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70-593: By 1975–1976, it was clear that an indefinite postponement of majority rule , which had been the cornerstone of the Smith Government's strategy since Unilateral Declaration of Independence , was no longer viable. The country was under commercial and financial sanctions pursued by the British, while the Portuguese and South Africans did not comply, and guerrilla action was being launched against Rhodesia by

140-543: A ministerial council, while Smith retained his title as Prime Minister. It was also stated that the primary job of this new government is to draw up a constitution for the country, hold elections in April 1979, and arrange a ceasefire with the Patriotic Front . A further goal of the agreement was said to be the hope of ending the country's civil war. Two further goals of the settlement were international recognition and

210-517: A minority needs its own supermajority to overturn a decision. To support the view that majority rule protects minority rights better than supermajority rules, McGann pointed to the cloture rule in the US Senate, which was used to prevent the extension of civil liberties to racial minorities. Saunders, while agreeing that majority rule may offer better protection than supermajority rules, argued that majority rule may nonetheless be of little help to

280-404: A multitude of different transgressions, rather than a single well-defined crime. Political prisoners are frequently arrested and tried with a veneer of legality where false criminal charges , manufactured evidence , and unfair trials ( kangaroo courts , show trials ) are used to disguise the fact that an individual is a political prisoner. For example, AAPP states that "the motivation behind

350-657: A political offense". He proposed the following definition: Political prisoners are defined as individuals that are convicted and incarcerated in politically biased trials (or executive decisions in the absence of any trials). Trials are deemed politically biased if they are endorsed by the government and (a) lack a domestic legal basis, (b) violate principles of procedural justice, or (c) violate universal human rights. Steinert noted that his definition does extend to prisoners "imprisoned for nonpolitical identities such as their religious beliefs or their sexual orientations", as well as individuals engaged in violent actions, arguing that

420-418: A political prisoner is generally awarded to individuals based on the declarations of non-governmental organizations like Amnesty International , on a case-by-case basis. While such statuses are often widely recognized by the international public , they are often rejected by individual governments accused of holding political prisoners, which tend to deny any bias in their judicial systems . A related term

490-432: A right might be majoritarian , but it would not be legitimate, because it would violate the requirement for equal rights . Voting theorists claimed that cycling leads to debilitating instability. Buchanan and Tullock note that unanimity is the only decision rule that guarantees economic efficiency. McGann argued that majority rule helps to protect minority rights , at least in deliberative settings. The argument

560-429: A rule, governments deny imprisoning individuals for their political activities. A political prisoner can also be someone who has been denied bail unfairly, denied parole when it would reasonably have been given to a prisoner charged with a comparable crime, or special powers may be invoked by the judiciary. Particularly in this latter situation, whether an individual is regarded as a political prisoner may depend upon

630-524: A specific response to such movements (a response which often involved incarceration rather than dialogue, particularly under the less liberal regimes). In some places, political prisoners had their own customs, traditions, and semi-formal organizations and privileges; historically, this has been more common up to around the interwar period , as the many political prisoners came from higher social classes (in particular, nobility ), and authorities often treated them better than common criminals. This changed with

700-559: Is prisoner of conscience (POC), popularized by Amnesty International. It describes someone who was prosecuted because of their personal beliefs. Some prisons, known as political prisons, are accustomed to or are designed solely for hosting political prisoners. The concept of a political prisoner, like many concepts in social sciences, sports numerous definitions, and is undefined in international law and human right treaties. Helen Taylor Greene and Shaun L. Gabbidon in 2009 that "standard legal definitions have remained elusive", but at

770-433: Is conveyed to one only after their detention. Before that, potential political prisoners may be referred to as " dissidents , revolutionaries , social reformers , or radical thinkers". The nature of the behavior that leads to political imprisonment is hard to define and can be roughly described as any "activity deemed questionable by ruling elites ". Therefore, political prisoners may be officially detained and sentenced for

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840-633: Is detained for exercising their "human rights under international law, such as peaceable assembly, freedom of religion, freedom of association, free expression, including the freedom to advocate peaceable social or political change, and to criticize government policy or government officials.” Christoph Valentin Steinert, who in 2020 reviewed 366 definitions of political prisoners used in (mainly English language) academic literature in 1956 and 2019, argued that any definition of political prisoner needs to avoid focusing on prisoners' individual motivations and that

910-401: Is not just to punish those opposing the regime, but to frighten those who consider opposing the regime by demonstrating the power of the regime by sending a clear warning that objecting is not tolerated, and that the regime is well prepared and ready to punish the objectors through the creation of total institutions dedicated to hosting political prisoners. The status of a political prisoner

980-464: Is seen under proportional representation in the Netherlands , Austria , and Sweden , as empirical evidence of majority rule's stability. Political prisoners A political prisoner is someone imprisoned for their political activity . The political offense is not always the official reason for the prisoner's detention. There is no internationally recognized legal definition of

1050-420: Is that cycling ensures that parties that lose to a majority have an interest to remain part of the group's process, because any decision can easily be overturned by another majority. Furthermore, suppose a minority wishes to overturn a decision. In that case, under majority rule it just needs to form a coalition that has more than half of the officials involved and that will give it power. Under supermajority rules,

1120-407: Is to be regarded as a 'political prisoner': Burmese Assistance Association for Political Prisoners defines a political prisoner as "anyone who is arrested because of [their] perceived or real involvement in or supporting role in opposition movements with peaceful or resistance means". The US Congressional-Executive Commission on China defines a political prisoner broadly as any individual who

1190-711: The U.S. Ambassador to the United Kingdom , that he did not believe the settlement was "viable". Seven days earlier, U.S. Deputy National Security Advisor David L. Aaron warned, in a meeting of the National Security Council Special Coordination Committee, that the Soviet Union would enter southern Africa "as a result of the internal settlement in Rhodesia". After the internal settlement was announced,

1260-597: The United Kingdom and the United States —in separate statements—said that they viewed the settlement as a step in the right direction, but nevertheless inadequate because ZANU and ZAPU were not included. Each of the Frontline States — Angola , Botswana , Mozambique , Tanzania , and Zambia —condemned the settlement as a "sell-out" and accused Muzorewa, Sithole, and Chirau of being complicit with

1330-663: The Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Overt South African support for Rhodesia was waning, due to growing sentiment in Pretoria that white rule in such an overwhelmingly black country (blacks outnumbered whites by 22-to-1) could not be maintained forever. South Africa began scaling back economic assistance to Rhodesia, placed limits on the amount of fuel and munitions being supplied to

1400-422: The majority rule ( MR ) is a social choice rule which says that, when comparing two options (such as bills or candidates ), the option preferred by more than half of the voters (a majority ) should win. In political philosophy , the majority rule is one of two major competing notions of democracy . The most common alternative is given by the utilitarian rule (or other welfarist rules), which identify

1470-461: The median voter theorem guarantees that majority-rule will tend to elect "compromise" or "consensus" candidates in many situations, unlike plurality-rules (see center squeeze ). Parliamentary rules may prescribe the use of a supermajoritarian rule under certain circumstances, such as the 60% filibuster rule to close debate in the US Senate . However such requirement means that 41 percent of

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1540-504: The socially-optimal winner and the majority-preferred winner often overlap. Majority rule is the most common social choice rule worldwide, being heavily used in deliberative assemblies for dichotomous decisions, e.g. whether or not to pass a bill. Mandatory referendums where the question is yes or no are also generally decided by majority rule. It is one of the basic rules of parliamentary procedure , as described in handbooks like Robert's Rules of Order . One alternative to

1610-662: The Lancaster House Agreement, a fresh general election was held in February 1980. Following this, the country attained its independence as the Republic of Zimbabwe on April 18, 1980. Robert Mugabe was elected as the country's first Prime Minister. On February 17, 1978, before the agreement was concluded, Nkomo warned that the settlement would lead to increased fighting. On February 28, British foreign secretary David Owen would tell Kingman Brewster Jr. ,

1680-680: The Mashona peoples in eastern and central Rhodesia. Meanwhile, ZIPRA remained active in the north and west, using bases in Zambia and Botswana, and were mainly supported by the Ndebele tribes. With this escalation came sophistication, organisation and modern weapons for the guerrillas, and although many were still untrained, an increasing number were trained in Communist bloc and other sympathetic countries. The United Nations Security Council denounced

1750-639: The Rhodesian government, which they saw as illegal. The Patriotic Front , composed of ZANU and ZAPU, also condemned the settlement and similarly accused the three black signatories of being Rhodesian puppets. It vowed to continue fighting until attaining a military victory in the war. The Council of Ministers of the Organisation of African Unity had several days earlier—at its thirtieth ordinary session in Tripoli, Libya , from 20 to 28 February 1978—foreseen

1820-568: The Rhodesian military, and withdrew the personnel and equipment they had previously provided to aid the war effort, including a border police unit that had been helping guard the Rhodesia-Zambia border. Furthermore, South Africa became concerned about the conflict's scale, and pursued a policy of supporting a "friendly" Black government in Zimbabwe. This was followed by South African attempts to negotiate with nationalist leaders and pressure

1890-655: The Rhodesians into this objective with the help of Zambian president Kenneth Kaunda . Late in 1976, Ian Smith, after his attempted internal settlement with Joshua Nkomo of the ZAPU failed, accepted the basic elements of the compromise proposals made by US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to introduce majority rule within two years. The Smith Government then sought to negotiate an acceptable settlement with moderate black leaders, while retaining strong white influence in key areas. The Rhodesian military, in turn, aimed to erode

1960-520: The Vietnam War . Political prisoners sometimes write memoirs of their experiences and resulting insights. Some of these memoirs have become important political texts. For example, King's " Letter From a Birmingham City Jail " has been described as "one of the most important historical documents penned by a modern political prisoner". A number of nongovernmental organizations focus on advocacy for political prisoners. The most prominent of those

2030-717: The Zimbabwe Rhodesia and British Governments, ZAPU and ZANU in December 1979 resulted in a ceasefire and the end of the Rhodesian Bush War . The country returned to legality under direct British rule with Lord Soames as Governor, thereby ending the rebellion against the British Crown caused by the signing of Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence in November 1965. Under the terms of

2100-528: The arrest of every individual in AAPP's database is political, regardless of the laws they have been sentenced under". This is common in situations which may otherwise be decried nationally and internationally as a human rights violation or suppression of a political dissident . Steinert notes that "objective evidence about politically biased imprisonments is chronically sparse considering that governments face substantial incentives to hide repressive practices". As

2170-587: The bare minimum required to "win" because of the likelihood that they would soon be reversed. Within this atmosphere of compromise, a minority faction may accept proposals that it dislikes in order to build a coalition for a proposal that it deems of greater moment. In that way, majority rule differentiates weak and strong preferences. McGann argued that such situations encourage minorities to participate, because majority rule does not typically create permanent losers, encouraging systemic stability. He pointed to governments that use largely unchecked majority rule, such as

Internal Settlement - Misplaced Pages Continue

2240-417: The category of prisoners of conscience , the only prisoners who AI demands should be immediately and unconditionally released, as well as people who resort to criminal violence for a political motive. In AI's use of the term, here are some examples of political prisoners: Governments often say they have no political prisoners, only prisoners held under the normal criminal law. AI however describes cases like

2310-399: The concept, although numerous similar definitions have been proposed by various organizations and scholars, and there is a general consensus among scholars that "individuals have been sanctioned by legal systems and imprisoned by political regimes not for their violation of codified laws but for their thoughts and ideas that have fundamentally challenged existing power relations". The status of

2380-692: The conflict. It was also reported by the Central Intelligence Agency 's National Foreign Assessment Center that television in Havana, Cuba was critical of the settlement, while Nkomo and Mugabe visited Cuba later in the year. In addition, Max T. Chigwida of the South African Institute of International Affairs stated that the agreement's terms had been subjected to a "lot of criticisms and propaganda based on...motives by all sorts of critics" while scholar Tendai Mutunhu said

2450-781: The council and condemned the settlement. On March 14, 1978, the Security Council adopted Resolution 423 , which condemned the internal settlement as "illegal and unacceptable". Canada , France , the US, the UK, and West Germany abstained from the vote. The same day, the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 424 calling for the end of the "illegal racist minority régime" in Rhodesia. At the World Conference against Racism , organized by UNESCO , in August 1978, participants condemned

2520-420: The country toward Black majority rule . Majority rule Condorcet methods Positional voting Cardinal voting Quota-remainder methods Approval-based committees Fractional social choice Semi-proportional representation By ballot type Pathological response Strategic voting Paradoxes of majority rule Positive results In social choice theory ,

2590-409: The differences as follows: AI uses the term "political prisoner" broadly. It does not use it, as some others do, to imply that all such prisoners have a special status or should be released. It uses the term only to define a category of prisoners for whom AI demands a fair and prompt trial. In AI's usage, the term includes any prisoner whose case contains a significant political element, in regard to

2660-404: The earliest known political prisoner; imprisoned for allegedly “poisoning” the minds of Grecian youth through his critique of Athenian society and its rulers. Early Christians, including Jesus Christ , and St. Peter , have also been described as such. Another famous historical figure described as a political prisoner is the 15th century French heroine, Joan of Arc , whose final charge of heresy

2730-610: The elections. The United Nations Security Council passed several resolutions against the "illegal" election, including Resolution 445 and Resolution 448 , both of which argued that the election was not representative of the Zimbabwean people and was designed to entrench white minority rule . In these resolutions, the UN declared the results of the election null and void. A new government of national unity with Bishop Abel Muzorewa as Prime Minister took office on June 1, 1979. The country

2800-644: The emergence of the totalitarian regimes that were intent on annihilating the opposition. In Poland, the concept and even traditions of political prisoners emerged around the second half of the 19th century in the Russian partition . While the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 is not legally binding, it is generally recognized as "a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations". Of particular relevance to political prisoners are its Articles 5, 6, 9 and 18. The UDHR and

2870-519: The examples given above as "political" and uses the terms "political trial" and "political imprisonment" when referring to them. But by doing so, AI does not oppose the imprisonment, except where it further maintains that the prisoner is a prisoner of conscience, or condemn the trial, except where it concludes that it was unfair. The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe has the following definition: A person deprived of their personal liberty

Internal Settlement - Misplaced Pages Continue

2940-434: The following properties: If voter's preferences are defined over a multidimensional option space, then choosing options using pairwise majority rule is unstable. In most cases, there will be no Condorcet winner and any option can be chosen through a sequence of votes, regardless of the original option. This means that adding more options and changing the order of votes ("agenda manipulation") can be used to arbitrarily pick

3010-508: The former Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi , detained for many years without a trial. Likewise, supporters of Tibetan spiritual leader Gedhun Choekyi Nyima in the 11th Panchen Lama controversy have called him a "political prisoner", despite the fact that he is not accused of a political offense. He is held under secluded house arrest . Political prisoners may become the subjects of international advocacy and receive aid from various non-governmental organizations. Criticism from

3080-651: The group, while under supermajoritarian rules participants might only need to persuade a minority (to prevent a change). Where large changes in seats held by a party may arise from only relatively slight change in votes cast (such as under FPTP), and a simple majority is all that is required to wield power (most legislatures in democratic countries), governments may repeatedly fall into and out of power. This may cause polarization and policy lurch, or it may encourage compromise, depending on other aspects of political culture. McGann argued that such cycling encourages participants to compromise, rather than pass resolutions that have

3150-589: The incursion of the "illegal racist minority regime in Southern Rhodesia" in Resolution 411 , on June 30, 1977. The agreement led to the creation of an interim government in which Africans were included in leading positions for the first time, while creating an independent civil service, judiciary, police force, and army. The settlement also created an executive council composed of Ian Smith and three black individuals (Muzorewa, Sithole, and Chirau), and

3220-537: The international public opinion has been shown to facilitate the release of political detainees, or reduce their sentences, but is less effective in securing the release of already-sentenced individuals. When the status of political prisoner is well known, it can be seen as a form of status symbol . Some political prisoners purposefully frame themselves as "the imprisoned martyrs and leaders of their movement." Which can safeguard their well-being in prison. Ancient Greek philosopher Socrates has been described as perhaps

3290-606: The later Helsinki Accords of 1975 have been used by a number of nongovernmental organizations as the basis for arguing that some governments are in fact holding political prisoners. In the United States , the term political prisoner has been used during the mid-20th century civil rights struggle and has been occasionally applied to individuals like Rosa Parks or Martin Luther King Jr. , and later used for individuals imprisoned for objecting to US involvement in

3360-582: The least minorities. Under some circumstances, the legal rights of one person cannot be guaranteed without unjustly imposing on someone else. McGann wrote, "one man's right to property in the antebellum South was another man's slavery." Amartya Sen has noted the existence of the liberal paradox , which shows that permitting assigning a very small number of rights to individuals may make everyone worse off. Saunders argued that deliberative democracy flourishes under majority rule and that under majority rule, participants always have to convince more than half

3430-490: The majority rule is the set of plurality rules , which includes ranked choice-runoff (RCV) , two-round plurality , or first-preference plurality . This is often used in elections with more than two candidates. In these elections, the winning candidate is the one with the most votes after applying some voting procedure, even if a majority of voters would prefer some other candidate. The utilitarian rule , and cardinal social choice rules in general, take into account not just

3500-413: The members or more could prevent debate from being closed, an example where the majority will would be blocked by a minority. Kenneth May proved that the simple majority rule is the only "fair" ordinal decision rule, in that majority rule does not let some votes count more than others or privilege an alternative by requiring fewer votes to pass. Formally, majority rule is the only decision rule that has

3570-449: The minority, making it stronger (at least through its veto) than the majority. McGann argued that when only one of multiple minorities is protected by the super-majority rule (same as seen in simple plurality elections systems), so the protection is for the status quo, rather than for the faction that supports it. Another possible way to prevent tyranny is to elevate certain rights as inalienable . Thereafter, any decision that targets such

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3640-483: The motivation of the prisoner's acts, the acts themselves, or the motivation of the authorities. "Political" is used by AI to refer to aspects of human relations related to "politics": the mechanisms of society and civil order, the principles, organization, or conduct of government or public affairs, and the relation of all these to questions of language, ethnic origin, sex or religion, status, or influence (among other factors). The category of political prisoners embraces

3710-457: The neutral "classification as a political prisoner neither entails an a priori judgment about the moral legitimacy of prisoners' actions nor does it imply that individuals committed politically motivated crimes". The purpose of political prisons and of imprisoning dissidents is to demonstrate the strength of the regime to the dissidents. The regime's opponents are isolated, and stigmatised, frequently abused, and tortured. The goal of such treatment

3780-497: The number of voters who support each choice but also the intensity of their preferences . Philosophers critical of majority rule have often argued that majority rule does not take into account the intensity of preference for different voters, and as a result "two voters who are casually interested in doing something" can defeat one voter who has "dire opposition" to the proposal of the two, leading to poor deliberative practice or even to "an aggressive culture and conflict"; however,

3850-659: The prospect of a settlement, and issued a statement condemning any agreement that did not include the Patriotic Front. At the meeting of the European Council from April 7-8, 1978, they concluded that the settlement was "inadequate" and endorsed the Anglo-American Initiative on Rhodesia as the "best basis" of an acceptable settlement, and stated that all sides involved need to be brought together in order to avoid "a dangerous escalation of

3920-413: The release of prisoners of conscience, which include both political prisoners as well as those imprisoned for their religious or philosophical beliefs. To reduce controversy, and as a matter of principle, the organization's policy applies only to prisoners who have not committed or advocated violence. Thus, there are political prisoners who do not fit the narrower criteria for POCs. The organisation defines

3990-413: The removal of sanctions imposed after Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965. Following the settlement, Muzorewa attempted to convince the British government to recognize the transitional government, but they did not do so. In the same vein, some believed that the settlement was "sufficient" grounds for recognition of Rhodesia and lifting sanctions. Later in 1978, the removal of sanctions

4060-568: The respective leadership of Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe , had not been involved in the political process and had not participated in the general election. Under mounting international pressure, particularly from Jimmy Carter , Andrew Young and the British Government , Muzorewa was persuaded to take part in negotiations at Lancaster House late 1979. The agreement at the Lancaster House Conference between

4130-504: The rising military strength of the ZANLA and ZIPRA to the greatest extent possible in order to "buy time" for an acceptable political settlement to be reached. The response from Nkomo's ZAPU and Robert Mugabe 's ZANU was to form the Patriotic Front , uniting ZAPU and ZANU efforts, and escalate the fighting in the conflict. By 1977, the war had spread throughout Rhodesia. ZANLA continued to operate from Mozambique and remained dominant among

4200-503: The same time, observing that there is a general consensus that "individuals have been sanctioned by legal systems and imprisoned by political regimes not for their violation of codified laws but for their thoughts and ideas that have fundamentally challenged existing power relations". A number of organizations involved in human rights issues, as well as scholars studying them, have developed their own definitions, some of which are presented below. Amnesty International (AI) campaigns for

4270-652: The settlement as a "blatant attempt to split the national liberation movement" in an attempt to cause civil war and perpetuate "racist minority rule" in the country, stated it cannot be an "acceptable solution" to ensure majority rule in the country. Scholars Roland Oliver and Anthony Atmore noted that although Rhodesia had taken a "momentous step" toward a primarily Black government, the country would not have "lasting peace" and international recognition until exiled nationalists were accommodated. In an obituary for Muzorewa, in The Guardian , in 2010, Cameron Duodu wrote that

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4340-710: The settlement created a " puppet black regime", prevented a socialist government in Zimbabwe, said the "masses" in the country opposed it, and claimed that the settlement was being supported by huge transnational corporations and foreign investors. Prompted by the request of the African Group within the United Nations , the UN Security Council of discussed the issue of Rhodesia's internal settlement at its 2061st to 2067th meetings from 6–14 March 1978. Robert Mugabe and Joshuo Nkomo spoke before

4410-490: The settlement did not "stop the guerrilla warfare" nor was it recognized by the United Nations, with sanctions on Rhodesia continuing, while Muzorewa became "tainted as an opportunist and a sell-out". Zimbabwean scholar Richard S. Maposa stated, in 2013, that although there was "no international recognition" for the settlement, which he described as a "painful interlude", it still facilitated the "transitional process" of

4480-432: The spirit of liberal democracy with the equal consideration of interests . Although the two rules can disagree in theory, political philosophers beginning with James Mill have argued the two can be reconciled in practice, with majority rule being a valid approximation to the utilitarian rule whenever voters share similarly-strong preferences. This position has found strong support in many social choice models, where

4550-666: The subjective political perspective or interpretation of the evidence. Political prisoners can also be imprisoned with no legal veneer by extrajudicial processes or even through executive decisions in the absence of any trials or charges . Some political prisoners need not be imprisoned at all, as they can be subject to prolonged pre-trial detainment instead. Steinert noted that technically, political detainees should be distinguished from political prisoners, but they are often grouped together, and in practical terms, he recommends treating them as special types of political prisoners. Examples of such detainees can include individuals such as

4620-529: The term "should be exclusively reserved for victims of politically biased trials" (in other words, "victims of state repression "), to avoid delegitimizing the term by diluting it with applications to prisoners of any possibly politically motivated action (which on the extreme end of the spectrum would include, for example, Ku Klux Klanners , neo-Nazis , and jihadist terrorists ). He specifically criticizes definitions of political prisoners as "individuals imprisoned for politically motivated actions" or "committing

4690-418: The winner. In group decision-making voting paradoxes can form. It is possible that alternatives a, b, and c exist such that a majority prefers a to b, another majority prefers b to c, and yet another majority prefers c to a. Because majority rule requires an alternative to have majority support to pass, majority rule is vulnerable to rejecting the majority's decision. A super-majority rule actually empowers

4760-512: Was agreed to by the U.S. House of Representatives and U.S. Senate , with the caveat that they could only be lifted "once elections were held". The settlement also reportedly resulted in the release of political prisoners . Following the agreement, Muzorewa and his UANC party were elected during the general election of March 1979, which had an electorate qualified by educational standard and/or income and/or worth of property owned, not by race. However, ZAPU and ZANU refused to participate in

4830-403: Was renamed Zimbabwe Rhodesia , and a new national flag was later adopted signifying the transition. It was expected that all sanctions would be lifted now that the country was under democratically elected black majority rule. However, the lifting of sanctions did not occur mainly because the Patriotic Front , composed of the externally based African nationalist parties of ZAPU and ZANU under

4900-411: Was seen as a legal justification for her real crime of "inconveniencing the elites". Padraic Kenney noted that "the emergence of modern political prisoners coincides with a fifty-year period (1860s–1910s) during which [modern] political movements matured around the world", also defining such movements as having "clearly articulated political and social programs" which forced the governments to develop

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