Misplaced Pages

#694305

23-596: The INTG was founded after the 1980 union elections, in which the two galician nationalist unions ran together; the Intersindical Nacional Galega (ING) and the Central de Traballadores Galegos (CTG). Between both, they got 1679 delegates (17.5%), which was more than the 15% of the union representation required by the Spanish law to become a more representative union - which in practice, allows

46-605: A political party which eventually integrated in the BNG coalition. He was a member of the executive board of BNG from 1996 to 1999. At present he is member of the municipal council of his birth city of Vigo and Deputy in the Galician Parliament representing the BNG. Nogueira is author of a number of publications on economics and politics in connection with the "Galician Question" (issues related to or having to do with Galicia). In European Parliament , Camilo Nogueira

69-669: A quite strong regional flavour in Galicia. This issue somehow explains electoral behaviour in Galicia and why nationalist parties have a reduced representation when compared to Catalonia and the Basque Country , as voters in Galicia may choose to go for Spanish parties promoting Galicianism depending on the circumstances. Spanish parties in Catalonia and the Basque Country do not have such a strong regional identity, but

92-868: Is a Spanish politician and engineer. He was a Member of the European Parliament between 1999 and 2004. He was part of the Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG) and the Democratic Party of the Peoples of Europe , which took part in the Greens–European Free Alliance . Nogueira finished his studies in industrial engineering in 1964, and graduated with a degree in economics in 1975. He worked as an engineer for Citroën in Vigo between 1964 and 1972. After that he became

115-402: Is itself a coalition of parties, which endorse independence, but not all individual members and parallel organizations within it support that idea. At present, BNG claims for sovereignty and independence, both political and economic. Other nationalist parties stand for outright independence, and until recently they only had representatives in local councils and not in the Galician Parliament . In

138-549: The 2012 election the newly formed Galician Left Alternative , which includes pro-independence groups, overtook the BNG in Parliament, winning 9 seats. The present Galician Statute of Autonomy (1981) defines Galicia as a nationality . The Galician Government is currently drafting a new Statute of Autonomy where Galicia will most probably be defined as a nation (with declaratory but not legal value). Camilo Nogueira Camilo Nogueira Román (born 22 November 1936)

161-626: The INTG 1067 delegates. On the other hand, the relationship with CXTG also produced a fracture inside the INTG, that explained the four different candidates to the internal elections in the Third Congress, held in 1987. In it, the list close to the BNG reached 6 representatives, the list close to the FPG reached 3 representatives and the candidacy close to the gained APU 1 representative. Manuel Mera

184-496: The INTG and the rest of the galician nationalist organizations, which facilitated a third call to a general strike for November 29 of that same year (1984), then against the New social pact (AES) signed between UGT and the Spanish government, which advanced in line of the dismantling of the shipbuilding industry in the Ria de Vigo area. Again, CCOO joined the call of the INTG and the strike

207-680: The Projects and Development Director of the Society for the Industrial Development of Galicia (SODIGA) between 1973 and 1987. Nogueira has always been actively involved in politics. As a politician, he was a member of the executive board of UPG /ANPG (Galician People's Union) from 1970–1977, and member of the executive board of the PSG -EG (Galician Socialist Party) from 1977–1996. He was the leader of Unidade Galega (Galician Unity),

230-566: The Socialist Party in Catalonia has recently incorporated nationalist elements in its political discourse. A possible explanation for this political behaviour in pro-Spanish parties is that Galician identity is so embedded in Galicians that any political party willing to participate in elections must at least show some degree of interest in the promotion of Galicianism, but how it is done may vary greatly. The Galician Nationalist Bloc

253-565: The call for another general strike , to be celebrated on July 12. The UGT did not call a strike, due to its closed relationship with the PSOE , which at the time ruled on Spain . Further, the UGT accused CCOO and the INTG of trying to create a climate of violence and unrest in Galicia , and compared the situation in Galicia to that in the Basque Country . The strike was considered a great success by

SECTION 10

#1732787470695

276-460: The existence of a Galician ethnic group , forming a singular unit in a specific territory. However, this is a wide conceptualization that in political terms allows many possible variants. Inside Galician nationalism two main ideological currents can be found: Both autonomists and independentists have points in common, such as the defence and promotion of Galician culture and language , with some supporting reintegrationism . Both also argue for

299-714: The first general strike since the Spanish Civil War , which was supported Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG), Galiza Ceibe-OLN , the PSG-EG , the MCG and the Galician Revolutionary Students . CCOO and UGT also called to strike , but only in the cities of Vigo and Ferrol , where the main Galician shipyards were located. The success of the strike of February 14 made CCOO join INTG in to

322-469: The general secretary in the first two conferences of the union . Galician nationalism Galician nationalism is a form of nationalism found mostly in Galicia , which asserts that Galicians are a nation and that promotes the cultural unity of Galicians. The political movement referred to as modern Galician nationalism was born at the beginning of the twentieth century from the idea of Galicianism . Historians, geographers and ethnologists recognize

345-678: The official and unequivocal recognition of Galicia as a nation and the defense of Galician speakers outside administrative Galician territory, in Galician-speaking areas of the Spanish regions of Asturias and Castile and León ( Galicia irredenta ). It is often considered that the ideological framework of contemporary Galician nationalism was set in Alfonso Daniel Rodríguez Castelao 's key work Sempre em Galiza (lit. "Always in Galicia"), published in 1944. Galician nationalist candidates received 19% of

368-527: The presence of the union in the negotiations of the collective agreements. The strategic success represented by the unity of the ING and the CTG favored the consolidation of the unification of both unions into a single combative, leftist and Galician nationalist union, which occurred definitely in 1981 when both unions united and formed the INTG. In January 1982, the INTG celebrated its First Congress, where Lois Ríos

391-425: The so-called Pactos de la Castellana , the central government wanted to reconvert the public shipbuilding companies, the INTG, jointly with the Spanish trade unions CCOO and UGT called a strike in the comarca of Vigo , one of the most affected cities by the new state policy., on April 15, 1983. The tension continued to grow in the following months, and the INTG, called for a general strike on February 14, 1984:

414-565: The vote in the elections of 2005 and 16% in 2009. From 2005 to 2009 Galicia was ruled by a coalition government between the Socialists' Party of Galicia (PSdeG-PSOE) and the Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG). Unlike in other Spanish autonomous communities the conservative and pro-Spanish People's Party of Galicia (PPdeG) includes Galicianism as one of its ideological principles. Even the Spanish Socialist Party has

437-528: Was a new success, mobilizing a large number of Galician comarcas and especially in Vigo , where there were more than 100 000 protesters. The three general strikes generated a considerable increase in support for nationalist unionism through the figure of INTG. Despite the great success of the general strikes led by the INTG, that same year of 1984 a critical internal current with the union leadership and its general secretary, Xan Carballo , emerged. This current, called Converxencia Sindical Nacionalista (CSN),

460-724: Was elected as general secretary. That same year, the Confederación Sindical Galega, a split of the Spanish Unión Sindical Obrera (USO) and linked with the Galician Socialist Party . In that year's election, the INTG got 1649 delegates (18.5%). In 1983, Xan Carballo , one of the main figures of the Communist Party of National Liberation (PCLN), was elected as the new general secretary of the INTG. After

483-706: Was elected secretary general. On April 2, 1990, the INTG and CXTG made an unified list to the union elections, known as the Converxencia Intersindical Galega. After the unified candidacy in 1990, there was an organic unification in 1993, giving birth to the Confederación Intersindical Galega . Fernando Acuña , who came from the CXTG , and that was linked to the Galician Unity party, was appointed as

SECTION 20

#1732787470695

506-592: Was linked with the PSG-EG, founded that year and directed by Camilo Nogueira . The CSN decided to abandon the INTG in 1985, forming the Confederación Xeral de Traballadores Galegos-Intersindical Nacional (CXTG), which celebrated in October of that year its first Congress. In it, Fernando Acuña was elected secretary general of the new union. In the union elections of 1986, the CXTG won 1087 delegates and

529-582: Was very active. His posts while he was a member of the European Parliament were: Nogueira made headlines when, following the example of José Posada , he made his oral and written communications in Galician at the European chamber, and this was accepted as a variety of Portuguese . Since then, he has been considered a reintegrationist and was offered honorary membership of the AGAL (Galician Association of

#694305