José Sanjurjo y Sacanell ( Spanish: [saŋˈxuɾxo] ; 28 March 1872 – 20 July 1936) was a Spanish military officer who was one of the military leaders who plotted the July 1936 coup d'état that started the Spanish Civil War .
150-583: He was endowed the nobiliary title of "Marquis of the Rif" in 1927. A monarchist opponent of the Second Spanish Republic proclaimed in 1931, he led a coup d'état known as la Sanjurjada in August 1932. The authorities easily suppressed the coup and initially condemned Sanjurjo to death, then later commuted his sentence to life imprisonment. The government of Alejandro Lerroux – formed after
300-656: A plot to overthrow the republican government . This led to the Nationalist uprising on 17 July 1936, which started the Spanish Civil War. Determined to annihilate the Spanish Republic, when he was asked to become the leader of the rebellion by envoy Luis Bolín on 12 July 1936, Sanjurjo declared: ... to make political parties disappear, to sweep from the national spheres every liberal structure and to destroy their system. On 20 July 1936, Sanjurjo
450-399: A "strong and disciplined state." General Sanjurjo would be the head of this new regime, due to being widely liked and respected within the military, though his position would be a largely symbolic due to his lack of political talent. The 1931 Constitution would be suspended, replaced by a new "constituent parliament" which would be chosen by a new politically purged electorate, who would vote on
600-735: A Carlist military academy he was summoned to Franco's headquarters and presented with the choice between firing squad and exile abroad. Some authors speculate whether the unusual overreaction of Franco was not intended to get rid of Fal and replace him with complacent Rodezno. At the Carlist emergency meeting the Rodeznistas enforced the decision to comply with the exile alternative, though later Rodezno himself visited Franco trying to get Jefe Delegado re-admitted. With Fal on exile and party leadership assumed by France -based Don Javier, Rodezno emerged as "máxima figura carlista en España"; Fal
750-578: A Nationalist assault in November 1936, and frustrated subsequent offensives against the capital at Jarama and Guadalajara in 1937. Soon, though, the rebels began to erode their territory, starving Madrid and making inroads into the east. The north, including the Basque country, fell in late 1937, and the Aragon front collapsed shortly afterward. The bombing of Guernica was probably the most infamous event of
900-465: A Rodezno co-drafted document, intended to confirm his Traditionalist spirit. Known as "Bases institucionales para la restauración de la monarquía" or simply as "Bases de Estoril", it outlined the basics of the future monarchy. They very much resembled the Traditionalist principles, though the document fell short of declaring Don Juan the legitimate Carlist claimant. The 1946 "Bases de Estoril"
1050-517: A booklet dedicated to medieval rulers of Navarre, followed by articles in scholarly reviews focusing on history of the province and short biographical studies, also anchored in history of Navarre. Domínguez also tried his hand in Pamplona dailies as a literary critic. Some authors claim that his first public assignment was mayorship of Villafranca, but when first running for seat in the Cortes, he
1200-486: A civil war. The involvement of forces of public order and a lack of action against the attackers hurt public opinion of the government. No effective action was taken; Payne points to a possible veto by socialists within the government who shielded the killers who had been drawn from their ranks. The murder of a parliamentary leader by state police was unprecedented, and the belief that the state had ceased to be neutral and effective in its duties encouraged important sectors of
1350-509: A dead-end street given the Carlist dynasty was already certain to extinguish. He shared de Mella's vision of a grand extreme-right coalition, which would be new possibilist reincarnation of Traditionalism ; he also considered sort of transfer of legitimist rights to the Alfonsine dynasty. However, at the 1919 moment of breakup he decided to stay loyal to Don Jaime, even given discrepancies between him and his king were already public. In
1500-607: A general stoppage in Madrid , other strikes did not endure. This left Asturian strikers to fight alone. Miners in Asturias occupied the capital, Oviedo , killing officials and clergymen. Fifty eight religious buildings including churches, convents and part of the university at Oviedo were burned and destroyed. The miners proceeded to occupy several other towns, most notably the large industrial centre of La Felguera , and set up town assemblies, or "revolutionary committees", to govern
1650-467: A landslide victory for republicans. Two days later, the Second Republic was proclaimed, and King Alfonso XIII went into exile. The king's departure led to a provisional government of the young republic under Niceto Alcalá-Zamora . Catholic churches and establishments in cities like Madrid and Sevilla were set ablaze on 11 May. In June 1931 a Constituent Cortes was elected to draft
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#17327728144831800-724: A less isolated role in World War II and joining the Axis Powers . José Sanjurjo, the beginnings of the Spanish Civil War , and his ill-fated flight are discussed in José Saramago's book The Year of the Death of Ricardo Reis . Second Spanish Republic The Spanish Republic (Spanish: República Española ), commonly known as the Second Spanish Republic (Spanish: Segunda República Española ),
1950-489: A military coup , ruling Spain as dictator. Gradually, Primo de Rivera's support faded, and he resigned in January 1930. General Dámaso Berenguer was ordered by the king to form a replacement government, which annoyed Sanjurjo, who considered himself far better qualified. Berenguer's dictablanda dictatorship failed to provide a viable alternative to Primo de Rivera. In the municipal elections of 12 April 1931, little support
2100-469: A much larger and more suitable airplane that was available. The larger plane was an 8-passenger de Havilland Dragon Rapide , the same one which had transported Franco from the Canary Islands to Morocco. Sanjurjo, however, apparently preferred the drama of flying with a "daring aviator" such as Ansaldo (who himself survived the crash). When Mola also died in an aircraft accident, Franco was left as
2250-565: A municipal cemetery in the Spanish city of Melilla—an enclave on the coast of Morocco where Sanjurjo had once been in command. Further controversy ensued when Sanjurjo was buried with military honors in a military Pantheon of Heroes, as confirmed by the army. The government of Navarre received assurances from the Ministry of Defense that special "honors were not offered" and that the remains were received as "just one more soldier". The opening of
2400-644: A new constitution, which came into force in December. The new constitution established freedom of speech and freedom of association , extended suffrage to women in 1933, allowed divorce, and stripped the Spanish nobility of any special legal status. It also effectively disestablished the Roman Catholic Church , but the disestablishment was somewhat reversed by the Cortes that same year. Its controversial articles 26 and 27 imposed stringent controls on Church property and barred religious orders from
2550-467: A new state, Catholic, regionalist, social and ultimately formatted as Traditionalist monarchy. On April 22 Rodezno was nominated to Secretariado Político of the new party, Falange Española Tradicionalista , one of 4 Carlists within the 10-member body. The Falangists like Girón were extremely unhappy about its performance and composition, with very few members "fielmente el espíritu de nuestro Movimiento". Rodezno and other Carlists learned of
2700-518: A newly constituted Carlist wartime executive; within this body he entered Section of General Affairs heading Delegación Política, a sub-section entrusted with handling relations with military junta and local authorities. Rodezno settled in the emergent military headquarters in Salamanca , but went on pursuing independent policy engineered by a local Navarrese executive, transformed into Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra . Following death of
2850-461: A number of captured priests, businessmen and civil guards were summarily executed by the revolutionaries in Mieres and Sama . This rebellion lasted for two weeks until it was crushed by the army, led by General Eduardo López Ochoa . This operation earned López Ochoa the nickname "Butcher of Asturias". Another rebellion by the autonomous government of Catalonia, led by its president Lluís Companys ,
3000-413: A police truck. His body was dropped at the entrance of one of the city's cemeteries. According to all later investigations, the perpetrator of the murder was a socialist gunman, Luis Cuenca, who was known as the bodyguard of PSOE leader Indalecio Prieto . Calvo Sotelo was one of the most prominent Spanish monarchists who, describing the government's actions as Bolshevist and anarchist, had been exhorting
3150-603: A policy of non-interventionism, as exemplified by the actions of the Non-Intervention Committee . Imposed in the name of neutrality , the international isolation of the Spanish Republic ended up favouring the interests of the future Axis Powers . The Siege of the Alcázar at Toledo early in the war resulted in the rebels winning after a long siege. The Republicans managed to hold out in Madrid, despite
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#17327728144833300-629: A revolutionary strike action was seen in Málaga the same year. A Catholic church in Zaragoza was burnt down in 1933. In November 1932, Miguel de Unamuno , one of the most respected Spanish intellectuals, rector of the University of Salamanca, and himself a Republican, publicly raised his voice to protest. In a speech delivered on 27 November 1932, at the Madrid Ateneo, he protested: "Even
3450-567: Is actually disputed, as some have suggested that as many as a million people died. Over the years, historians kept lowering the death figures, and modern research concluded that 500,000 deaths were the correct figure. On 17 July 1936, General Franco led the Spanish Army of Africa from Morocco to attack the mainland, while another force from the north under General Emilio Mola moved south from Navarre. Military units were also mobilised elsewhere to take over government institutions. Before long
3600-468: Is known mostly as the first Francoist Minister of Justice (1938–1939). He is also recognised for his key role in negotiating Carlist access to the coup of July 1936 and in emergence of carlo-francoism , the branch of Carlism which actively engaged in the Francoist regime . Tomás Domínguez y de Arévalo Romera y Fernández Navarrete was a descendant of two landowner families from the very south and from
3750-589: Is not clear when the two first met; during the Civil War Rodezno and the Alfonsist prince already exchanged friendly correspondence. Rodezno was in touch with Don Juan since 1937 and considered him knowledgeable of Traditionalist ideas. In the early 1940s Rodezno turned into an open advocate of Don Juan as a future Carlist king, especially once the latter inherited the Alfonsist title after his late father in 1941. Theoretically this support did not breach
3900-515: Is not clear whether Rodezno's departure from the government was related to tension between the Falangists and the Carlists, though he was on rather poor terms with Serrano Súñer . The two clashed especially on issues related to centralisation and regional rights. Serrano intervened to make sure the address of Rodezno, delivered when accepting the hijo predilecto title from Navarrese diputación,
4050-479: Is not distributed. Already in early 1938 heavily disappointed with the new party, in April 1938 Rodezno complained to Franco about marginalisation of Carlism and apparently managed to extract from caudillo a fairly frank opinion; the generalissimo valued the Carlists higher than the Falangists, yet noted that they were "pocos y sin atractivo pasa los masas", while Falange enjoyed "capacidad proselitista y captadora", and
4200-424: Is often considered the catalyst for the further political polarisation that ensued. The Falange and other right-wing individuals, including Juan de la Cierva , had already been conspiring to launch a military coup d'état against the government, to be led by senior army officers. When the antifascist Castillo and the anti-socialist Calvo Sotelo were buried on the same day in the same Madrid cemetery, fighting between
4350-592: Is one of the black characters, among the likes of Rafael Maroto , Alejandro Pidal or Don Carlos Hugo . He is charged with blatant political miscalculation at best and with treason of principles and kings at worst. His vacillating stance during the Mellista crisis in 1914-1919, rapprochement towards the Alfonsinos in the Republic years or bypassing Carlist command when pushing for almost unconditional adherence to
4500-436: Is unclear and probably did not exceed 500 ha combined. He was head of Federacion Catolico Agraria de Navarra , co-founder of Asociación de Terratenientes de Navarra and member of Asociacion de Propietarios de Alcornocales . On behalf of some of these pressure groups he held talks with various ministers, publishing also analytical studies on agricultural credit and land ownership. In his opinion in terms of rural property
4650-425: The 1916 campaign . Initially Domínguez Romera was to be substituted as Jaimista candidate by Joaquín Argamasilla, but in unclear circumstances the latter was replaced by Domínguez Arévalo. Argamasilla stroke back with a pamphlet, lambasting alleged alliance with the liberals and charging his substitute with flexibility bordering opportunism. Though resident of another Navarrese district of Tafalla , Domínguez Arévalo
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4800-536: The 1919 campaign Domínguez Arévalo presented his bid in Aoiz, but lost to a Maurista candidate by the smallest margin possible. In 1920 the same two hopefuls competed in the same district; this time Domínguez, already conde de Rodezno, lost more decisively, the visible sign of increasingly loose Carlist grip on Navarre. A mere week after the defeat he presented his candidature to the Senate . As indirect elections to
4950-476: The 1931 Constitution was approved. During this time and the subsequent two years of constitutional government, known as the Reformist Biennium , Manuel Azaña 's executive initiated numerous reforms to what in their view would modernize the country. In 1932 religious orders were forbidden control of schools, while the government began a large-scale school-building project. A moderate agrarian reform
5100-644: The 1933 elections was won by the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (CEDA). In face of CEDA's electoral victory, president Alcalá-Zamora declined to invite its leader, Gil Robles, to form a government. Instead he invited the Radical Republican Party 's Alejandro Lerroux to do so. Despite receiving the most votes, CEDA was denied cabinet positions for nearly a year. After a year of intense pressure, CEDA,
5250-524: The 1933 general election – eventually amnestied him in 1934. He took part, from his self-exile in Portugal, in the military plot for the 1936 coup d'état. Following the coup, Sanjurjo, expected by some to become the commander-in-chief of the Nationalist faction , died in an air crash on the third day of the war, when travelling back to Spain. He had chosen to fly in a small, overloaded plane, because
5400-582: The 1936 general election with a narrow victory. The Right accelerated its preparations for a coup, which had been months in the planning. Amidst the wave of political violence that broke out after the triumph of the Popular Front in the February 1936 elections, a group of Guardia de Asalto and other leftist militiamen mortally shot the opposition leader José Calvo Sotelo on 12 July 1936. This assassination convinced many military officers to back
5550-666: The Civil Guard ; under his command they continued to use their traditionally brutal tactics such as the " ley de fugas ", the excuse of shooting prisoners and later claiming that they were attempting to escape during an incident of unrest in Seville . Sanjurjo became one of the first generals appointed to the command of the Spanish Republican Army . His sympathies, however, remained with the monarchist cause. When he clashed with Prime Minister Manuel Azaña over
5700-608: The Cortes and later as a long-time senator from Navarre (1876–1891). As at the time of the marriage she was already condesa de Rodezno , Tomás Domínguez Romera became conde consorte. In the late 1880s Tomás Domínguez Romera emerged holding major posts within the Madrid Carlist structures. In 1888 he was president of comisión de propaganda of the Madrid Junta Directiva del Circula Tradicionalista de Madrid
5850-846: The Italian military intervention in Spain and the German involvement in the Spanish Civil War ), and neighbouring Portugal gave the rebels was much greater and more effective than the assistance that the Republicans received from the USSR, Mexico, and volunteers of the International Brigades . While the Axis powers wholeheartedly assisted General Franco's military campaign, the governments of France, Britain, and other European powers pursued
6000-637: The National Council ; Despite Fal's calls to decline, Rodezno accepted the seat and in December 1937 Don Javier expulsed him from Carlism; Rodezno did not take notice. Some authors claim he was expulsed already in the spring, following accepting post in Secretariado. Rodezno's motives are unclear; apart from partisan claims that he traded Carlist principles for a few Navarrese alcaldías, there are many conflicting interpretations offered. According to one, he feared that internal divisions within
6150-514: The Police Assault Guard and fascist militias broke out in the surrounding streets, resulting in four more deaths. The killing of Calvo Sotelo with police involvement aroused suspicions and strong reactions among the government's opponents on the right. Although the nationalist generals were already planning an uprising, the event was a catalyst and a public justification for a coup. Stanley Payne claims that before these events,
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6300-562: The Radical Republican Party 's Alejandro Lerroux to do so. CEDA was denied cabinet positions for nearly a year. In October 1934, CEDA was finally successful in forcing the acceptance of three ministries. The Socialists triggered an insurrection that they had been preparing for nine months. A general strike was called by the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) in
6450-404: The alternate history novel by Harry Turtledove , Hitler's War , in his series The War That Came Early , begins with Sanjurjo's flight from Portugal. The point of divergence is that he accepts the pilot's advice and abandons the luggage so the flight is not overloaded and thus arrives safely. His behavior from then on is described as diverging from that of the actual Franco, with Spain taking
6600-489: The encyclical Dilectissima Nobis . The legislative branch was changed to a single chamber called the Congress of Deputies . The constitution established legal procedures for the nationalisation of public services and land, banks, and railways. The constitution provided generally accorded civil liberties and representation. The Republican Constitution also changed the country's national symbols. The Himno de Riego
6750-632: The military reforms , he was replaced by General Miguel Cabanellas . He was demoted to chief of the customs officers in 1932 as a result of the events of Castilblanco and Arnedo involving the Civil Guard. His confrontation with the ministry, Azaña's military reforms , and the grants of regional autonomy to Catalonia and the Basque Country , led Sanjurjo to plot a rebellion with some Carlists under Manuel Fal Conde , Tomás Domínguez Arévalo , and other military officers. This rebellion, which
6900-665: The 1936 elections were rigged. This view has been criticised by Eduardo Calleja and Francisco Pérez, who question the charges of electoral irregularity and argue that the Popular Front would still have won a slight electoral majority even if all of the charges were true. In the thirty-six hours following the election, sixteen people were killed (mostly by police officers attempting to maintain order or intervene in violent clashes) and thirty-nine were seriously injured, while fifty churches and seventy right wing political centres were attacked or set ablaze. The right had firmly believed, at all levels, that they would win. Almost immediately after
7050-639: The 1936 elections. On 7 January 1936, new elections were called. Despite significant rivalries and disagreements, the socialists, Communists, and the Catalan-and-Madrid-based left-wing Republicans decided to work together under the name Popular Front . The Popular Front won the election on 16 February with 263 MPs against 156 right-wing MPs, grouped within a coalition of the National Front with CEDA, Carlists , and Monarchists. The moderate centre parties virtually disappeared; between
7200-409: The Alfonsinos on the private business basis; in 1936 these contacts started to take shape of negotiating a joint insurgency. According to one source he was on the target list of the hit-team which, in his absence, shot Calvo Sotelo instead. Rodezno played vital role in negotiating Carlist role in the military coup . Talks between Mola and Fal stalled as both failed to reach a compromise on terms of
7350-428: The Carlist access; at that point the general opened parallel talks with Navarrese leaders, headed by Rodezno. Bypassing Fal and ready to confront him if needed, they suggested that Navarrese issues are discussed locally and offered requeté support in return for usage of monarchist flag and assurance that Navarre would be left as Carlist political fiefdom. Facing sort of internal rebellion, Fal considered dismissing
7500-641: The Carlist dynasty would extinguish; also during the Republican years he was the most enthusiastic supporter of rapprochement within the monarchist camp and in 1935 proposed that Don Alfonso Carlos names Don Juan his legitimate heir. When the last direct Carlist claimant indeed died in September 1936 Rodezno was the last to acknowledge the regency of Don Javier. At that time he was already considering another regency, this of Franco on behalf of Don Juan , whom he held well familiar with Traditionalist ideas. It
7650-541: The Inquisition was limited by certain legal guarantees. But now we have something worse: a police force which is grounded only on a general sense of panic and on the invention of non-existent dangers to cover up this over-stepping of the law." In 1933, all remaining religious congregations were obliged to pay taxes and banned from industry, trade and educational activities. This ban was forced with strict police severity and widespread mob violence. The majority vote in
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#17327728144837800-591: The Junta, Rodezno proposed he rather become personal secretary to the claimant. As Don Alfonso Carlos at that time decided to abandon plans of dynastic reconciliation, in April 1934 Rodezno agreed to step down from leadership. He remained the local Navarrese jefe. Though Rodezno's supporters complained about "fascistización" of the Communion under the new leadership of Fal, Carlism firmly changed course from political negotiations to organizational build-up. Rodezno
7950-433: The Nationalist camp might lead to defeat in the war . According to another, he has never been a genuine Carlist and is better described as a conservative monarchist. Some scholars claim that he was a possibilist, who realized that Traditionalism was unable to seize power single-handedly and needed coalition partners; one more clue might have been that perceiving Carlism as rooted in family and regional values, he downplayed
8100-613: The Navarrese structure was close to ideal, almost reaching the objective "que todos los agricultores fueran propietarios"; later in the republic he defended the arrendamiento structure. Though mostly dormant in times of the dictatorship, during Dictablanda Carlism assumed more active stance. In June 1930 the new Navarrese junta with Rodezno its member was set up, an attempt to enforce more cautious policy towards Basque nationalism and to shift focus from foral to religious issues. The move might have backfired following declaration of
8250-483: The Pamplona plaza was subject to heated public debate in Navarre and elsewhere following adoption of ley de Símbolos de Navarra and ley de Memoria Histórica . The 2008-2009 discussion, involving present-day political parties and related to some present-day political issues, has eventually led to renaming the plaza to "Conde de Rodezno", an aristocratic title formally not associated with any individual, until in 2016 it
8400-423: The Republic, as the Carlists decided to forge electoral coalition with PNV ; when concluded as " lista católico-fuerista " it enabled Rodezno, elected from Navarre, to resume his parliamentary career in 1931 . In the Cortes he was the least-Basque minded among Carlist deputies; he ceased to support the autonomy draft when it turned out that it would not allow autonomous religious policy and started to toy with
8550-545: The Spanish Civil War, there were three Republican governments. The first was led by left-wing republican José Giral (from July to September 1936); a revolution inspired mostly by libertarian socialist , anarchist and communist principles broke out in its territory. The second government was led by the PSOE's Francisco Largo Caballero . The UGT, along with the National Confederation of Workers (CNT), were
8700-694: The Spanish press of the day. Though they pursued a personal approach of the author, both remain quoted and referenced also by present-day scholars. Rodezno and his wife held land estates scattered across Spain: in Navarre, inherited from his mother; in Extremadura , brought into the marriage by his wife; and in Andalusia, inherited from his father. Some authors refer to him as "grande terrateniente" "cacique terrateniente", "grandee proprietor" or "prominent landowner", an exemplary case of link between landownership and power, though exact size of his holdings
8850-725: The Third Carlist War, in San Sebastián he took part in works of Sociedad de Estudios Vascos when preparing "La exposición de las Guerras Civiles" of the 19th century, and in Madrid he co-organized fundraising and himself donated large sums to the planned monument of Vázquez de Mella. However, he became most noted for his historical effort. Apart from inedita, in 1928 he published La princesa de Beira y los hijos de D. Carlos and in 1929 Carlos VII, duque de Madrid , monographs dedicated to already mythical Carlist figures; both books were widely discussed on literary pages of
9000-462: The advantage of liberty." In June 1936, Miguel de Unamuno , disenchanted with the unfolding of the events, told a reporter who published his statement in El Adelanto that President Manuel Azaña should commit suicide as a patriotic act. On 12 July 1936, Lieutenant José Castillo , an important member of the anti-fascist military organisation Unión Militar Republicana Antifascista (UMRA),
9150-513: The army to intervene, declaring that Spanish soldiers would save the country from communism if "there are no politicians capable of doing so". Prominent rightists blamed the government for Calvo Sotelo's assassination . They claimed that the authorities did not properly investigate it and promoted those involved in the murder whilst censoring those who cried out about it and shutting down the headquarters of right-wing parties and arresting right-wing party members, often on "flimsy charges". The event
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#17327728144839300-612: The claimant and assumption of regent duties by his successor Don Javier, the so-called Rodeznistas were visibly disappointed with Fal's confirmation as political leader in October 1936. The Carlists, who initially imagined their position as equals of the military, within few months acknowledged that they were being reduced to junior role, especially that despite mobilization of their supporters, Falange attracted far more recruits. Their attempt to safeguard autonomous standing crashed in December 1936, when following Fal's decision to set up
9450-505: The conflict assumed the dimension of a war of religion, and military authorities increasingly deferred to the Church and to the expression of Catholic sentiment. However, Mola's program was vague and only a rough sketch, and there were disagreements among coupists about their vision for Spain. Franco's move was intended to seize power immediately, but his army uprising met with serious resistance, and great swathes of Spain, including most of
9600-424: The country. The revolt was remarkably devoid of any particular ideology. The major goal was to put an end to anarchical disorder. Mola's plan for the new regime was envisioned as a "republican dictatorship", modelled after Salazar's Portugal and as a semi-pluralist authoritarian regime rather than a totalitarian fascist dictatorship. The initial government would be an all-military "Directory", which would create
9750-416: The coup, though it seems Mola did not envision the mass atrocities and repression that would ultimately manifest during the civil war. Of particular importance to Mola was ensuring the revolt was at its core an Army affair, one that would not be subject to special interests and that the coup would make the armed forces the basis for the new state. However, the separation of church and state was forgotten once
9900-469: The death of his mother in 1919, in 1920 Tomás Domínguez Arévalo inherited the title of conde de Rodezno; following the death of his father in 1931 he became marqués de San Martín. There is almost no information on Domínguez's public activity in the first decade of the 20th century; he was probably active in Juventud Jaimista and Juventud Hispanoamericana. In 1909 he published his first work,
10050-497: The despised Liberal dynasty, many if not the majority of Carlist pre-war leadership inclined towards accepting Don Juan. Also after Rodezno's death they kept pursuing the idea of Alfonso XIII 's son assuming the Carlist title. Named Rodeznistas, Juancarlistas, Juanistas or Estorilos they officially declared Don Juan the legitimate Carlist heir in 1957, the act considered climax of the earlier Rodezno's policy. In 1957 around 70 Carlist politicians travelled to Estoril and declared Don Juan
10200-626: The direction he had to overcome the Falangist resistance and outmaneuver its key exponents, Jordana and Yanguas ; in 1942 Rodezno managed to defeat "serranistas" drafting the future legislation. He is best remembered, however, for his role in Francoist repressions . Wartime purges rested on most tortured juridical basis and produced some 72,000 executions; it is difficult to tell to what extent Rodezno might be held liable, especially that most of them were carried out under military jurisdiction and before he assumed office. According to some sources, he
10350-427: The elections, Lerroux's group fell from the 104 representatives it had in 1934 to just 9. American historian Stanley G. Payne thinks that there was major electoral fraud in the process, with widespread violation of the laws and the constitution. In line with Payne's point of view, in 2017, two Spanish Scholars, Manuel Álvarez Tardío and Roberto Villa García, published the result of a research where they concluded that
10500-521: The emerging regime and by actual shape of the unification - up to contributing to its failure in Navarre - Rodezno kept pursuing the collaborative line even when it became painfully evident that Carlism was entirely marginalized in the new state party. In 1943 Rodezno resigned from the Navarrese government to enter the Francoist quasi-parliament, Cortes Españolas ; he was ensured its mandate as member of Consejo Nacional. The term lasted three years and
10650-401: The emering regime in general. Rodezno admitted that "no dejaba de sentirse cierta tristeza por el desengaño y la decepción que producía la disparidad entre el esfuerzo aportado y el rumbo amenazador de las cosas para el porvenir". In 1939 he moved back to Navarre. Though expelled from formally illegal Comunión Tradicionalista he was eager to take part in the movement, e.g. in 1939 he took part in
10800-634: The entire Navarrese junta. He was finally outmaneuvered when Rodezno and the Navarros assured conditional support of claimants' envoy, Don Javier ; Mola and Fal decided to act together on the basis of a vague letter, sent by pre-agreed leader of the insurgency, general Sanjurjo. During the coup Rodezno was in Pamplona, the city easily captured by insurgents. Though Fal considered him disloyal, in late August he had no option but to include Domínguez in Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra ,
10950-461: The faction he headed advocated compliance with political amalgamation, pressed by the military; they were confronted by the Falcondistas, opting for intransigence. As the formal party executive Junta Nacional was getting decomposed and theoretically local, Rodeznista-dominated Junta Central assumed a key role, the balance tipped towards unification . The fusion was presented as means to build
11100-604: The failure of the Asturias miners' uprising, led to a more radical turn by the parties of the left, especially in the PSOE (Socialist Party), where the moderate Indalecio Prieto lost ground to Francisco Largo Caballero , who advocated a socialist revolution. At the same time, the involvement of the Centrist government party in the Straperlo and Nombela scandals deeply weakened it, further polarising political differences between right and left. These differences became evident in
11250-427: The first Montejurra ascent, riding all the way to the summit on the horse. Some authors consider him leader of Rodeznistas, the informal collaborative faction, other scholars prefer to name him leader of Navarrese Carlism or even of Spanish Carlism altogether. In the immediate post-war period he tried to support Carlist cultural outposts, either preventing their amalgamation in the Francoist machinery, or creating
11400-459: The first regular Francoist government as Minister of Justice . At this position he commenced work on revoking the Republican laws, focusing mostly on the laic legislation. Though the task was completed by his successor, it was Rodezno who ensured that the Church re-took a key role in a number of areas, especially education, and that intimate Church-state relations were restored. When setting
11550-491: The fueros as sinister separatism. Rodezno as minister prevented the publication of his harangue in the press except Arriba , firmly controlled by Falange. It is partially thanks to his efforts that Navarre was, together with Álava , the only province which retained some regional establishments. According to account of Esteban Bilbao, he was supported by Rodezno when objecting to homogenisation designs of Minister of Economy. Though apparently overwhelmed by fascistoid nature of
11700-467: The fulfillment of the Constitutional mission of the first legislature, the second one had been a simple bid to trigger early elections. The right reacted as if radical communists had taken control, despite the new cabinet's moderate composition; they were shocked by the revolutionary masses taking to the streets and the release of prisoners. Convinced that the left was no longer willing to follow
11850-441: The generals' coup of 1936 are less of an issue; it is Rodezno's stance on unification and pro-Juanista lobbying which earned him most hostility from works of Partido Carlista sponsored socialismo autogestionario supporters. Though scholars speculate on his different motives, the opinion which gained particular popularity is that he has never been a genuine Carlist, adhering to the movement mostly out of respect for his father. None of
12000-536: The government before the outbreak of the Civil War. The Constitution guaranteed a wide range of civil liberties, but it opposed key beliefs of the right wing, which was very rooted in rural areas, and desires of the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church, which was stripped of schools and public subsidies. The 1931 Constitution was formally effective from 1931 until 1939. In the summer of 1936, after
12150-406: The government-in-exile formally dissolved the following year. On 28 January 1930, the military dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera (who had been in power since September 1923 ) was overthrown. This led various republican factions from a wide variety of backgrounds (including conservatives, socialists and Catalan nationalists) to join forces. The Pact of San Sebastián was the key to
12300-524: The idea of an exclusively Navarrese statute. Already in the late 1920s advocating reconciliation with the Mellistas, Rodezno more than welcomed re-unification of three Traditionalist streams in the new organization, Comunión Tradicionalista . Early 1932 he was appointed to its Supreme National Junta, intended to assist the ailing Jefe Delegado, marqués de Villores . After his death in May that year Rodezno
12450-409: The idea of rebellion by army officers against the government had weakened; Mola had estimated that only 12% of officers reliably supported the coup and at one point considered fleeing the country for fear he was already compromised, and had to be convinced to remain by his co-conspirators. However, the kidnapping and murder of Sotelo transformed the "limping conspiracy" into a revolt that could trigger
12600-557: The increasing popular opposition, the Radicals and Socialist majority postponed the regular elections, therefore prolonging their way in power for two more years. This way the republican government of Manuel Azaña initiated numerous reforms to what in their view would "modernize" the country. Landowners were expropriated. Autonomy was granted to Catalonia, with a local parliament and a president of said parliament. Catholic churches in major cities were again subject to arson in 1932, and
12750-413: The issue of republic versus monarchy. Certain liberal elements would remain, such as separation of church and state as well as freedom of religion. Agrarian issues would be solved by regional commissioners on the basis of smallholdings, but collective cultivation would be permitted in some circumstances. Legislation prior to February 1936 would be respected. Violence would be required to destroy opposition to
12900-409: The issues of organization and structures. Others underline that he considered the emerging system largely in line with the Carlist vision and did not think it worthwhile to be marginalized for the sake of defending second-rate discrepancies. Finally, there are authors who believe that he realized neither gravity of the moment nor totalitarian nature of the new party; Rodezno – the theory goes – imagined
13050-401: The judiciary. Its first pillar, Ley de Responsabilidades Políticas , retroactive to 1934, was adopted in 1939, supplemented by many other laws and regulations. One of them required all persons of legal age to hold a personal ID card, obligation introduced for the first time in Spanish history. There were some 100,000 political prisoners before he stepped down as minister in August 1939. It
13200-539: The largest party in the congress, was finally successful in forcing the acceptance of three ministries. However the entrance of CEDA in the government, although being normal in a parliamentary democracy, was not well accepted by the left. The Socialists triggered an insurrection that they had been preparing for nine months. A general strike was called by the UGT and the PSOE in the name of the Alianza Obrera . The issue
13350-477: The leader emphasized politics and propaganda rather than organization and militancy; some scholars claim that obsolete structures of Communión, favoring "placentera y anárquica autonomia", could not bear the weight of dynamically growing movement. This, combined with internal protest against pro-Alfonsist advances and his "tactica transaccionista y el gradualismo", brought about a major challenge. When former Integrists suggested that Manuel Fal become president of
13500-536: The legitimate Carlist heir. The late Rodezno was considered "principal promoter" of the initiative. Some authors even claim that Rodezno was present at the ceremony. In historiography the term "Rodeznistas" is last applied to the year 1959. During Francoism Rodezno was honored by a number of prestigious orders, like Cruz de Isabel la Católica or Cruz de San Raimundo de Peñafort ; in the mid-1940s he entered Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación and Real Academia de la Historia , named also hijo predilecto by
13650-754: The likes of Cerralbo , Feliu or de Mella . It is not clear whether Tomás Domínguez Arévalo spent his early childhood in the capital or in Villafranca. He was then educated in the Jesuit Colegio de San Isidoro in Madrid, at unspecified date commencing law studies at the University of Madrid; he followed classes of the then Carlist political leader, Matías Barrio y Mier . It is during his academic years that Domínguez came to know Jaime Chicharro and Luis Hernando de Larramendi , active in Juventud Jaimista but also in literary and artistic circles. He graduated in 1904; some authors, contemporary press and
13800-420: The main cities, remained loyal to the Republic of Spain. The leaders of the coup (Franco was not commander-in-chief yet) did not lose heart with the stalemate and apparent failure of the coup. Instead, they initiated a slow and determined war of attrition against the Republican government in Madrid. As a result, an estimated total of half a million people would die in the war that followed; the number of casualties
13950-528: The main forces behind the social revolution . The third government was led by socialist Juan Negrín , who led the Republic until the military coup of Segismundo Casado , which ended republican resistance and ultimately led to the victory of the Nationalists. The Republican government survived in exile and retained an embassy in Mexico City until 1976. After the restoration of democracy in Spain,
14100-404: The mid-1940s Fal mounted an offensive offering various Carlist regentialist solutions to Franco; in December 1945 Fal also wrote to Don Juan asking him to acknowledge the regency of Don Javier. As a response, in April 1945 Rodezno travelled to Portugal to meet Don Juan and prepare ground for his Carlist legitimization. The initiative bore fruit in February 1946, when the Alfonsist claimant signed
14250-480: The motion bore no fruit due to procedural reasons. Judge Baltasar Garzón was later charged with perversion of justice for launching the bid, which was defined as an error by the Supreme Court of Spain . In 2010 a group of authors associated with a Pamplonese Ateneo Basilio Lacort published a vehemently militant work which presents Rodezno as a criminal. In Traditionalist historiographical narration Rodezno
14400-436: The mountainous Spanish terrain. Compounding economic woes was Spain's low export rate and heavily domestic manufacturing industry. High levels of poverty left many Spaniards open to extremist political parties in search of a solution. Tom%C3%A1s Dom%C3%ADnguez Ar%C3%A9valo Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, 6th Count of Rodezno , 12th Marquis of San Martin (1882–1952) was a Spanish Carlist and Francoist politician. He
14550-519: The name of the Alianza Obrera . The rebellion developed into a bloody revolutionary uprising , aiming to overthrow the republican government. Armed revolutionaries managed to take the whole province of Asturias , killing policemen, clerics, and businessmen and destroying religious buildings and part of the University of Oviedo . In the occupied areas, the rebels officially declared a proletarian revolution and abolished regular money. The rebellion
14700-519: The new ones. Some orthodox Carlists considered him indispensable, as it was with their support that Rodezno was elected vice-president of Navarrese Diputación Provincial in 1940. At this post he took part in provincial battle for power against the Falangists and clashed with some of their leaders also on the national level; in June 1939 Rodezno clashed with the Falangist pundit Giménez Caballero , who accused Navarre of historical disobedience and lambasted
14850-490: The official Cortes service refer to him as "abogado", though none of the sources consulted confirms that he practiced as a lawyer. Urbane and gregarious, in 1917 Domínguez married Asunción López-Montenegro y García Pelayo, descendant to a wealthy aristocratic terrateniente family from Cáceres , with its representatives holding prestigious posts in the city and in the province. The couple settled in Villafranca; they had one child, María Domínguez y López-Montenegro. Following
15000-459: The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War , it became largely irrelevant after the authority of the Republic was superseded in many places by revolutionary socialists and anarchists on one side, and Nationalists on the other. With the new constitution approved in December 1931, once the constituent assembly had fulfilled its mandate of approving a new constitution, it should have arranged for regular parliamentary elections and adjourned. However, fearing
15150-422: The parliament and was once hit by a flying glass in return. Touring the country he boasted that “Carlist shock troops are ready to defend society against Marxist threat”. However, he was not among those pressing an insurgent strategy. Aware of the planned Sanjurjo coup he steered clear of direct collaboration, which did not spare him expropriations administered by the government afterwards. Rodezno's term as
15300-483: The participation of the left in the revolt: "The uprising of 1934 is unforgivable. The argument that Mr Gil Robles tried to destroy the Constitution to establish fascism was, at once, hypocritical and false. With the rebellion of 1934, the Spanish left lost even the shadow of moral authority to condemn the rebellion of 1936." The suspension of the land reforms that had been attempted by the previous government, and
15450-428: The party program only once its 21 points were announced and immediately demonstrated some unease. His relations with Fal and Don Javier remained extremely tense, though falling short of total breakup; both considered him a fronding rebel; he was held among, "maximos responsables de la actitud de rebeldia mantenida por el carlismo navarro frente a la autoridad de don Javier". Rodezno's efforts to elicit authorization from
15600-614: The penitentiary of the Dueso. In March 1934 he was granted amnesty by the Lerroux government and went into exile in Estoril , Portugal. Between March and June 1936 Sanjurjo negotiated his leadership of a would-be Carlist-only rising against the Republic. When Niceto Alcalá-Zamora was replaced as President of the Republic by Azaña on 10 May 1936, Sanjurjo joined with Generals Emilio Mola , Francisco Franco and Gonzalo Queipo de Llano in
15750-813: The pilot was a friend of his. Sabotage was suspected, but never proven. Sanjurjo was born in Pamplona . His father, Captain Justo Sanjurjo Bonrostra, was a Carlist . His mother was Carlota Sacanell Desojo. He served in Cuba in 1896, in the Rif War (1909) in Morocco , and in the Rif War (1920) , including the regaining of the territory in Melilla lost after the Battle of Annual in 1921. In 1922, he
15900-469: The planned coup. Three days later (17 July), the revolt began with an army uprising in Spanish Morocco , followed by military takeovers in many cities in Spain. Military rebels intended to seize power immediately, but they were met with serious resistance as most of the main cities remained loyal to the Republic. An estimated total of half a million people would die in the war that followed. During
16050-449: The post-election environment could become violent and was trying to quell the perceived leftist threat. Valladares resigned, even before a new government could be formed. However, the Popular Front, which had proved an effective election tool, did not translate into a Popular Front government. Largo Caballero and other elements of the political left were not prepared to work with the republicans, although they did agree to support many of
16200-423: The professional Army of Africa had much of the south and west under the control of the rebels and by October 1936, Time Magazine declared that "façade of the Spanish Republic was crumbling". Bloody purges followed in each piece of captured "Nationalist" territory in order to consolidate Franco's future regime. Although both sides received foreign military aid, the help that Fascist Italy , Nazi Germany (as part of
16350-457: The proposed reforms. Manuel Azaña was called upon to form a government before the electoral process had come to an end, and he would shortly replace Zamora as president, taking advantage of a constitutional loophole: the Constitution allowed the Cortes to remove the President from office after two early dissolutions, and while the first (1933) dissolution had been partially justified because of
16500-447: The province of Navarre and by his native town of Villafranca. Posthumously Franco conferred upon him Grandeza de España, title currently born by his descendants. Some streets and plazas were named upon him, the most prestigious one in Pamplona. After transition to democracy the perception of Rodezno changed dramatically. In the current Spanish public discourse he is associated mostly with the most repressive phase of Francoism. Naming of
16650-414: The ranks of educators. Scholars have described the constitution as hostile to religion, with one scholar characterising it as one of the most hostile of the 20th century. José Ortega y Gasset stated, "the article in which the Constitution legislates the actions of the Church seems highly improper to me." Pope Pius XI condemned the Spanish government's deprivation of the civil liberties of Catholics in
16800-406: The regent produced no effect. During the next few months he presided over absorption into Falange rather than a fusion, bombarded with queries and protests from Carlist rank-and-file about total predomination and arrogance of camisas azules. Possibly as a result of complaints about the Falangists' lack of give and take in October 1937 Franco called up theoretically governing structure of the party,
16950-484: The region siding with the legitimists during the Third Carlist War and had to leave the country afterwards. Following the amnesty he returned to Spain and at unspecified date he married María de Arévalo y Fernandez de Navarrete (1854–1919), descendant to a Riojan - Navarrese Arévalo family. Her father, Justo Arévalo y Escudero, was a well known conservative politician; in the mid-19th century he served in
17100-441: The results were known, a group of monarchists asked Robles to lead a coup, but he refused. He did, however, ask prime minister Manuel Portela Valladares to declare a state of war before the revolutionary masses rushed into the streets. Franco also approached Valladares to propose the declaration of martial law and calling out of the army. This was not a coup attempt, but more of a "police action" akin to Asturias , as Franco believed
17250-431: The right to join the rebellion. Within hours of learning of the murder and the reaction, Franco , who until then had not been involved in the conspiracies, changed his mind on rebellion and dispatched a message to Mola to display his firm commitment. Three days later (17 July), the coup d'état began more or less as it had been planned, with an army uprising in Spanish Morocco , which then spread to several regions of
17400-436: The rule of law and that its vision of Spain was under threat, the right abandoned the parliamentary option and began to conspire as to how to best overthrow the republic, rather than taking control of it. This helped the development of the fascist-inspired Falange Española, a National party led by José Antonio Primo de Rivera , the son of the former dictator, Miguel Primo de Rivera , although it only received 0.7 percent of
17550-523: The rules of Don Javier's regency, which permitted forming factions around prospective candidates; in practice this mattered little, as Rodezno was already expulsed from the Comunión. When the new Alfonsist claimant was assembling a team of collaborators, José María Oriol travelled to meet him in Lausanne to suggest (in vain) that Rodezno is nominated the official Alfonsist representative in Spain. In
17700-595: The same city, and in 1928 taking part in Toledo celebrations following Segura's ascendance to the primate of Spain . On the more practical side, adhering to Segura's knack for social action he co-organized Acción Social Diocesana in Cáceres and gave lectures during various initiatives like Semana Social, organized by Acción Católica . Rodezno's cultural activities were strongly flavored by Carlism. In Pamplona he organized anniversary homage celebrations to veterans of
17850-557: The same time dedicating his time to family and business. A member of the Catholic aristocracy, Rodezno was active in the Sovereign Military Order of Malta and remained on good terms with Spanish hierarchy and the papal nuncio. He forged particularly good relationship with Pedro Segura , welcoming the new bishop in Cáceres , 6 years later greeting him as new archbishop of Burgos during the homage celebrations in
18000-575: The same year elected its secretario general, but when unsuccessfully running for the Cortes in the 1890s, he stood in Haro ( Logroño province ). He emerged triumphant in 4 successive elections between 1905 and 1914, voted in from the Navarrese district of Aoiz . At that time he was already member of the national Carlist executive; in 1912 he entered Junta Nacional Tradicionalista representing Castilla La Nueva , in 1913 entered comisión de Tesoro de la Tradición and chaired party gatherings interchanging with
18150-540: The sole effective leader of the Nationalist cause. This led to rumors that Franco had arranged the deaths of his two rivals, but no evidence has ever been produced to support this allegation. In 2017 the Historical Memory Law was applied by the authorities of Navarre and required that the Sanjurjo's remains be disinterred, over the objections of surviving family, and reburied in the military section of
18300-490: The structure either as a new incarnation of Unión Patriotica or as a loose alliance, both permitting Carlism to maintain its proper identity; immediately following announcement of the FET programme, largely a copy-paste from the original Falange 27 points, Rodezno visited Franco to voice his disgust; following three months he ceased to attend sittings of the FET secretariat, considering it pointless. In January 1938 Rodezno entered
18450-447: The towns that they controlled. Thirty thousand workers were mobilized for battle within ten days. In the occupied areas the rebels officially declared the proletarian revolution and abolished regular money. The revolutionary soviets set up by the miners attempted to impose order on the areas under their control, and the moderate socialist leadership of Ramón González Peña and Belarmino Tomás took measures to restrain violence. However,
18600-557: The transition from monarchy to republic. Republicans of all tendencies were committed to the Pact of San Sebastian in overthrowing the monarchy and establishing a republic. The restoration of the royal Bourbons was rejected by large sectors of the populace who vehemently opposed the King. The pact, signed by representatives of the main Republican forces, allowed a joint anti-monarchy political campaign. The 12 April 1931 municipal elections led to
18750-511: The upper chamber were more about behind-the-stage party dealings rather than about seeking popular vote, the Jaimistas managed to negotiate Rodezno's success. He was also re-elected for the successive term in 1922. His activity as recorded in the Senate archive was insignificant. One of his few interventions referred to tariffs on cork exports, the issue he was personally interested in as there
18900-582: The very north of Spain. The paternal Domínguez family has been for centuries related to the Andalusian town of Carmona ( Seville province ). Its first representatives were noted as regidores in the 18th century and intermarried with another distinguished local family, the Romeras. Their descendant was Tomás' father, Tomás Domínguez Romera (1848–1931), who inherited the local Campo de la Plata estate. He demonstrated political sympathies hardly typical for
19050-572: The votes in the election. By July 1936, the Falange had a mere 40,000 members among millions of Spaniards. The country quickly moved towards anarchy. Even the socialist Indalecio Prieto , at a party rally in Cuenca in May 1936, complained: "we have never seen so tragic a panorama or so great a collapse as in Spain at this moment. Abroad Spain is classified as insolvent. This is not the road to socialism or communism but to desperate anarchism without even
19200-670: The war and inspired Picasso's painting . It was used as a testing ground for the German Luftwaffe's Condor Legion . The Battle of the Ebro in July–November 1938 was the final desperate attempt by the Republicans to turn the tide. When this failed and Barcelona fell to the rebels in early 1939, it was clear the war was over. The remaining Republican fronts collapsed, and Madrid fell in March 1939. The Second Spanish Republic's economy
19350-452: Was "responsable de la firma de unas 50.000 penas de muerte"; according to scholars, there were some 51,000 death sentences administered during the first few years after the War; most of that time it was Esteban Bilbao holding the post of Minister of Justice. He started to replace the chaotic practice by laying the foundations of the repressive Francoist judicial system, including massive purges in
19500-433: Was also presented as a cuckoo candidate. Despite the critique, he was narrowly elected; he renewed his ticket, though also marginally, in the 1918 campaign in the same district. At that time Carlism was increasingly paralyzed by tension between its top theorist Vazquez de Mella and the claimant Don Jaime ; Domínguez was counted among supporters of the former. According to some historians he considered orthodox Carlism
19650-484: Was also suppressed and was followed by mass arrests and trials. With this rebellion against an established political legitimate authority, the Socialists showed identical repudiation of representative institutional system that anarchists had practiced. The Spanish historian Salvador de Madariaga , an Azaña supporter and an exiled vocal opponent of Francisco Franco, is the author of a sharp critical reflection against
19800-579: Was assigned to investigate corruption in the army command of Larache. He was High Commissioner of Spain in Morocco and reached the rank of lieutenant general. In 1925 he participated in the amphibious landing at Alhucemas . With the completion of the 1920 Rif War, King Alfonso XIII awarded him the Gran Cruz de Carlos III on 28 March 1931. In 1928 he was made chief of a main directorate of the Civil Guard. In 1923, Miguel Primo de Rivera came to power in
19950-469: Was carried out. Home rule was granted to Catalonia , with a local parliament and a president of its own. Soon, Azaña lost parliamentary support and President Alcalá-Zamora forced his resignation in September 1933. The subsequent 1933 election was won by the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (CEDA). However the President declined to invite its leader, Gil Robles , to form a government, fearing CEDA's monarchist sympathies. Instead, he invited
20100-616: Was cork produced on his Andalusian Carmona estate. Advent of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship suspended Rodezno's parliamentarian career. Having lost his senate mandate he abandoned politics and is not listed as active in any of the primoderiverista institutions, be it either Somatén , Unión Patriotica or any other organization. However, he did not withdraw from public life. Rodezno took part in various Christian activities, contributed to cultural initiatives, remained engaged in Carlist structures and pursued his career as author and historian, at
20250-485: Was crushed by the Spanish Navy and the Spanish Republican Army , the latter using mainly Moorish colonial troops from Spanish Morocco . In 1935, after a series of crises and corruption scandals, President Alcalá-Zamora , who had always been hostile to the government, called for new elections, instead of inviting CEDA, the party with most seats in the parliament, to form a new government. The Popular Front won
20400-581: Was established as the national anthem, and the Tricolor , with three horizontal red-yellow-purple fields, became the new flag of Spain. Under the new Constitution, all of Spain's regions had the right to autonomy . Catalonia (1932), the Basque Country (1936) and Galicia (although the Galician Statute of Autonomy could not come into effect due to the war) exercised this right, with Aragon , Andalusia and Valencia , engaged in negotiations with
20550-542: Was killed in Estoril in a plane crash, when he tried to fly back to Spain. He chose to fly in a small aircraft (The De Havilland DH.80 ) piloted by Juan Antonio Ansaldo . One of the main reasons for the crash was the heavy luggage that Sanjurjo insisted on bringing. Ansaldo had warned him that the load was too heavy, but Sanjurjo answered back: "I need to wear proper clothes as the new caudillo of Spain." Unaccountably, Sanjurjo chose to fly in Ansaldo's plane rather than
20700-594: Was known as the Sanjurjada , was proclaimed in Seville on 10 August 1932. Sanjurjo asserted that the rebellion was only against the current ministry and not against the Republic. It achieved initial success in Seville but absolute failure in Madrid. Sanjurjo attempted to flee to Portugal, but in Huelva he decided to give himself up. He was condemned to death, a sentence which was later commuted to life imprisonment in
20850-537: Was mostly agrarian, and many historians call Spain during this time a "backward nation". Major industries of the Second Spanish Republic were located in the Basque region (due to it having Europe's best high-grade non-phosphoric ore) and Catalonia. This greatly contributed to Spain's economic hardships, as their center of industry was located on the opposite side of the country from their resource reserves, resulting in immense transportation costs due to
21000-471: Was nominated its president, effectively becoming the Carlist political leader. Rodezno was acutely sensitive to threat of revolution and convinced that democracy could not contain it; he responded warmly to the mood of authoritarian nationalism, covering in his opinion a broad spectrum from fascist Mussolini regime to MacDonald’s National Government. Hostile especially to militant republican secularism and agrarian reform, he remained vehement opponent in
21150-407: Was not appointed head of any of the newly created sections, nominated to Consejo de Cultura instead. Fal initially considered Rodezno an acceptable leader and insisted on changing structures rather than people. He criticised Rodezno rather for lack of faith. Re-elected to the Cortes in 1933 and 1936 , Rodezno became chairman of the 10-men Carlist minority. He was permitted to pursue talks with
21300-526: Was not happy about Rodezno's pre-eminence and when on exile intended to send him abroad, possibly on a diplomatic mission to Vatican. Starting January 1937 he and other party bigwigs were approached by the military and the Falangists about forming a monopolist state party; the pressure started to mount later on. The Carlist leaders met 3 times to address the challenge: in Ínsua (February), in Burgos (March) and in Pamplona (April), all attended by Rodezno. He and
21450-426: Was not renewed in 1946, which suggests that at that time he had already dropped out from the Falangist executive. Auto of judge Garzón raises charges based on Rodezno's role in FET between April 20, 1937 (coincides with the day of his nomination to Secretariado) and 1951 (no daily date). Already in the 1910s Rodezno timidly advanced the idea of transferring legitimist rights to an appropriate Alfonsist candidate once
21600-411: Was referred to by the press only as "joven abogado y escritor". Domínguez's entry into politics was facilitated by memory of his late maternal grandfather and especially by standing of his father, one of the most distinguished politicians of Navarre; his position is dubbed as "cacicato" and the Aoiz district was considered his personal fiefdom. It is not known why he decided not to renew his mandate in
21750-447: Was renamed to "Plaza de la Libertad". The former Pamplona mausoleum erected during Francoism to honor the fallen requetés has been renamed to "Sala de exposiciones Conde de Rodezno" but in public it prefers to be named "Sala de exposiciónes". In 2008 Audiencia Nacional , the Spanish high tribunal, launched formal bid to acknowledge Rodezno as guilty of crimes against humanity during his tenure as Minister of Justice and afterwards, but
21900-415: Was shot by Falangist gunmen. In response, a group of Guardia de Asalto and other leftist militiamen led by Civil Guard Fernando Condés, after getting the approval of the minister of interior to illegally arrest a list of members of parliament, went to right-wing opposition leader José Calvo Sotelo 's house in the early hours of 13 July on a revenge mission. Sotelo was arrested and later shot dead in
22050-403: Was shown for pro-monarchy parties in the major cities, and large numbers of people gathered in the streets of Madrid. Asked if the government could count on the support of Sanjurjo's Civil Guard, he rejected the suggestion. King Alfonso XIII abdicated, and the Second Spanish Republic was formed. Despite Manuel Azaña 's military reforms of 1931 , Sanjurjo retained his post as the commander of
22200-542: Was that the Left Republicans identified the Republic not with democracy or constitutional law but with a specific set of left-wing policies and politicians. Any deviation, even if democratic, was seen as treasonous. The inclusion of three CEDA ministers in the government that took office on 1 October 1934 led to a country wide revolt. A " Catalan State " was proclaimed by Catalan nationalist leader Lluis Companys , but it lasted just ten hours. Despite an attempt at
22350-524: Was the form of democratic government in Spain from 1931 to 1939. The Republic was proclaimed on 14 April 1931 after the deposition of King Alfonso XIII . It was dissolved on 1 April 1939 after surrendering in the Spanish Civil War to the Nationalists led by General Francisco Franco . After the proclamation of the Republic, a provisional government was established until December 1931, at which time
22500-474: Was the last major Rodezno's initiative and little is known either about his political views or about his public activity in the very last years of his life. In 1944 he entered Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación . He remained leader of informal but very significant collaborative and pro-Juanista faction of Carlism, the movement which as a whole was rapidly disintegrating into even more branches. Though most Carlist rank-and-file remained utterly hostile to
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