President Abraham Lincoln
80-667: Vice President Alexander H. Stephens Assistant Secretary of War John A. Campbell The Hampton Roads Conference was a peace conference held between the United States and representatives of the unrecognized breakaway Confederate States on February 3, 1865, aboard the steamboat River Queen in Hampton Roads , Virginia , to discuss terms to end the American Civil War . President Abraham Lincoln and Secretary of State William H. Seward , representing
160-497: A State to secede is not an open or debatable question" as it had been "fully discussed in Jackson’s time, and denied not only by him, but by the vote of Congress." Jackson's Proclamation influenced "both the substance and style" of Lincoln's address. Substantively, Lincoln repeated Jackson's arguments about the unconstitutionality of secession. Discussing both fundamental law and America's constitutional history, Jackson had argued that
240-568: A copy of the new amendment in Annapolis, then departed with the River Queen for Fort Monroe. Lincoln and Stephens had been political allies before the war and the meeting began on friendly terms. Stephens discussed the topic of a military alliance against France in Mexico, but Lincoln cut him off and asked directly about the question of sovereignty. Prodded by Campbell, Lincoln insisted that
320-676: A diplomatic visit to Richmond. Blair had advocated to Lincoln that the war could be brought to a close by having the two opposing sections of the nation stand down in their conflict, and reunite on grounds of the Monroe Doctrine in attacking the French-installed Emperor Maximilian I of Mexico . Lincoln asked Blair to wait until Savannah had been captured . Davis was pressed for options as the Confederacy faced collapse and defeat. Peace movements in
400-406: A free people." Desperately wishing to avoid a civil war , Lincoln ended with this plea: I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell
480-404: A peace agreement and met again with Lincoln after the fall of Richmond on April 2. In 1864, pressure mounted for both sides to seek a peace settlement to end the long and devastating Civil War. Several people had sought to broker a North–South peace treaty in 1864. Francis Preston Blair , a personal friend of both Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis, had unsuccessfully encouraged Lincoln to make
560-553: A pledge to "hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government"; second, a statement that the Union would not interfere with slavery where it existed; and third, a promise that while he would never be the first to attack, any use of arms against the United States would be regarded as rebellion and met with force. The inauguration took place on the eve of the American Civil War , which began soon after with
640-521: A statement via Horace Greeley : To Whom It May Concern? Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of Slavery, and which comes by and with authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will be received and considered by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial and collateral points; and
720-556: A suspension of hostilities under some sort of collusive contract, and to unite Southern and Northern troops on the Rio Grande for the invasion of Mexico, and that after matters were assured in Mexico affairs might be adjusted here. This was the business at Hampton Roads. I was incredulous, Mr. Hunter did not have faith. Mr. Stephens supposed Blair to be "the mentor of the Administration and Republican party. The Union Congress
800-624: A verbal commitment from the Secretary of State that passage of the Amendment would be coupled with a policy of peace and reconciliation which Southerners might accept with relief and Northern Democrats with enthusiasm." On January 29, a Confederate officer with a flag of truce interrupted the Siege of Petersburg to announce the passage of the three Confederate peace commissioners. Soldiers from both armies cheered. On February 1, Seward dropped off
880-619: A war measure that would permanently affect only the 200,000 people who came under Army protection during the War—but noted that the Courts might feel differently. Seward reportedly showed the Confederates a copy of the newly adopted Thirteenth Amendment, referred to this document also as a war measure, and suggested that if they were to rejoin the Union they might be able to prevent its ratification. After further discussion, Lincoln suggested that
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#1732788094452960-401: Is no special anxiety or excitement." The remainder of the speech would address the concerns of Southerners, who were apprehensive that "by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered." Lincoln emphatically denied this assertion, and invited his listeners to consider his past speeches on the subject of slavery, together with
1040-412: Is not fully clear.) Of the three commissioners, Alexander Stephens and Robert Hunter wanted to focus more on the possibility of an alliance against France; Campbell focused more on a scenario for domestic peace. Campbell wrote in his letter to Curtis: He duped Mr. Davis with the belief that President Lincoln regarded the condition of Mexico with more concern than the war; that he would be willing to make
1120-649: Is not necessary that she should be destroyed." Campbell was the only member of the Confederate government to stay in Richmond after it fell to the Union. He met twice with Lincoln to discuss the future of the South. On April 5, Lincoln delivered the following message in writing: As to peace, I have said before, and now repeat that three things are indispensable: I now add that it seems useless for me to be more specific with those who will not say that they are ready for
1200-505: Is probable that Stephens was reading his own viewpoint into Seward's remarks." According to David Herbert Donald , Lincoln and Seward may have offered olive branches to the Confederates based on their sense that the institution of slavery was doomed and would end regardless. Relenting on the slavery issue might thus have prevented unnecessary warfare. Seward biographer Walter Stahr supports this inevitability theory, confirming that Seward would have accepted delay in ratification in order to end
1280-400: Is suspicious at best." Vorenberg suggests that although Lincoln might have expressed his preference for "gradual emancipation", he would not have sought to portray this option as legally or politically possible. William C. Harris also doubts the 'prospective ratification' story, on the grounds that this offer is not mentioned by Campbell in his 1865 letter to Curtis. James McPherson suggests: "It
1360-641: The Bombardment of Fort Sumter began. Campbell resigned his position on the Supreme Court and went South. Fearing he would be persecuted as a Union sympathizer in his home state of Alabama , he moved instead to New Orleans . Campbell declined a number of positions in the CSA government, but accepted the post of Assistant Secretary of War in President Davis' cabinet in 1862. For the duration of
1440-520: The Confederate attack on Fort Sumter on April 12. Lincoln denounced secession as anarchy and said that majority rule had to be balanced by constitutional restraints in the American system of republicanism : A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily, with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of
1520-595: The United States Capitol , was primarily addressed to the people of the South and was intended to succinctly state Lincoln's intended policies and desires toward that section, where seven states had seceded from the Union and formed the Confederate States of America . Written in a spirit of reconciliation toward the seceded states, Lincoln's inaugural address touched on several topics: first,
1600-577: The United States Constitution . Lincoln's soon-to-be Secretary of State , William H. Seward , later made suggestions that softened the original tone somewhat and contributed to the speech's famous closing. Lincoln's speech had originally ended with the sentence, "With you, and not with me, is the solemn question of 'Shall it be peace or a sword?'" Seward wrote that Lincoln should end his speech with "Some words of affection — some of calm and cheerful confidence," both to calm fears in
1680-537: The vice president of the United States . The vice president was elected by an electoral college (closely modeled after the U.S. Electoral College ) along with the president. Electors had to cast one of their votes for someone not from their State. If no candidate won a majority in the Electoral College, the Confederate Senate would elect the vice president from the top two vote-getters. Like
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#17327880944521760-634: The Amendment exploited these fears in an attempt to prevent its passage in the House. (Stephens later blamed this political reaction for the failure of the Conference.) Reassurance from Lincoln's secretary John Hay was not convincing to Ohio Democrat Sunset Cox who demanded that Ashley investigate the rumor of impending negotiations. Lincoln issued a memo denying the arrival of Confederates—in Washington. Cox investigated further, decided that Lincoln
1840-631: The Confederacy on May 5, 1865. Having first been elected by the Provisional Confederate States Congress , both were considered provisional office-holders until they won the presidential election of November 6, 1861 without opposition and inaugurated on February 22, 1862. According to the Constitution of the Confederate States , the vice president's office was almost entirely identical to that of
1920-413: The Confederate States of America The vice president of the Confederate States was the second highest executive officer of the government of the Confederate States of America and the deputy to the president of the Confederate States . The office was held by Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia , who served under President Jefferson Davis of Mississippi from February 18, 1861, until the dissolution of
2000-557: The Confederate States relented on the question of independence, the question of slavery would fall "to the arbitrament of courts of law, and to the councils of legislation". (He did not mention the ongoing debate over what became the Thirteenth Amendment , and declined to clarify his position in written correspondence.) Seward invited the South to return to the "common ark of our national security and happiness" as "brethren who have come back from their wanderings". Having won
2080-551: The Constitution forbade secession because it "perpetuated" the Union and tied the American people together in a "perpetual bond." Similarly, Lincoln argued that "in contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitution, the Union of these states is perpetual." Lincoln also expanded on Jackson's conception of "constitutional democracy as a fragile enterprise that requires political minorities to accept and submit to majority rule." Stylistically, both Jackson and Lincoln portrayed
2160-451: The Constitution. [...] If questions should remain, we would adjust them by the peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts, and votes, operating only in constitutional and lawful channels. [...] In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national authority on the part of the insurgents, as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the government, I retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat
2240-513: The Continental Hotel balcony. Lincoln then continued on to Harrisburg . During the trip, Lincoln's son Robert was entrusted by his father with a carpetbag containing the draft of his first inaugural. At one stop, Robert mistakenly handed the bag to a hotel clerk, who deposited it behind his desk with several others. A visibly chagrined Lincoln was compelled to go behind the desk and try his key in several bags until finally locating
2320-468: The Secretary of State may have suggested an outright rejection of the Amendment. The Confederate delegates spread word of this suggestion privately, contradicting Jefferson Davis's public statements that the surrender terms had been unconscionable. Some historians dispute Stephens's interpretation of the Conference. Michael Vorenberg writes that Lincoln would have known that a constitutional amendment cannot be "prospectively" ratified, and therefore "the story
2400-466: The South as the aggressors; each of them "rhetorically downplayed his degree of agency by using terms of obligation rather than decision, in order to claim the moral high ground and preemptively cast his opponents as the belligerents." The Proclamation's influence on the First Inaugural can be seen most directly by comparing their arguments for why compact theory does not justify secession, and
2480-475: The South had been active since the beginning of the war and intensified in 1864 in the face of widespread shortages of food, medicine, and other goods. Alexander H. Stephens , Vice President of the Confederate States, had by 1863 become an active advocate for ending the war. Stephens came close to negotiations with Lincoln in July 1863 as the South achieved several military victories, but his efforts were thwarted by
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2560-527: The South would have to disband its armies and submit to federal authority. Campbell wrote: "We learned in five minutes that the assurances to Mr. Davis were a delusion, and that union was the condition of peace." On the question of slavery, Lincoln reportedly told the Confederates that Northern opinion was divided on the question of how new laws would be enforced. Regarding the Emancipation Proclamation , Lincoln reportedly interpreted it as
2640-559: The Southern states if they ended armed resistance and ratified the Thirteenth Amendment. Soon after returning to Washington, Lincoln wrote an amnesty resolution offering pardons and the return of confiscated property "except slaves". The resolution stipulated that the Confederacy would receive $ 200,000,000 if it ceased "resistance to national authority" before April 1, 1865, and $ 200,000,000 more for successful ratification of
2720-513: The Southern states might "avoid, as far as possible, the evils of immediate emancipation" by ratifying the Amendment " prospectively , so as to take effect—say in five years." Seward and Lincoln denied that they were demanding "unconditional surrender"; Seward said that rejoining the Union, under the Constitution, could not "properly be considered as unconditional submission to conquerors, or as having anything humiliating in it." Lincoln also offered possible compensation for emancipation, perhaps naming
2800-517: The Thirteenth amendment before July 1, 1865. These terms were unpopular, particularly with Lincoln's (relatively Radical) cabinet, and no such resolution was adopted. The New York Herald reported that Seward had been seeking a peace agreement in order to bolster a new coalition of conservative Republicans and Democrats; "that Secretary Seward seized upon the movement to secure whatever éclat there might be connected with it, in hopes that if peace
2880-437: The U.S. and pushed for a negotiated end to the war. He was sent by Davis to represent the Confederate government at the Hampton Roads peace conference . Abraham Lincoln%27s first inaugural address Abraham Lincoln 's first inaugural address was delivered on Monday, March 4, 1861, as part of his taking of the oath of office for his first term as the sixteenth president of the United States . The speech, delivered at
2960-620: The Union, met with three commissioners from the Confederacy: Vice President Alexander H. Stephens , Senator Robert M. T. Hunter , and Assistant Secretary of War John A. Campbell . The representatives discussed a possible alliance against France , the possible terms of surrender, the question of whether slavery might persist after the war, and the question of whether the South would be compensated for property lost through emancipation . Lincoln and Seward reportedly offered some possibilities for compromise on
3040-503: The Union. Lincoln's predecessor, James Buchanan , had deplored secession as illegal, but had insisted that the federal government could do nothing to stop it. The entire nation, together with several interested foreign powers, awaited the president-elect 's words on what exactly his policy toward the new Confederacy would be. Lincoln's speech was an effort to answer this question, as well as an attempt to reach out to what he called his "dissatisfied fellow-countrymen" in an effort to avoid
3120-611: The United States government. Though most of the Senate remained committed to the war effort, a number of senators made it known that they supported Stephens. John Campbell , another of the peace commissioners, had also opposed secession. Campbell served earlier on the Supreme Court of the United States from 1853 to 1861, but began to consider resignation after Abraham Lincoln's first inaugural address in March 1861. He stayed on for
3200-539: The afternoon of February 21 he pulled into Kensington Station. Lincoln took an open carriage to the Continental Hotel (now known as The Franklin Residences and located at 834 Chestnut Street in Center City Philadelphia , with almost 100,000 spectators waiting to catch a glimpse of the president-elect. There, he met Mayor Alexander Henry , and delivered some remarks to the crowd outside from
3280-513: The bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways. Lincoln confided to James W. Singleton that his primary concern was the Union. In Singleton's words: "that he never has and never will present any other ultimatum—that he is misunderstood on the subject of slavery—that it shall not stand in the way of peace". Lincoln's reassurance earned him Singleton's support in the 1864 election . Seward openly suggested in September 1864 that if
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3360-499: The chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. Lincoln was chosen to be the Republican candidate in the 1860 presidential election , which he won on November 6 with 180 electoral votes . Between this time and his inauguration on March 4, seven Deep South cotton states— South Carolina , Mississippi , Georgia , Florida , Alabama , Louisiana and Texas — seceded from
3440-409: The closing and gave it a more poetic, lyrical tone, making changes such as revising Seward's "I close. We are not, we must not be aliens or enemies but fellow countrymen and brethren" to "I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies." An entourage of family and friends left Springfield, Illinois with Lincoln on February 11, traveling by train to Washington, D.C. , for
3520-518: The coming conflict. He had held to a strict policy of silence during the months leading up to his inauguration, carefully avoiding making any statements that could be misconstrued by either the North or the South , prior to his becoming the leader of the nation. Lincoln's intention was that no statement of his specific policy toward the South should be made available before he had taken office. Those privy to
3600-500: The conference itself, so all reports originate from the subsequent commentary of involved parties. The two lengthy accounts of the Conference—written by Confederates Stephens and Campbell—concur on most of the details. These accounts, along with secondary records from the archives of Lincoln and Seward, suggest that Lincoln and Seward would have compromised on the issue of slavery. Lincoln's personal communications, even from around
3680-414: The constitution, but the vice president was not. It was unclear whether or not a vice president, if he succeeded to the presidency, in the middle of a term, could run for a full presidential term afterward. The vice president's primary duty was presiding over the Confederate Senate and breaking tied votes, as the U.S. vice president presides and breaks ties in the U.S. Senate. He was also the first person in
3760-512: The declaration made a year ago, that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation , nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the Acts of Congress. Blair duly renewed his efforts in January 1865, and traveled to Richmond on January 11. He met with Davis and outlined a plan to end
3840-657: The defeat at Gettysburg. By 1864, Stephens had thoroughly lost faith in Davis's leadership, and accepted an invitation by General William T. Sherman to discuss independent peace negotiations between the State of Georgia and the federal Union. Stephens addressed the Confederate States Senate as its nominal presiding officer in Richmond on January 6, 1865, requesting approval to open formal negotiations with
3920-449: The east, and to "remove prejudice and passion in the South." Offering a concrete suggestion, Seward proposed this final paragraph: I close. We are not, we must not be, aliens or enemies, but fellow-countrymen and brethren. Although passion has strained our bonds of affection too hardly, they must not, I am sure they will not, be broken. The mystic chords which, proceeding from so many battlefields and so many patriot graves, pass through all
4000-458: The election, Lincoln told Congress that reaching a peace agreement with Davis would be unlikely: "He affords us no excuse to deceive ourselves. He cannot voluntarily reaccept the Union; we cannot voluntarily yield it." However, said Lincoln, the South could end the War by laying down arms: They can, at any moment, have peace simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the national authority under
4080-645: The election, and again in January 1861, as he was drafting his inaugural address. At the time, observers viewed the Nullification Crisis as the "preeminent historical analogue to the Secession Crisis." In August 1860, Kentucky abolitionist Cassius Clay urged Lincoln to “put Andrew Jackson’s ‘union’ speech in your inaugural address,” and in November, Lincoln told his personal secretaries John Nicolay and John Hay that "[t]he right of
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#17327880944524160-445: The events of the winter, I find that I was incessantly employed in making these facts known and to no result." Lincoln would clearly insist on full sovereignty of the Union. Slavery posed a more difficult problem. The Republican platform in 1864 had explicitly endorsed abolition; but pushing too hard on the slavery issue might offend mainstream politicians and voters. Within this precarious political situation, in July 1864 Lincoln issued
4240-478: The face of mounting tension throughout the nation. He assured the rebellious states that the federal government would never initiate any conflict with them, and indicated his own conviction that "touched" once more by "the better angels of our nature," the "mystic chords of memory" North and South would "yet swell the chorus of the Union." While much of the Northern press largely praised Lincoln's inaugural address,
4320-469: The federal government would evacuate Fort Sumter within five days. As the Fort remained occupied on March 21, Confederate commissioners pushed Campbell to find out more; Seward reassured Campbell that evacuation would take place and Campbell reassured Crawford: on March 21, March 22, April 1, and hesitantly on April 7. Lincoln had already ordered the fort resupplied. By April 12, diplomacy had evidently failed and
4400-547: The figure of $ 400,000,000 which he later proposed to Congress. Reportedly, Seward disagreed with Lincoln; Lincoln responded that the North had been complicit in the slave trade. The Conference ended with agreement on prisoner-of-war exchange. Lincoln would release Stephens' nephew in exchange for a Northern official in Richmond—and would recommend that Grant establish a system for prisoner exchange. There are no official records of
4480-569: The government, the making of confiscated property at the least to bear the additional cost, will be insisted on, but that confiscations (except in case of third party intervening interests), will be remitted to the people of any State which shall now promptly and in good faith withdraw its troops from further resistance to the government. What is now said as to the remission of confiscation had no reference to supposed property in slaves. According to Campbell, Lincoln said he would be willing to pardon most Confederates other than "Jeff Davis". Campbell pushed
4560-565: The hearts and all hearths in this broad continent of ours, will yet again harmonize in their ancient music when breathed upon by the guardian angel of the nation. Lincoln borrowed language and argumentation from Andrew Jackson 's Nullification Proclamation , which Jackson issued in December 1832 in response to South Carolina's Ordinance of Nullification . Lincoln read Jackson's Nullification Proclamation at least twice between his election and inauguration: once in November 1860, just one week after
4640-535: The inauguration. This group included Lincoln's wife , three sons, and brother-in-law, as well as John G. Nicolay , John M. Hay , Ward Hill Lamon , David Davis , Norman B. Judd , and Edwin Vose Sumner . For the next ten days, Lincoln traveled widely throughout the North, stopping in Indianapolis , Columbus , Pittsburgh , Cleveland , Buffalo , Albany , New York City , and Philadelphia , where on
4720-403: The indispensable terms, even on conditions to be named by themselves. If there be any who are ready for these indispensable terms, on any conditions whatever, let them say so, and state their conditions, so that the conditions can be known and considered. It is further added, that the remission of confiscation being within the executive power, if the war be now further persisted in by those opposing
4800-454: The issue of slavery. The only concrete agreement reached was regarding prisoner-of-war exchanges. The Confederate commissioners immediately returned to Richmond at the conclusion of the conference. Confederate President Jefferson Davis announced that the North would not compromise. Lincoln drafted an amnesty agreement based on terms discussed at the Conference, but met with opposition from his Cabinet . John Campbell continued to advocate for
4880-408: The job, Campbell was criticized for trying to limit the scope of wartime conscription. By late 1864, he was pushing again for an end to the war. In an 1865 letter to Judge Benjamin R. Curtis , he described the disastrous state of the Confederacy and marveled: "You would suppose there could be no difficulty in convincing men under such circumstances that peace was required. But when I look back upon
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#17327880944524960-485: The language in their penultimate paragraphs: Seward's text was based, in part, on James Madison 's warnings against the dangers of civil conflict in his Federalist No. 14 , originally addressed to the people of New York. Seward had consulted the early Federalist papers only six weeks earlier, while composing a speech for the Senate , and reflecting on the dangers of civil war. Lincoln for his part took Seward's draft of
5040-429: The line of succession. If the president died, resigned, or was removed from office, the vice president would become the new president for the remainder of his term; this never happened. During his tenure in office, Stephens grew increasingly distant from Davis and spent less and less time in Richmond, the Confederate capital. He eventually spent much of his time trying, without success, to maintain diplomatic channels with
5120-543: The negotiations to ensure they would serve his purpose, writing: "If Davis's motive, therefore, was to discredit the 'croakers,' he was running the enormous political risk that the negotiations might actually succeed." Sanders also argues that if Davis had intended to sabotage the Conference, he would not have considered such prominent representatives as Lee or Stephens. Stephens left Richmond and went home to Georgia on February 9. Lincoln followed through on his promise to pursue compensation, requesting amnesty and $ 400,000,000 for
5200-519: The new Confederacy mainly responded with silence. The Charleston Mercury was an exception: it excoriated Lincoln's address as manifesting "insolence" and "brutality," and attacked the Union government as 'a mobocratic empire.' The speech also did not impress other states which were considering secession from the Union. Indeed, after Fort Sumter was attacked and Lincoln declared a formal state of insurrection , four more states— Virginia , North Carolina , Tennessee and Arkansas —purported to secede from
5280-447: The one containing his speech. Thereafter, Lincoln kept the bag in his possession until his arrival in Washington, D.C. Because of an alleged assassination conspiracy , Lincoln traveled through Baltimore , Maryland on a special train in the middle of the night before finally completing his journey to the capital. Lincoln opened his speech by first indicating that he would not touch on "those matters of administration about which there
5360-461: The peace terms advanced by Lincoln, but his letter to the CSA published on April 11 was undercut by Lee's Appomattox surrender on April 9. Campbell was subsequently arrested under suspicion of conspiring to assassinate Lincoln, when his initials were discovered on an incriminating document. The 2012 film Lincoln includes a brief dramatization of the conference; the scenes on board the vessel were shot on an indoor set. Vice President of
5440-500: The platform adopted by the Republican Party, which explicitly guaranteed the right of each individual state to decide for itself on the subject of slavery, together with the right of each state to be free from coercion of any kind from other states, or the federal government. He went on to address several other points of particular interest at the time: Lincoln concluded his speech with a plea for calm and cool deliberation in
5520-539: The precise terms he had offered. Salisbury's amendment failed and the resolution passed. Lincoln released a set of documents which met with an exceptionally positive reaction from Congress. Davis portrayed the conference in harsh terms, saying that Lincoln had demanded unconditional surrender and that the Confederacy must continue to fight. Some historians argue that Davis entered the Conference in bad faith to generate publicity around Northern hostility. Charles Sanders contends that Davis did not retain enough control over
5600-413: The president, the vice president had to be a natural-born citizen of the Confederacy or a natural-born citizen of the U.S. born prior to December 20, 1860, and a resident in the Confederacy for over 14 years. The major difference between the U.S. and the C.S. vice presidencies was that the Confederate term in office was six years long. The president was explicitly forbidden from running for a second term by
5680-514: The speech's possible contents were sworn to silence, and Lincoln's draft was kept locked in the safe of the Illinois State Journal newspaper. Lincoln composed his address in the back room of his brother-in-law's store in his hometown of Springfield, Illinois , using four basic references: Henry Clay 's 1850 speech on compromise, Daniel Webster 's reply to Hayne , Andrew Jackson 's proclamation against nullification , and
5760-669: The spring term of 1861 and supported the Corwin Amendment to protect slavery from federal intervention. Hoping to prevent a war, Campbell's colleague Justice Samuel Nelson enlisted Campbell to help broker negotiations over the status of Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor in South Carolina . On March 15, Campbell relayed to Martin Jenkins Crawford a supposed promise from Secretary of State Seward that
5840-512: The states—thus his constant emphasis on the status of the Emancipation Proclamation as a measure effective only during wartime. According to Paul Escott, Lincoln's moral opposition to slavery did not override his understanding of the Constitution; therefore, Lincoln may have believed that the rebel states would have a right to reject the Thirteenth Amendment if they rejoined the Union. Seward's biographers generally agree that
5920-526: The time of his To Whom it May Concern letter, indicate that he might have been willing to privately give ground on slavery. That Lincoln proposed a delayed ratification plan is mentioned by the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel in June 1865—based on a report by Stephens from after the meeting. From a legal standpoint, Lincoln never believed that the federal government had the authority to ban slavery in
6000-454: The war, based partly on a North–South alliance against the French presence in Mexico. Blair assured Davis that Lincoln had become more willing to negotiate. On January 12, Davis wrote a letter inviting Lincoln to begin negotiations "with a view to secure peace to the two countries". Lincoln replied, via Blair, that he would discuss only "securing peace to the people of one common country." Davis
6080-482: The war. Ludwell H. Johnson theorizes that peace negotiations reflected Lincoln's efforts to consolidate political power by creating "a new conservative coalition which would include Southerners". Johnson argues that negotiations would have built support among Northern Democrats as well as nascent Southern governments. Congress debated a resolution asking Lincoln to provide a report on the Conference. Willard Salisbury introduced an amendment stipulating that Lincoln reveal
6160-453: Was "mistaken or ignorant", and shocked a crowd of onlookers by voting 'nay' to the Amendment. When the Amendment passed anyway, two members of the "Seward lobby"—George O. Jones and William Bilbo —both telegraphed congratulations to Seward and commented on his upcoming meeting with the Confederate diplomats. Historians LaWanda Cox and John Cox (no relation to Sunset Cox) wrote: "It is worthy of note that these messages of Jones and Bilbo implied
6240-408: Was shaken by the news of possible Confederate peace negotiations in late January, just days before a rescheduled Thirteenth Amendment vote. Some Congress members feared that adopting an emancipation amendment would signal hostility and undermine the talks. Radical Republicans , hoping for a complete victory and stringent terms of surrender, were dismayed by the prospect of a compromise. Opponents of
6320-407: Was the result he would be able to ride upon the wave of joy of a grateful people, and thus become the standard bearer of the great conservative party in 1868." (Johnson's " Presidential Reconstruction " would achieve some of these goals by other means.) Campbell continued to push a peace settlement within the CSA, writing to John C. Breckinridge on March 5 that "The South may succomb [ sic. ] but it
6400-588: Was upset by this response; Blair blamed the political climate in Washington. At Blair's suggestion, Davis proposed having Generals Robert E. Lee and Ulysses S. Grant meet as representatives of their respective governments; Lincoln refused. Grant ultimately smoothed over the "two countries" dispute and convinced Lincoln to meet the Confederates at Fort Monroe . Davis appointed his three commissioners on January 28 and instructed them to explore all options short of renouncing independence. (Davis's precise understanding of what an "independent" Confederacy might be, in 1865,
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