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54-467: The movement was in part a response to tensions between the CCP and Chinese intellectuals. Mao had realized that the CCP's control over intellectual life was stifling potentially useful new ideas. He was also worried about the emergence of new party elites who could threaten his position. He sought to use the movement to restrain the new forces within the party. However, criticism quickly grew out of hand and posed

108-717: A crackdown that later became the Anti-Rightist Campaign led by then party General Secretary Deng Xiaoping . Mao announced that "poisonous weeds" had grown amongst the "fragrant flowers" of the campaign, further terminology which signified the impeding crackdown. In a revised version of On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People , an essay aimed to revive the Hundred Flowers campaign published on June 19 1957, Mao Zedong clarified

162-545: A hundred flowers bloom; let a hundred schools of thought contend. The slogan was first used by Mao Zedong on May 2, 1956, during a public speech. The name was used to arouse the interest of China's intellectuals, referring to the Warring States period when numerous schools of thought competed for ideological, not military, supremacy. Historically, Confucianism , Chinese Mahayana Buddhism and Taoism had gained prominence, and socialism would now face its test. At

216-750: A hundred schools of thought contend." Until April 28, 1956, in his concluding speech at an expanded meeting of the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party , he mentioned, "Let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools of thought contend" in first time. It is suggested that the launching of the campaign was delayed by the shocking impact of the speech denouncing Stalin at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress in February 1956 delivered by Nikita Khrushchev . In

270-491: A race apart'. On June 8, 1957, the major party newspaper, People's Daily , published an editorial that signaled the conclusion of the Hundred Flowers Campaign. The editorial asserted that "rightists" had exploited the new found freedom to attack the party and undermine the revolution. This, the editorial claimed, amounted to a hostile struggle "between the enemy and the people", indicating the beginning of

324-507: A threat to the communist regime. The liberation was short-lived. Afterwards, a crackdown continued through 1957 and 1959, developing into an Anti-Rightist Campaign against those who were critical of the regime and its ideology. Citizens were rounded up in waves by the hundreds of thousands, publicly criticized during struggle sessions, and condemned to prison camps for re-education through labor or execution. The ideological crackdown re-imposed Maoist orthodoxy in public expression, and catalyzed

378-565: Is disputed by empirical research from archival sources and oral histories. She writes that many interpretations of the Hundred Flowers campaign "underestimate the fear on the part of Mao and party leadership over an escalating atmosphere of anticommunism within the communist world in the aftermath of the East European uprisings." Author Christine Vidal similarly rejects the idea of the campaign as being initially calculated to lure dissidents for later repression, stating that "the repression

432-642: Is outdated and that revolutionary opera should be promoted. In late March, Mao inscribed a dedication for the establishment of the Chinese Opera Research Institute: "Let a hundred flowers bloom; weed through the old to bring forth the new." In 1953, Boda Chen, who was in charge of the Committee for the Study of Chinese Historical Issues, sought Mao's guidance on the work principles, to which Chairman Mao responded with four characters: "Let

486-495: The Central Government did not receive much criticism, although there was a significant rise in letters of conservative advice. Premier Zhou Enlai received some of these letters, and once again realized that, although the campaign had gained notable publicity, it was not progressing as had been hoped. Zhou approached Mao about the situation, stating that more encouragement was needed from the central bureaucracy to lead

540-584: The People's Republic of China , which lasted from 1957 to roughly 1959, was a political campaign to purge alleged " Rightists " within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the country as a whole. The campaign was launched by Chairman Mao Zedong , but Deng Xiaoping and Peng Zhen also played an important role. The Anti-Rightist Campaign significantly damaged democracy in China and turned

594-675: The Anti-Rightist Movement. The name of the movement consists two parts. The first part "Let a hundred flowers bloom" （百花齊放） is originated from a novel named " Flowers in the Mirror " by Qing Author Li Ruzhen ; the second part "Let a hundred schools of thoughts contend" （百家爭鳴）comes from "Treatise on Literature" of the Book of Han authored by the Chinese historian Ban Gu : 百花齊放，百家爭鳴 ( Bǎihuā qífàng, bǎijiā zhēngmíng ) Let

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648-452: The CCP should take turns to rule with the democratic parties and open " Hyde Park " for public debate. The first wave of attacks began immediately as the Hundred Flowers Campaign drew to a close in June 1957. At the time, Mao began to view criticism during the Hundred Flowers as a threat to the rule of the party. In mid-May, Mao began writing Things Are Beginning to Change , an article that

702-402: The CCP with posters and letters. They protested CPC control over intellectuals, the harshness of previous mass campaigns such as that against counter-revolutionaries, the slavish following of Soviet models, the low standards of living in China, the proscription of foreign literature, economic corruption among party cadres, and the fact that 'Party members [enjoyed] many privileges which make them

756-632: The Central Government. The reception was immediate with intellectuals, who began voicing concerns without any taboo . In the period from 1 May to 7 June that year, millions of letters were pouring into the Premier's Office and other authorities. From May to June 1957, newspapers published a huge range of critical articles. The majority of these critiques argued that the Party had become less revolutionary and more bureaucratic. Nonetheless, most of

810-471: The Cultural Revolution, proved willing to bring in non-party people as part of his effort to curb officiousness by cadres. Other leaders, such as Liu Shaoqi, opposed "rectifying" the party by going outside of its ranks." Historians debate whether Mao's motivations for launching the campaign were genuine. Some find it possible that Mao originally had pure intentions, but later decided to utilize

864-550: The Hundred Flowers Campaign was that it discouraged dissent and made intellectuals reluctant to criticize Mao and his party in the future. The Anti-Rightist Movement that shortly followed, and was caused by the Hundred Flowers Campaign, resulted in the persecution of intellectuals, officials, students, artists, and dissidents labeled "rightists". The campaign led to a loss of individual rights, especially for any Chinese intellectuals educated in Western centers of learning. The campaign

918-590: The Party and the new socialist system, attempting to replace the leadership of the Communist Party. It was entirely correct and necessary to firmly counteract this attack. However, the Anti-Rightist Campaign was seriously expanded, misclassifying a group of intellectuals, patriots, and Party cadres as "rightists", resulting in unfortunate consequences. Anti-Rightist Campaign The Anti-Rightist Campaign ( simplified Chinese : 反右运动 ; traditional Chinese : 反右運動 ; pinyin : Fǎnyòu Yùndòng ) in

972-431: The Party. The first part of the phrase from which the campaign takes its name is often remembered as "let a hundred flowers bloom." This is used to refer to an orchestrated campaign to flush out dissidents by encouraging them to show themselves as critical of the regime, and then subsequently imprison them, according to Chang and James. In Mao: The Unknown Story by Jung Chang and Jon Halliday , Chang asserts that "Mao

1026-400: The People's Republic of China in that the government opened up to ideological criticisms from the general public. Although its true nature has always been questioned by historians, it can be generally concluded that the events that took place alarmed the central communist leadership. The movement also represented a pattern that has emerged from Chinese history wherein free thought is promoted by

1080-609: The State Planning Commission, was purged in 1958. Most of the accused were intellectuals. The penalties included informal criticism, hard labor , and in some cases, execution . For example, Jiabiangou , a notable labor camp in Gansu , held approximately 3,000 political prisoners from 1957 to 1961, of whom about 2,500 died, mostly of starvation. One main target was the independent legal system . Legal professionals were transferred to other jobs; judicial power

1134-600: The beginning. Circulated to higher party cadres in mid-May 1957, the letter stated: Things are just beginning to change. The rightist offensive has not yet reached its peak. [The rightists] are still very enthusiastic. We want to let them rage for a while and climb to the very summit. Mao's personal physician, Li Zhisui , suggested that: [The campaign was] a gamble, based on a calculation that genuine counter-revolutionaries were few, that rebels like Hu Feng had been permanently intimidated into silence, and that other intellectuals would follow Mao's lead, speaking out only against

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1188-552: The campaign resulted in the political persecution of at least 550,000 people. Some researchers believe that the actual number of persecuted is between 1 and 2 million or even higher. Deng Xiaoping admitted that there were mistakes during the Anti-Rightist Campaign, and most victims have received rehabilitation since 1959. The Anti-Rightist Campaign was a reaction against the Hundred Flowers Campaign which had promoted pluralism of expression and criticism of

1242-657: The chairman felt obliged to write to him. Mao urged Deng Xiaoping to slow down the campaign's body count, saying: If we kill too many, we will forfeit public sympathy and a shortage of labor power will arise. In a 2018 study by Zhaojin Zeng and Joshua Eisenman, analysing 144 counties within Anhui , Henan , and Jiangsu , it was found that the economic harm caused by the Anti-Rightist campaign continued for decades, even into 2000, compounded by existing issues with human capital at

1296-434: The chance to promote socialism , believing that after discussion it would be apparent that socialist ideology was the dominant ideology over capitalism , even amongst non-communist Chinese, and would thus propel the development and spread of the goals of socialism. To this end, in an attempt to reduce hesitancy, intellectuals were invited to forums in which they were allowed to ask exploratory questions, slowly discovering what

1350-418: The commentary was premised on complete acceptance of socialism and the legitimacy of the Communist Party and focused on making the existing socialist system work better. Criticism increasingly arose from Chinese citizens of varying backgrounds. Peasants criticized the effectiveness of cooperatives and demanded the repossession of their land. Workers argued that the wage system was irrational and complained about

1404-511: The convictions were revoked during the Boluan Fanzheng period. At that time, under leader Deng Xiaoping , the government announced that it needed capitalists' experience to get the country moving economically, and subsequently the guilty verdicts of thousands of counterrevolutionary cases were overturned — affecting many of those accused of rightism and who had been persecuted for that crime the previous twenty two years. This came despite

1458-426: The country into a de facto one-party state . The definition of rightists was not always consistent, often including critics to the left of the government, but officially referred to those intellectuals who appeared to favor capitalism , or were against one-party rule as well as forcible, state-run collectivization . According to China's official statistics published during the " Boluan Fanzheng " period,

1512-481: The countryside. While the party attempted to improve relations with intellectuals at the end of the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution obliterated any semblance of intellectual influence and prestige, "very few, if any, intellectuals survived the Cultural Revolution without having suffered physical and psychological abuse". The Hundred Flowers Movement was the first of its kind in the history of

1566-495: The distinction between "beautiful flowers" and "poisonous weeds"; In July 1957, Mao ordered a halt to the campaign. Unexpected demands for power sharing led to the abrupt change of policy. By that time, Mao had witnessed Nikita Khrushchev denouncing Joseph Stalin and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 , events which he felt were threatening. In essence, Mao was threatened by the intellectuals efforts to reclaim

1620-582: The ensuing riots in Poland and Hungary , had a large impact on China, where similar social unrest began to take place. During the Hundred Flowers Movement, some ideas that were not tolerated by the Party were gradually raised. Some people claimed that "now the students are on the streets and the citizens are following them", "the situation is very serious", "Chairman Mao and the others can't go on, it's time for them to step down"; and that

1674-454: The fact that Deng Xiaoping and Peng Zhen were among the most enthusiastic prosecutors of the movement during the "First Wave" of 1957. In 2009, leading up the 60th anniversary of the PRC's founding, a number of media outlets in China listed the most significant events of 1957 but downplayed or omitted reference to the Anti-Rightist Movement. Websites were reportedly notified by authorities that

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1728-547: The founding of the country. This year, the entire Party launched the Rectification Campaign, mobilizing the masses to criticize and offer suggestions to the Party. This was a normal step in promoting socialist democracy. During the Rectification process, a very small number of bourgeois rightists took the opportunity to advocate for so-called "big revelations and big debates", launching a brazen attack on

1782-448: The government, and then suppressed by it. A similar surge in ideological thought would not occur again until the late 1980s, leading up to the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre . The latter surge, however, did not receive the same amount of government backing and encouragement. Another important issue of the campaign was the tension that surfaced between the political center and national minorities. With criticism allowed, some of

1836-566: The government, even though initiation of both campaigns was controlled by Mao Zedong and were integrally connected. Going perhaps as far back as the Long March there had been resentment against "rightists" inside the CCP, for example, Zhang Bojun . While the Hundred Flowers Movement was going on, in 1956, Khrushchev published the On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences , which along with

1890-497: The ground can we easily uproot them. Don't farmers weed several times a year? Weeds, once removed, can still be used as fertilizer. Class enemies will inevitably seek opportunities to express themselves. They are unwilling to accept the downfall of the nation and the rise of communism. Professor Lin Chun characterizes as a "conspiracy theory" the depiction of the Hundred Flowers campaign as a calculated trap. In her analysis, this depiction

1944-402: The intellectuals into further discussion. Mao Zedong found the concept interesting and superseded Zhou to take control. Guo Moruo declared that the contending of diverse schools should be guided by the central aim of building a socialist society. The idea was to have intellectuals discuss the country's problems to promote new forms of arts and new cultural institutions. Mao also saw this as

1998-433: The minorities' activists made public their protest against " Han chauvinism " which they saw the informal approach of party officials toward the local specifics. The prominent party figures' attitudes toward the campaign is also a prime example of divided opinion on leadership level within the party on the issue of corruption among the party officials. As Lieberthal puts it, "The Chairman…in the Hundred Flowers campaign and in

2052-453: The opening stage of the movement, during March and April, issues discussed were relatively minor and unimportant in the grand scheme. Emphasis was placed on a distinction being drawn between "friend and foe". Intellectuals approached the campaign with suspicion, due to a lack of guidelines on what speech was acceptable; few also had suspicions about whether the campaign was bait, and whether disallowed speech would get them in trouble. Resultantly,

2106-428: The opportunity to destroy criticism. Historian Jonathan Spence suggests that the campaign was the culmination of a muddled and convoluted dispute within the Party regarding how to address dissent. Authors Clive James and Jung Chang posit that the campaign was, from the start, a ruse intended to expose rightists and counter-revolutionaries, and that Mao Zedong persecuted those whose views were different from those of

2160-406: The party became alienated from the masses and that its members had become "flatterers, sycophants, and yes-men." One professor mentioned that Marx and Lenin had repeatedly revised their theories and suggested that the two would be displeased if they had seen how strictly the CCP leaders were applying doctrine. Notably, students at Peking University created a "Democratic Wall" on which they criticized

2214-548: The party secretaries were local to the area. Negative correlations between the famine of the Great Leap Forward and China's economic performance in 1982 were also found, and distinguished from the Anti-Rightist Campaign, confirming a 2017 study by Elizabeth Gooch; additionally, it was found that the effects were more significant compared to the Cultural Revolution . After Mao's death in 1976, many of

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2268-456: The people and practices Mao himself most wanted to subject to reform. Indeed, Mao responded to the accusation in July 1, 1956 editorial of People's Press: Some say this is a conspiracy. We say this is an open strategy. Because we informed the enemy in advance: only by allowing the monsters and demons to come out of their lairs can we exterminate them; only by letting the poisonous weeds emerge from

2322-456: The position as loyal guardians of the proper moral framework for the political system. The campaign made a lasting impact on Mao's ideological perception. Mao, who is known historically to be more ideological and theoretical, less pragmatic and practical, continued to attempt to solidify socialist ideals in future movements in a more pragmatic manner, and in the case of the Cultural Revolution , employed more violent means. Another consequence of

2376-443: The regimentation of education, thought reforms in previous years that were described as "painful", and the lack of employment prospects for those who went to American and British scholars. Additionally, some recanted their self-criticism and confessions from previous years. By the spring of 1957, Mao had announced that criticism was "preferred" and had begun to mount pressure on those who did not turn in healthy criticism on policy to

2430-489: The requirement to work overtime without pay. Some individuals even argued that the people were better off under the administration of the KMT . There was even advocation by ethnic minorities within the China to separate from the nation to form independent states. Others spoke out by putting up posters around campuses, rallying in the streets, holding meetings for CPC members, and publishing magazine articles. A journalist wrote that

2484-580: The time, the movement was opposed by even some of Mao's most devout followers, as well as some within the academic circle, most notably, Guo Moruo . In March 1951, the Peking Opera Research Institute was considered to be expanded and established as the Chinese Opera Research Institute. Mao was invited to inscribe a dedication for the institute. Meanwhile, half of the people argued that Peking Opera

2538-401: The time. The higher the percentage of the population were declared Rightists, the worse the economic outcomes would be in each county. Literacy rates were affected well into 1982, and academic performance at the high school level, as well as in compulsory education, continued to be affected into 2000. Counties that were previously Laoqu were found to have purged fewer Rightists than others because

2592-456: The working class and the Communist Party in an attempt to overthrow the state power led by the working class." On the same day, People's Daily published an editorial What is this for? , expressing the same view as the inner-party document. These marked the beginning of the Anti-Rightist Campaign. By the end of the year, 300,000 people had been labeled as rightists, including the writer Ding Ling . Future premier Zhu Rongji , then working in

2646-461: Was conducted indiscriminately, as numerous individuals were labeled as "rightists" based on anonymous denunciations. Local officials across the country were even assigned quotas for the number of "rightists" they needed to identify and denounce within their units. In the summer and early fall of 1957, roughly four hundred thousand urban residents, including many intellectuals, were branded as rightists and either sent to penal camps or forced into labor in

2700-620: Was deemed acceptable speech. During this time, criticisms were often indirect and lauded the Hundred Flowers campaign itself. In Leknor's research, it is stated that the conventional understanding of communication and power is inverted during the campaign since the right to speak up and be heard was not the right resevered for those in powers, but the right to keep one's voice out of the unfolding campaign. In other words, students were pressured by teachers to speak out; inferiors were asked to speak by superiors. Criticisms became more specific in May, citing

2754-495: Was exercised instead by political cadres and the police. The second part of the campaign followed the Lushan Conference of July 2 – August 16, 1959, a meeting of top party leaders. The meeting condemned the PRC's defense minister , General Peng Dehuai , a critic of the Great Leap Forward . Administering several provinces in the southwest, Deng proved so zealous in killing alleged counter-revolutionaries that even

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2808-570: Was not completed until June 11. In the article he said, "why is such a torrent of reactionary, vicious statements being allowed to appear in the press? to let the people have some idea of these poisonous weeds and noxious fumes so as to have them uprooted or dispelled." On June 8, 1957, Mao drafted an inner-party document, Muster Our Forces to Repulse the Rightists' Wild Attacks , saying that "some bad capitalists, bad intellectuals, and reactionary elements in society are mounting wild attacks against

2862-650: Was not the initial aim of Mao and of his Hundred Flowers policy." The party's internal attitude towards the campaign can be found in Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party since the Founding of the People's Republic of China : The economic task in 1957, due to the serious implementation of the correct policies of the Party's "Eighth National Congress", was one of the most effective years since

2916-413: Was setting a trap, and...was inviting people to speak out so that he could use what they said as an excuse to victimise them." Prominent critic Harry Wu , who as a teenager was a victim, later wrote that he "could only assume that Mao never meant what he said, that he was setting a trap for millions." One supposedly authentic letter written by Mao indicates that the campaign was a ploy for entrapment from

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