri, the Kurmi , or the Yadav castes. These peasants worked skilfully on their land and made their holdings more productive. In contrast, the upper castes were unable to do so, and they seemed to be satisfied with the price they got for their land. The increased urbanisation among forward castes created
8925-417: The land reform drive of North Indian states like Bihar, many new landlords of the post reform period also emerged from within them. In Bihar , many Koeris , who now possess land, education and government jobs have become upwardly mobile and demonstrate upper-caste characteristics. In Uttar Pradesh , the Kushwaha community comprise approximately 8.5% of the state's population. They are distributed across
9044-406: The largest and most influential caste group on the island. Internally the group is divided into Koeri, Kurmi, Kahar, Ahir, Lohar and other jatis. In the past many admitted to Chamar status (as shown by historical records), but recently this seems to have become completely taboo. This group, now commonly known as 'Rajputs', will also sometimes describe themselves as 'Raviveds'. An explanation may lie in
9163-554: The local Bhuiya population in bonded labour system by forwarding Kamiauti advances (a kind of loan) to them. These Koeri Mahajans, according to Chakraborty, were most stringent in terms of their advances to Bhuiya . In post independence India, Koeris have been classified as upper strata of Backward Castes by virtue of being part of the group of four of the OBC communities in Bihar , who acquired land overtime, adopted improved agricultural technology and attained political power to become
9282-456: The lower backward castes were assigned 12% of the quota, only eight per cent was earmarked for landowning castes like the Koeri, the Kurmi and the Yadavs. Being a Nai by caste, Thakur was aware of the robust economic position and aggressiveness of these castes who were many times seen bullying the Harijans and lower backwards castes. In later years, the Koeris remained in a muted position for
9401-556: The lower castes. Also, the three putatively allied castes were unable to reconcile their rivalries. The Triveni Sangh also faced competition from the All India Kisan Sabha , a peasant-oriented socio-political campaigning group run by communists. The appeal of the Triveni Sangh had significantly waned by 1947 but had achieved a measure of success outside elections by exerting sufficient influence to bring an end to
9520-505: The main buyers of these lands. Because the peasant castes considered their land to be their most productive asset, they rarely sold it. The zeal of peasant castes to buy more and more land gradually changed their economic profile, and some of them became "neo-landlords". The peasants attempted to protect their new economic status from those below them, especially the Dalits, who were still mainly landless labourers. The peasants adopted many of
9639-419: The middle peasant castes which took place during 1890s turned rural Bihar into an arena of conflict. William Pinch claims that castes like the Koeris, the Kurmi, and the Yadav joined the British Indian Army as soldiers. The kshatriyatva or "essence of being kshatriya ", was characterised by aggressiveness among these castes, which led to the formation of many caste armies resulting in intercaste conflict. In
9758-557: The non-patrician 'peasant' – the thrifty Jat or canny Kurmi in upper India, .... Similar virtues would be found among the smaller market-gardening populations, these being the people known as Koeris in Hindustan" Colonial ethnographers like Dr. Hunter identified Koiris and Oudhia Kurmis as most respectable of all cultivating castes in some districts of Bihar. In 1877, there was an attempt by colonial Government of Bengal to prepare an account of Indian society and it culminated into
9877-462: The other middle level castes in northern India, were facing a double-edged confrontation from the upper castes who were supporters of the status quo as well as from the Dalits and the lowest castes who now became assertive for their own rights. All this made the middle castes aggressive. Sanjay Kumar associates the political mobilisation of the middle peasant castes , also called upper-OBCs with this gradual process of land reforms undertaken in Bihar in
9996-432: The population. According to Christopher Bayly : "Eighteenth-century settlement of Kurmi, Kacchi and Koeri cultivators were also numerous in northern and western Awadh. On the fringes of cultivation, these castes were given special rental rates for bringing areas of jungle under plough. In the first five years, for instance the rent might be only half of what was common for soil of the same type. The revenue benefits to
10115-509: The post of Deputy Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and projected him as the representative of Kushwaha and its subgroups, the Kachhi-Shakya-Maurya-Saini- Mali block. Besides these political parties, smaller parties like Mahan Dal led by Keshav Dev Maurya also claims to represent Kushwaha and its subgroups in state. The central Bihar Backward castes like Koeri are numerically and politically powerful, and reject
10234-447: The practice of begar (forced labour). The Indian National Congress continued its policy of not giving due importance to the demand of upper-OBCs for more political representation and the Koeris along with other OBCs remained unsatisfied in the post independence period as well, when the question of political representation for greater part of society was gaining ground. The Congress's reliance on its "Coalition Of Extremes", referring to
10353-421: The practices of their erstwhile landlords. The pattern of land reform in states like Bihar mainly benefitted the middle castes like the Koeris, and was also responsible for the imperfect mobilisation of backward castes in politics. The space created by Backward castes in electoral politics after 1967 was dominated mainly by these middle-peasant castes, who were the biggest beneficiary of the "politics of socialism",
10472-638: The price of land surged, they started increasing their landholdings through purchase. There also witnessed increased transfer of the land of tenants by these social groups, when they mortgaged their land for credit. Ram also mentioned that after 1885, due to increase in registration of land under law and growing prices of land, the bargaining power of these groups, acting as moneylenders increased tremendously. Malabika Chakrabarti also mentions that better-off peasants of Koeri caste in region of South Bihar supplemented their income from cultivation by working as Mahajan or moneylenders. She also notes that they also involved
10591-414: The process of all india social classification of various castes and tribes beginning with the first census of 1871. In 1901, Herbert Hope Risley applied anthropometrical methods to develop a racial taxonomy of Indian society leading to a problematic attempt to classify people of India. The Koeris were classified as "agricultural caste" along with the Kurmis. An official report of 1941 described them as being
10710-426: The proponents of which were people like Ram Manohar Lohia . The unequitable political space at the disposal of other "Backward castes" and Scheduled Castes was an implication of these land reforms – according to Varinder Grover: The pattern of land reforms in Bihar is one of the main reason for imperfect mobilisation of backward castes into the politics. The abolition of all intermediaries had definitely helped
10829-428: The prosperity attained by some of their clan members.The study also presented a differentiated pattern of control over land and resources, as, in some quarters, caste like Koeri and Yadav were dominant, while in others, Bhumihar caste still had control over significant amount of cultivable land. Peasants in middle castes like the Koeris benefitted the most from the land reform policies of the Indian government. Faced with
10948-466: The rapid economic growth of the 1980s and 1990s, as well as the lack of positive discrimination measures of the sort seen in India. The Kushwaha are often associated with the Kurmi caste, which have same socio-economic status in Bihar. Despite having some similarities, the Kushwaha and the Kurmi are different in many aspects. In the early 20th century, socio-economic ascendancy of the Kurmis led them to become landlords. Consequently, they were involved in
11067-584: The representation of upper castes was reduced to around 17% but the division among Backwards castes served as a hope to the upper castes to at least increase their representation. The success of the BJP-Samta coalition also consolidated the Koeris and the Kurmis, who merged as a political force in 1996 elections. Since 1996, Koeris voted en masse for the Janata Dal (United) (JD (U))-BJP coalition. The caste-based polarisation in Bihar and other states moved
11186-943: The results of elections in at least 63 assembly seats and in half a dozen Lok Sabha seats like Ara , Khagaria , Karakat , Ujiyarpur and Sasaram . In Khagaria Lok Sabha constituency , a total of five parliamentarians from the community has been elected since 1957, which is second only to Yadav parliamentarians. The Koeri parliamentarians elected from this constituency are Kameshwar Prasad Singh , Chandra Shekhar Prasad Verma , Satish Prasad Singh , Shakuni Choudhary and Renu Kushwaha . In Arrah Lok Sabha constituency from 1951 to 2004 only Koeri and Yadav parliamentarians were elected. The Koeri parliamentarians included Chandradeo Prasad Verma , Haridwar Prasad Singh and Ram Prasad Kushwaha . In Uttar Pradesh, Kushwaha- Maurya community had been traditional supporters of Bahujan Samaj Party , with Mayawati promoting community leaders like Babu Singh Kushwaha and Swami Prasad Maurya . Maurya
11305-453: The rise of Jagdeo Prasad . This muted position dramatically changed in the 1990s when the rise to power of Lalu Prasad in Bihar caused an assertion of Yadav-centric policies that demanded a loud reaction. Earlier, the Koeris were given fair representation in the state governments of Lalu Prasad Yadav and Rabri Devi . The Backward politics of Lalu Prasad Yadav resulted in rise to political prominence of numerous Backward castes, among which
11424-541: The sanctions on the landlords and use of their robust caste panchayats—became a symbol of this peasant movement. Koeri leader Mata Badal Koeri became a founding leader of Oudh Kisan Sabha (Awadh Farmers Conference) along with Baba Ram Chandra . Large numbers of Koeris participated in the Awadh Kisan Conference of 1920, which was held in Ayodhya. In the heyday of British Raj , the Koeris aligned with
11543-481: The social ladder, often by tracing their origins to mythical characters or following the lifestyle of higher varna , such as following vegetarianism , secluding women, or wearing Janeu , the sacred thread. The Sanskritising trend in castes of northern India, including that of the Koeris, was inspired by the vaishnavite tradition, as attested by their bid to seek association with avatars of Vishnu . Author William Pinch wrote: "The nineteenth century antecedents of
11662-401: The state and are known as Maurya , Morao , Shakya, Koeri, Kachhi , and Saini in different parts of the state. The community has sizeable presence in almost all of the nineteen assembly constituencies of Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh, which consists seven districts— Jhansi , Hamirpur , Chitrakoot , Jalaun , Banda , Mahoba and Lalitpur . The Kushwaha-Maurya community also have
11781-400: The strongest leader of the community in Bihar. In 2010s, attempts to trace the community's lineage to Mauryan king Ashoka were supported by Bharatiya Janata Party and Janata Dal (United) with an apparent eye towards the electoral benefits, particularly in northern Indian states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh . Kushwaha Kushwaha (sometimes, Kushvaha ) is a community of
11900-416: The time, leaving behind old elite groups, such as Bhumihars . Kumar's study found that both these caste compete for political power in these zones and a few Koeri families, who are economically sound, also own the local Primary Agricultural Credit Societies and Public Distribution System . However, intra-caste differentiation in Koeris was also high, as not all Koeri households in villages under study shared
12019-612: The traditional Jajmani system , which relies upon the Brahmanical notion of purity and pollution. The Backward caste groups in this region do not use the services of Brahmin priests to perform their rituals; most Koeri households employ a Koeri priest to perform their rituals, and their services are also used by other Backward castes like the Yadav. Koeri priests are different from Brahmin priests in their approval of widow remarriage. They also promote non-vegetarianism and do not grow tuft like Brahmins. Koeri priests also disapprove of
12138-473: The villages like Rure, Arkha and Rasulpur of Uttar Pradesh , large population of superior cultivating castes like Muraos and Kurmis resided. These castes had age old tradition of independence and caste solidarity and it was among them that the Kisan Sabha movement of early twentieth century took its initial roots. These cultivating castes followed the traditional method of Nai-Dhobi band (or disallowing
12257-444: The way for egalitarianism and a lack of gender-related discrimination and seclusion. The view of the Koeris regarding their women is portrayed through their (Jati) Caste pamphlet, where Koeri women are described as being loyal to their husbands and having all the qualities of a true Kshatriya woman, who faces the enemy with courage and fights along with her husband rather than being defeated outrightly. The Kshatriya reform movement in
12376-513: The weakening of the Zamindari system made it difficult for them to survive in rural areas. The decades following independence were marked by the urbanisation of upper castes, who sold their unproductive holdings, which were mostly bought by the peasants of cultivating middle castes, who were affluent enough to purchase land. Some of the land was also bought from Muslim families who were migrating to Pakistan . The Koeris, Kurmis , and Yadavs were
12495-499: The whole community. Kushwahas are classified as an Other Backward Caste (OBC) in some states of India. In 2013, the Haryana government added the Kushwaha, Koeri, and Maurya castes to the list of Backward classes. In Bihar they are categorised as OBC. Sub-castes of Kushwaha community, such as the Kachhi, Shakya , and Koeri, are also categorised as OBC in Uttar Pradesh . Notes Citations Murao people Muraos are
12614-512: The widespread dacoity and oppressive attitude of the upper-caste landlords faced by these hardworking caste groups, which prompted them to join revolutionary organisations. The Kushwaha engaged in political action during these latter days of the Raj. Around 1933 and 1934, the Koeris joined with the Kurmis and Yadavs to form the Triveni Sangh , a caste federation that by 1936 claimed to have
12733-413: The work of Mahajan (rural moneylenders) in credit market of rural parts of Bihar and Bengal in 1880s. Koeris have attempted Sanskritisation — as part of social resurgence. During the British rule in India, Koeris were described as "agriculturalists" along with Kurmis and other cultivating castes. They are described as a dominant caste in various opinions. Bihar's land reform drive of 1950s benefitted
12852-453: Was a major challenge before the CPI(ML) in mobilisation of collective force of lower castes against the upper-caste landlords. The upper backward castes like Koeri were initially less attached to the CPI(ML) due to their economic progress, and the communists were only successful in mobilising them in regions Patna , Bhojpur , Aurangabad , and Rohtas district. These success were attributed to
12971-477: Was based on the concept of Vaishnavism , which promotes the worship and claims of descent from Rama or Krishna to assume the trappings of Kshatriya symbolism and thus permit the wearing of the sacred thread , even though the physical labour inherent in their cultivator occupation defined them as Shudra. The movement caused the Kushwaha to abandon their claim of descent from Shiva in favour of the alternative myth of their descent from Rama. In 1921, Ganga Prasad Gupta,
13090-533: Was done to justify the communities' claims of descent from Lava and Kusha , respectively. In 1928, the Mahasabha also petitioned the Simon Commission on behalf of various subcastes of the Koeri community to seek recognition as Kshatriya. The terminology Lav-Kush for the Koeri-Kurmi community became more important in politics than in culture; in Bihar, it came to represent the political solidarity of
13209-558: Was even appointed as National General Secretary of the BSP, in order to placate Kushwahas. Previously, Bahujan Samaj Party founder, Kanshi Ram also gave significant role to community in Uttar Pradesh's caste based politics. In Uttar Pradesh, community is known by various terms like Maurya, Kushwaha, Shakya and Saini . Off late, Bharatiya Janata Party also started promoting leaders of the community; it raised Keshav Prasad Maurya to
13328-553: Was formed due to conversion of Muraos to Islam . The Kunjra are also called Sabj Farosh and like Muraos, they grew vegetables. In recent times, the community produced educated individuals engaged in white collar jobs. The Kunjras are an urban based and landed community in Uttar Pradesh, a group among them, now called Kabaria has distinguished itself from the community by adopting the profession of dealing in scrap. However, vast majority of them are now involved in trade, business and are employed in service sector . During 1919-1920, in
13447-541: Was however noted that in his survey, Buchanan had neglected an upper crust among them, which had accumulated and hoarded cash and had emerged as moneylenders forwarding Kamiauti advances to acquire dependent labour. Oral testimonies from the colonial period indicates that by the end of 19th century, Koeris in the Gaya district included rich peasants, who had acquired material wealth by improving land relation and extending market relations. This enabled them to forward advances to
13566-616: Was killed in 1971, the communist uprising in Bhojpur subsided. A report of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation titled Flaming fields of Bihar revealed the participation of Koiris in the Naxalite-Maoist insurgency in some of the districts of Bihar. It was reported that being the victims of persistent banditry and oppression by the upper-caste landlords, middle castes like them more often come within
13685-622: Was more complex. Dalit communities like the Chamars and Pasis, whose traditional occupations were leatherwork and toddy-tapping respectively, formed a significant portion of the landless peasantry and were significant in the Kisan Sabha, which also included members of the high castes such as Brahmins. The Koeris also had a significant presence in the 1960s Naxalite movement in rural Bihar, particularly in Bhojpur and nearby areas like Arrah , where an economic system dominated by upper-caste landlords
13804-432: Was now available to the upper Backward communities. This phenomenon continued in the 1970s with the premiership of Karpoori Thakur , who had provided 12% reservation to lower Backward castes and 8% to upper Backward castes, in which the Koeri were included. The peak of this patronage was reached during the tenure of Laloo Yadav. From 1990 onwards, the solidarity of Backward castes was severely weakened due to division among
13923-643: Was short-lived and their representation was gradually lost to other backward castes after Prasad's death. This period also witnessed Satish Prasad Singh , a lesser known Koeri leader, become the chief minister of Bihar merely a week after the fall of Mahamaya Prasad Sinha government. He led a coalition of the Shoshit Samaj Dal party of Jagdeo Prasad and the Congress. In 1977, the Karpoori Thakur government of Bihar introduced an affirmative action of quota in government jobs and universities. While
14042-403: Was still in place. Here, the communist upsurge against the prevalent feudal system was led by Jagdish Mahto , a Koeri teacher who had read Ambedkar and Marx , and was sympathetic to the cause of Dalits. Mahto organised his militia under the banner Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (CPI(ML)), which murdered many upper-caste landlords in the region. These violent clashes demarcated
14161-558: Was witnessed in Ekwari , a village, in the Bhojpur district where Jagdish Mahto , a Koeri teacher, began leading the Maoists and organised the murders of upper caste landlords after he was beaten up by Bhumihars for supporting the Communist Party of India (CPI) in the 1967 elections to Bihar Legislative Assembly . Mahto also set up a newspaper in Arrah called Harijanistan . After Mahto
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