51-619: Hayneville is a town in Lowndes County , Alabama , United States and its county seat . At the 2010 census the population was 932, down from its record high of 1,177 in 2000. It is also part of the Montgomery Metropolitan Statistical Area . It initially incorporated in 1831, but lapsed, finally reincorporating in 1967. Before 1970, the town appeared only twice on the U.S. Census : in 1850 and 1890. The 1850 estimate of 800 residents ranked it as
102-466: A humid subtropical climate (abbreviated Cfa ). As of the census of 2000, there were 1,177 people, 409 households, and 294 families residing in the town. The population density was 635.3 inhabitants per square mile (245.3/km). There were 467 housing units at an average density of 252.1 per square mile (97.3/km). The racial makeup of the town was 85.47% Black or African American , 13.42% White , 0.17% Asian , and 0.93% from two or more races. 0.34% of
153-514: A Catholic priest, in the back, then stopped. He was indicted for the murder of Daniels; and an all-white jury quickly acquitted him after his claim of self-defense, although both men were unarmed. Coleman had been appointed as special deputy by the county sheriff. In 1966 after working to register African-American voters, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO), the first independent black political party in
204-494: A black man accused of killing a white man. When local black resident Jim Cross objected, he was killed, too, at his house, followed by his wife, son and daughter. In 1917 two black brothers were killed by a white mob for alleged "insolence" to a white farmer on the road. On July 31, 2016, a historical marker was erected at Letohatchee by the Equal Justice Initiative in coordination with the city to commemorate
255-472: A class action suit brought on behalf of black residents of Lowndes County, who demonstrated they had been excluded from juries. Women of all races were excluded from juries by state statute. Johnson ordered that the state of Alabama must take action to recruit both male and female blacks to serve on juries, as well as other women, according to their rights under the Fourteenth Amendment. The suit
306-418: A cumulative poll tax before registering to vote, difficult for poor people to manage who often had no cash on hand; and literacy tests (with a provision for a grandfather clause to exempt illiterate white voters from being excluded.) The number of black voters on the rolls fell dramatically in the next few years, as did the number of poor white voters. From the end of the 19th through the early decades of
357-562: A five-member county commission, elected from single-member districts . The county sheriff is elected as well. Lowndes County is served by Lowndes County Public Schools , which include: A study published in the American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene in 2017 collected samples from 55 people in Lowndes County and found that 19 (34.5%) of studied samples tested positive for hookworm . The study concluded that
408-467: A household in the county was $ 23,050, and the median income for a family was $ 28,935. Males had a median income of $ 27,694 versus $ 20,137 for females. The per capita income for the county was $ 12,457. About 26.60% of families and 31.40% of the population were below the poverty line , including 41.70% of those under age 18 and 26.60% of those age 65 or over. Like all of the Black Belt, Lowndes County
459-646: A photograph—apparently Tom Coleman. Numerous other incidents have been documented in the county of violence against civil rights people. Civil rights activities in Lowndes continued in the county under the leadership of Stokeley Carmichael , the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and local residents, to educate and register blacks to vote after passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 . They organized
510-543: A struggling economy. The SNCC and Lowndes County leaders worked to help these families stay together and remain in the county. They bought tents, cots, heaters, food, and water and helped several families build a temporary "tent city". Despite harassment, including shots regularly fired into the encampment, these black residents persevered for nearly two years as organizers helped them find new jobs and look for permanent housing. Whites refused to serve known LCFO members in stores and restaurants. Several small riots broke out over
561-419: A white Catholic priest and two black women activists—went to buy soft drinks at Varner's Grocery Store, one of the few local stores that would serve non-whites. There, they encountered Tom L. Coleman, an engineer for the state highway department and unpaid special county deputy wielding a shotgun . The man threatened the group, and finally leveled his gun at seventeen-year-old Ruby Sales . Daniels pushed Sales to
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#1732772988629612-564: Is in Hayneville. Alumni include the Negro league and Major League Baseball player Billy Parker , civil rights activist Catherine Coleman Flowers , and professional basketball player Ben Wallace . [REDACTED] Media related to Hayneville, Alabama at Wikimedia Commons 32°10′57″N 86°34′50″W / 32.182365°N 86.580468°W / 32.182365; -86.580468 Lowndes County, Alabama Lowndes County
663-536: Is in the central part of the U.S. state of Alabama . As of the 2020 census , the county 's population was 10,311. Its county seat is Hayneville . The county is named in honor of William Lowndes , a member of the United States Congress from South Carolina . Lowndes County is part of the Montgomery , Alabama Metropolitan Statistical Area . Historically it has been considered part of
714-402: Is powerfully Democratic. The only Republican to carry the county since 1900 was Barry Goldwater in 1964 . In that year, most of the county's black majority was still prevented from voting. Opposition by the voting white minority to civil rights had resulted in the national Democratic candidate, Lyndon Johnson , being excluded from the ballot in the state. Even after congressional passage of
765-601: Is water. The county is located in the Gulf Coastal Plain region of the state. As of the 2020 United States census , there were 10,311 people, 4,251 households, and 2,741 families residing in the county. As of the 2010 United States census , there were 11,299 people living in the county. In terms of ethnicity, 73.5% identified as Black or African American , 25.3% White , 0.2% Native American , 0.1% Asian , 0.3% of some other race and 0.5% of two or more races . 0.8% were Hispanic or Latino (of any race). As of
816-483: The American Civil War and decades after whites had disenfranchised blacks via the 1901 state constitution, they maintained white supremacy by intimidation and violence, suppressing black voting. County population had fallen by more than half from its 1900 high, as both blacks and whites moved to urban areas. Blacks still outnumbered whites by a 4-to-1 ratio. Eighty-six white families owned 90 percent of
867-559: The Black Belt , known for its fertile soil, cotton plantations, and a high number of African American workers, enslaved and later freed. Lowndes County was formed from Montgomery , Dallas and Butler counties, by an act of the Alabama General Assembly on January 20, 1830. The county is named for South Carolina statesman William Lowndes. It is part of the Black Belt , where cotton plantations were developed in
918-635: The L&;N Railroad Company 's tracks. Hayneville was founded in 1820 by settlers from the Edgefield, Abbeville, and Colleton districts of South Carolina on property purchased from the U.S. Land Office at Cahawba . Throughout the 1820s, Hayneville was known as "Big Swamp". The indigenous Muscogee Creek people had been forced to cede their lands under various treaties with the United States, and most of them were removed to Indian Territory west of
969-567: The Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LFCO), the first independent black political party in the county since Reconstruction era , and continued to register voters. They ran a slate of candidates in 1966 but lost due to election fraud in the majority-black county. In 1970, African-American chairman of LCFO John Hulett was elected as county sheriff. The incorporation of Hayneville as a town began in July 1967 with
1020-519: The Mississippi River . In 1831, after being chosen as the county seat of Lowndes County , the town was officially named Hayneville in honor of Robert Y. Hayne , governor of South Carolina and a U.S. senator . During the early part of the 20th century, the boll weevil invaded the South, destroying cotton crops across the most productive counties. In the latter half of the 20th century,
1071-475: The Voting Rights Act of 1965 , black registration was so slow that segregationist George Wallace comfortably carried the county in 1968 . Since then, the Democratic presidential candidate has carried Lowndes in every election. In 1972 , Lowndes was one of six former Wallace counties to vote for George McGovern in 1972 against Richard Nixon 's 3,000-plus-county landslide. As of 2014, Lowndes County has
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#17327729886291122-512: The census of 2000, there were 13,473 people, 4,909 households, and 3,588 families living in the county. The population density was 19 people per square mile (7.3 people/km ). There were 5,801 housing units at an average density of 8 units per square mile (3.1 units/km ). The racial makeup of the county was 73.37% Black or African American , 25.86% White , 0.11% Native American , 0.12% Asian , 0.02% Pacific Islander , 0.12% from other races , and 0.40% from two or more races. 0.63% of
1173-399: The 1920s and 1930s, caused widespread loss of jobs. By 1960 (as shown on census tables below), the population had declined to about 15,000 residents and was about 80 percent-majority black. The rural county was referred to as "Bloody Lowndes", the rusty buckle of Alabama's Black Belt , because of the high rate of white violence against blacks to maintain segregation. In 1965, a century after
1224-579: The 20th centuries, organized white violence increased against blacks, with 16 lynchings recorded in the county, the fourth-highest total in the state, which historically is among those in the South with the highest per capita rate of lynchings. Most victims were black men, subjected to white extra-legal efforts to maintain white supremacy by racial terrorism. Seven of these murders were committed in Letohatchee , an unincorporated community south of Montgomery; five in 1900 and two in 1917. In 1900 mobs killed
1275-472: The LCFO encouraged among black voters was to help other black voters if they needed assistance as a precaution against the fact that "the Lowndes County Freedom Organization knew that once a local white person got behind the curtain with a black person, that vote would be lost" (p. 111). Another was to encourage black voters to simply pull the lever to vote strictly for LCFO candidates; in other words, to "pull
1326-618: The agricultural focus shifted to more diverse crops and livestock. Hayneville, like the rest of the Black Belt, has struggled to develop a prosperous economy. Lowndes County Training School was established in Hayneville in 1913. Despite the county's black majority, it had no registered black voters in the spring of 1965, after more than 60 years of disenfranchisement under the Alabama Constitution . Civil rights activists worked in Hayneville and Lowndes to organize residents in preparation for registration and voting. After passage of
1377-535: The antebellum years and agriculture continued as a dominant part of the economy into the 20th century. During the Reconstruction era , blacks were elected to local and state offices. White Democrats regained power and control of the state legislature in 1874 and drove the remaining office holders out. They adopted the 1875 Constitution of Alabama and another in 1901 that disenfranchised most blacks and many poor whites. Requirements were added for payment of
1428-569: The capital of Jackson . He had been arrested there with other protesters and held without charges for 10 days at the state fairgrounds. While driving through Lowndes County, he was stopped by white vigilantes , kidnapped and held without charges for eight days in the Hayneville courthouse jail. Back in New York that August, Orr read a report of the murder of Jonathan Daniels in The New York Times . He recognized one of his kidnappers in
1479-501: The county since Reconstruction, recruited several local residents as candidates for county offices. It adopted the emblem of the black panther , in contrast to the white rooster of the white-dominated Alabama Democratic Party . On May 3, 1966, over 900 registered black voters cast their ballots at the county seat in Hayneville as independent participants in the primary, with some driving over 25 miles to do so. One notable strategy
1530-657: The county to be elected since Reconstruction was John Hullett, elected in 1970. Today an Interpretive Center in the county, maintained by the National Park Service , memorializes the Tent City and LCFO efforts in political organizing. According to the United States Census Bureau , the county has a total area of 725 square miles (1,880 km ), of which 716 square miles (1,850 km ) is land and 9.2 square miles (24 km ) (1.3%)
1581-468: The federal Voting Rights Act of 1965 in August, activists provided residents with political education and helped them register to vote. They continued to work to integrate stores and public facilities. On August 13, 1965, Jonathan Daniels , an Episcopal seminarian from New Hampshire , worked with a group of 29 civil rights protesters to picket whites-only stores in the small town of Fort Deposit . All of
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1632-406: The ground and caught the full blast of the gun, which killed him instantly. Father Richard F. Morrisroe grabbed the other protester and ran. Coleman shot Morrisroe, wounding him in the lower back. White resistance to civil rights organizers continued. In June 1965, Gregory Orr , a student from upstate New York who traveled to Mississippi to take part in civil rights protests, was driving home from
1683-467: The issue. The LCFO pushed forward and continued to organize and register voters. However, none of their candidates won in the November 1966 general election. In a December 1966 edition of The Liberator , a Black Power magazine, activist Gwendolyn Patton alleged the election had been subverted by widespread ballot fraud. But historians believe that black sharecroppers refrained from voting, submitting to
1734-569: The land in the county and controlled the government, as whites had since 1901. With an economy based on agriculture, black residents worked mostly in low-level rural jobs. In the civil rights era, not one black resident was registered to vote before March 1, 1965. The passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 in August of that year encouraged civil rights leaders to believe they could fight racism in Lowndes. The Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO)
1785-558: The largest town in the county at the time. Located in the fertile Black Belt region , Hayneville was the county seat in a plantation economy after Native Americans were removed that used slave labor for cotton production . The town was later a railway terminus and home to the Hayneville Railway Company, which was organized in 1903. Two years later, the company was reorganized as the Hayneville & Montgomery Railroad Company and provided connections for shipping with
1836-472: The lever for the Black Panther and go on home," as stated on a sign on Highway U.S. 80 between Montgomery and Selma . Whites in Lowndes County reacted strongly against the LCFO. In retaliation for black sharecroppers engaging in civil rights work, white landowners evicted many of them from their rental houses and land plots. They used economic blackmail to make them both homeless and unemployed in
1887-500: The local government and redirect services to black residents, 80 percent of whom lived below the poverty line. Carmichael and others organized registration drives, demonstrations, and political education classes in support of the black residents. The Voting Rights Act authorized the federal government to oversee voter registration and voting processes in places such as Lowndes County where substantial minorities were historically under-represented. The police continued to arrest protesters in
1938-464: The parasite burden was low. Hookworm infection is a soil-transmitted helminthiasis and classified as a neglected tropical disease associated with extreme poverty. As of 2013, 23.5% of residents had diagnosed diabetes, the highest percentage of any county in the United States. 32°09′N 86°39′W / 32.150°N 86.650°W / 32.150; -86.650 Gregory Orr (poet) Too Many Requests If you report this error to
1989-470: The people who had suffered these extrajudicial executions. Because of the shift in agriculture and the Great Migration of blacks to leave oppressive conditions, population in the rural county has declined by two thirds since the 1900 high of more than 35,000. The effects of farm mechanization and the boll weevil infestation, which decimated the cotton crops and reduced the need for farm labor in
2040-563: The population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. According to the census of 2000, the largest ancestry groups claimed by residents in Lowndes County were African American 73.37%, English 20.14%, and Scots-Irish 3.1%. There were 4,909 households, out of which 35.40% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 42.90% were married couples living together, 25.70% had a female householder with no husband present, and 26.90% were non-families. 24.60% of all households were made up of individuals, and 9.40% had someone living alone who
2091-434: The population were Hispanic or Latino of any race. There were 409 households, out of which 37.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 34.7% were married couples living together, 33.5% had a female householder with no husband present, and 28.1% were non-families. 27.1% of all households were made up of individuals, and 10.5% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size
Hayneville, Alabama - Misplaced Pages Continue
2142-417: The protesters were arrested by county police and taken to jail in nearby Hayneville. Five juvenile protesters were released the next day. The rest of the group was held for six days; they refused to accept bail unless everyone was bailed. On August 20, the prisoners were released without transport back to Fort Deposit. After release, the group waited by a road nearby the jail. Daniels, along with three others —
2193-588: The severe pressure put on them by the local white plantation owners, who employed most of them. After the LCFO folded into the statewide Democratic Party in 1970, African Americans have supported candidates who have won election to local offices. In a continuing divide, since the late 20th century, most white conservative voters in Alabama have shifted to the Republican Party . In White v. Crook (1966), Federal District Judge Frank M. Johnson ruled in
2244-509: The summer of 1965. A group of protesters were released from jail in the county seat of Hayneville on August 20, 1965. As four of them approached a small store, Thomas Coleman, an unpaid special deputy, ordered them away. When he aimed his shotgun at one of the young black women ( Ruby Sales ) Jonathan Myrick Daniels pushed her down, taking the blast, which immediately killed the Episcopal seminarian. Coleman also shot Father Richard Morrisroe,
2295-405: The town was $ 19,554, and the median income for a family was $ 22,788. Males had a median income of $ 22,396 versus $ 20,417 for females. The per capita income for the town was $ 9,556. About 35.2% of families and 35.8% of the population were below the poverty line , including 42.3% of those under age 18 and 28.1% of those age 65 or over. Central High School , formerly Lowndes County Training School,
2346-478: The vision of 25 qualified electors of the county and residents of the Hayneville community. Two subsequent attempts were made for incorporation, the last resulting in favor of incorporation. Only one person filed for a statement of candidacy and was nominated for the office of Mayor and five places on the town council. Therefore, due to the completion of the requirements of incorporation, the court declared on July 15, 1968, by Probate Judge Harold Hammond, that Hayneville
2397-408: Was 2.80 and the average family size was 3.45. In the town, the population was spread out, with 32.7% under the age of 18, 11.8% from 18 to 24, 25.1% from 25 to 44, 17.8% from 45 to 64, and 12.6% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 30 years. For every 100 females, there were 88.0 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 81.7 males. The median income for a household in
2448-458: Was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.73 and the average family size was 3.28. In the county, the population was spread out, with 30.20% under the age of 18, 9.10% from 18 to 24, 27.10% from 25 to 44, 21.40% from 45 to 64, and 12.20% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 34 years. For every 100 females, there were 87.90 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 82.90 males. The median income for
2499-483: Was completely incorporated. Hayneville is located at 32°10′57″N 86°34′50″W / 32.18250°N 86.58056°W / 32.18250; -86.58056 (32.182365, -86.580468). According to the U.S. Census Bureau , the town has a total area of 1.9 square miles (4.9 km), of which 1.9 square miles (4.9 km) is land and 0.54% is water. According to the Köppen climate classification , Hayneville has
2550-461: Was founded in the county as a new, independent political party designed to help blacks stand up to intimidation and murder. Organized by the young civil rights leader Stokely Carmichael of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), in the summer of 1965 Lowndes residents launched an intensive effort to register blacks in the county to vote. SNCC's plan was simple: to get enough black people to vote so blacks might be fully represented in
2601-426: Was joined by other class members from other counties who dealt with similar conditions of exclusion from juries. It was "one of the first civil actions brought to remedy systematic exclusion of Negroes from jury service generally." The LCFO continued to fight for wider political participation. Their goal of democratic, community control of politics spread into the wider civil rights movement. The first black sheriff in
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