The Office of National Drug Control Policy ( ONDCP ) is a component of the Executive Office of the President of the United States .
46-489: The director of the ONDCP, colloquially known as the drug czar , heads the office. "Drug czar" was a term first used in the media by Richard Nixon in 1971. In addition to running the ONDCP, the director evaluates, coordinates, and oversees both the international and domestic anti-drug efforts of executive branch agencies and ensures that such efforts sustain and complement State and local anti-drug activities. The Director advises
92-438: A .4% increase in those claiming to have used marijuana within the past 30 days, rising from 7.8% to 8.2% between 2000 and 2004. There are also evidence of pro-marijuana lagged association effects. The rate of acceleration in use was quicker at among 14- to 18-year-olds than at earlier stages of teenage years. Not only do data indicate the ineffectiveness of much anti-drug advertising, results also point to behavioral reactions in
138-537: A campaign that cost $ 1.4 billion between 1998 and 2006, did not work: "greater exposure to the campaign was associated with weaker anti-drug norms and increases in the perceptions that others use marijuana." The research company was paid $ 42.7 million for the five-year study. After the February 2005 report was received, the office continued the ad campaign, spending $ 220 million on the anti-marijuana ads in fiscal years 2005 and 2006. President Bush's goal in this campaign
184-400: A campaign that cost $ 1.4 billion between 1998 and 2006, did not work: "greater exposure to the campaign was associated with weaker anti-drug norms and increases in the perceptions that others use marijuana." The research company was paid $ 42.7 million for the five-year study. After the February 2005 report was received, the office continued the ad campaign, spending $ 220 million on
230-407: A party. Originally depicted as cool and popular, after input from the drug office, "We showed that they were losers and put them [hidden away to indulge in shamed secrecy] in a utility room. That was not in the original script." Other shows including ER , Beverly Hills, 90210 , Chicago Hope , The Drew Carey Show and 7th Heaven also put anti-drug messages into their stories. In 2000,
276-449: A perspective that is disputed by others with different viewpoints. However, ONDCP is specifically charged with the responsibility for "taking such actions as necessary to oppose any attempt to legalize the use" of certain controlled substances such as marijuana – a responsibility which logically could include the making of advocacy statements in opposition to legalization efforts. The Deputy Director's statements about marijuana are thus within
322-667: A study of ONDCP by the National Academy of Public Administration . They also ordered a Government Accountability Office study on the distribution of grants. Plus, they directed the Director to provide quarterly updates on travel expenditures, staffing levels and plans for future hirings. In 2011, the ONDCP requested funding for 98 full-time employees, 64 (65.31%) of whom would be paid at either GS-15, GS-14 , or SES pay grades, or more than $ 105,211.00 yearly, being adjusted for Washington, D.C. cost of living expenses. In 2005,
368-477: A year or admit failure, and Congress agreed to extend the campaign through 2003 while cutting funding for the ads from $ 170 million in 2002 to $ 150 million in 2003. An entirely new advertising campaign was created. In February 2005, a research company hired by the office and the National Institute on Drug Abuse reported that the government's ad campaign aimed at dissuading teens from using marijuana,
414-419: A year or admit failure, and Congress agreed to extend the campaign through 2003 while cutting funding for the ads from $ 170 million in 2002 to $ 150 million in 2003. An entirely new advertising campaign was created. In February 2005, a research company hired by the office and the National Institute on Drug Abuse reported that the government's ad campaign aimed at dissuading teens from using marijuana,
460-472: Is an informal name for the person who directs drug-control policies in various areas. The term follows the informal use of the term czar in U.S. politics. The 'drug czar' title first appeared in a 1982 news story by United Press International that reported that, "[United States] Senators ... voted 62–34 to establish a 'drug czar' who would have overall responsibility for U.S. drug policy." Since then, several ad hoc executive positions established in both
506-526: Is working, as planned, to change drug attitudes, intentions and use." In 2002, according to a multi-year study by the research firm hired by the office, teenagers exposed to federal anti-drug ads were no less likely to use drugs for having viewed them, and some young girls said they were even more likely to give drugs a try. Walters blamed poor ads that weren't resonating with teenagers. Walters promised in Senate testimony in 2002 that he would show results within
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#1732783945888552-666: The Federal Communications Commission , in response to a complaint by the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws , sent inquiries to five major television networks about these practices. The House Committee on Government Reform's Subcommittee on Criminal Justice, Drug Policy and Human Resources held hearings on the matter on July 11, 2000. In December of that year, the FCC ruled that
598-797: The Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) within the Executive Office of the President of the United States with the goal to "influence the attitudes of the public and the news media with respect to drug abuse" and of "reducing and preventing drug abuse among young people in the United States". The Media Campaign cooperates with the Partnership for a Drug-Free America and other government and non-government organizations. The Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP)
644-537: The Bush administration proposed transferring the $ 225 million High-Intensity Drug Trafficking Program from ONDCP to the Department of Justice . The program gives additional money to designated areas with chronic illicit drug problems. According to The Washington Post , "Many lawmakers oppose the transfer for fear the program would become less of a priority." By law, the drug czar must oppose any attempt to legalize
690-553: The Controlled Substances Act (21 U.S.C. 812) and take such actions as necessary to oppose any attempt to legalize the use of a substance (in any form) that – 1. is listed in schedule I of section 202 of the Controlled Substances Act (21 U.S.C. 812); and 2. has not been approved for use for medical purposes by the Food and Drug Administration; The Government Accountability Office has found that this law authorizes
736-655: The Court declared that it was "not satisfied that [the] court's intervention by way of extraordinary relief is warranted". A February 24, 2005 MPP press release announced that the group had filed similar complaints in Montana , Oregon , and Alaska , accusing the Drug Czar of failing to make legally required campaign expense disclosures: In 2005, the Government Accountability Office found that
782-505: The Drug Czar to reveal how much taxpayer money he had spent to defeat the initiative. In April 2003, the Nevada Attorney General concluded that the Drug Czar was not required to comply with Nevada's campaign finance laws. MPP filed a writ of mandamus as an appeal of the decision. The Nevada Supreme Court issued an order declaring that MPP had "set forth issues of arguable merit" in its writ; however, on August 18, 2004,
828-661: The Influence are less likely to initiate drug use." Another similar media initiative, called "Be Under Your Own Influence" ran from 2005 to 2009, which results indicate that it was effective, to a lesser extent than the Above the Influence campaign, which was running concurrently. The plausible explanation for this is that they already had been influenced by the ATI, such that the Be Under Your Own Influence campaign
874-510: The ONDCP had violated domestic propaganda and publicity prohibitions by preparing prepackaged news stories that did not disclose to television viewers that the government had produced them, had illegally spent appropriations to develop, produce and distribute the covert propaganda but use of the term "Drug Czar" in the "Video News Releases" had not constituted unlawful self-aggrandizement. ONDCP supporters such as Representatives Tom Davis and Mark Edward Souder have dismissed such criticism on
920-481: The ONDCP to disseminate information in order to oppose legalization: Finally, apart from considerations of whether any particular law has been violated, you have asked whether the Deputy Director's letter disseminated misleading information in connection with statements relating to the debate over legalization of marijuana. Clearly, the Deputy Director's statements reflect one perspective regarding marijuana –
966-477: The Obama administration devoted significant new resources to the prevention and treatment of drug abuse. These resources were complemented by an aggressive effort to enhance domestic law enforcement, interdiction, and supply control programs. New resources, $ 340 million, were added to the prevention and treatment of drug use. The programs directed by the ONDCP include: The Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988 , which created
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#17327839458881012-843: The Office of National Drug Control Policy, was the product of bi-partisan support. It was co-sponsored in the House of Representatives by parties' leaders, Tom Foley and Robert Michel , and it passed by margins of 346–11 and 87–3 in the House and Senate, respectively. Upon signing the law, Ronald Reagan said, "This bill is the product of a bipartisan effort." In September 2002, the Senate Appropriations Committee recommended that salaries and expenses at ONDCP be reduced from $ 26.6 million in fiscal 2006 to $ 11.5 million in fiscal 2007, to "more closely reflect actual performance." Committee members said they would request funding for
1058-650: The President regarding changes in the organization, management, budgeting, and personnel of federal agencies that affect U.S. anti-drug efforts; and regarding federal agency compliance with their obligations under the National Drug Control Strategy, an annual report required by law. Prior to Rahul Gupta taking office in November, 2021, the most recent director was James. W. Carroll , who took over from former director Michael Botticelli . The fiscal year 2011 National Drug Control Budget proposed by
1104-552: The United States and United Kingdom have subsequently been referred to in this manner. The Drug Commissioner of the German Federal Government has been called the nation's drug czar by the state media company Deutsche Welle . The first US Drug czar was Harry J. Anslinger who served as the first Commissioner of the Treasury Department's Federal Bureau of Narcotics from 1930 to 1962, under
1150-561: The administrations of five presidents: Hoover , Roosevelt , Truman , Eisenhower and Kennedy . Legislative efforts for marijuana prohibition under Anslinger included a push for all states to adopt similar drug laws, the Uniform State Narcotic Drug Act and the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 , which in effect criminalized the drug and set the stage for marijuana prohibition. In California, the head of
1196-402: The advertisements, and behavioral patterns in relation to marijuana use. 94% of youth (ages 12.5-18) reported exposure to at least 1 anti-drug message per month. Those sampled didn't change marijuana usage over the time period measured. Youths claiming to have used marijuana within the past year in 2000 accounted for 17.1% in 2000, and dropped as little as .4% to 16.7% in 2004. However, there was
1242-610: The anti-marijuana ads in fiscal years 2005 and 2006. According to the University of Michigan 's annual Monitoring the Future report, the number of young people using drugs in the U.S. declined by 7 percent between 2001 and 2006, though there is no evidence to suggest that government anti-drug programs that were started at the turn of the millennium helped cause this drop. While cocaine production in Colombia initially decreased with
1288-427: The appeal of marijuana, thus making people more likely to initiate use, or increase use. Youth's beliefs and behaviors were also affected by those of their older siblings. Since older brothers and sisters were more interested in using marijuana after seeing the ads, the campaign had an indirect effect on younger siblings as well. The NYADMC achieved some of its favorable effects with regard to reaching their message to
1334-484: The campaign is working, as planned, to change drug attitudes, intentions and use." In 2002, according to a multiyear study by the research firm hired by the office, teenagers exposed to federal anti-drug ads were no less likely to use drugs for having viewed them, and some young girls said they were even more likely to give drugs a try. Walters blamed poor ads that weren't resonating with teenagers. Walters promised in Senate testimony in 2002 that he would show results within
1380-512: The grounds that the ONDCP is expressly authorized by law to conduct anti-drug media campaigns. According to Susan A. Poling, managing associate general counsel at the GAO, "What is objectionable about these is the fact the viewer has no idea their tax dollars are being used to write and produce this video segment.". As early as February 2017, The New York Times had reported that the Trump administration
1426-509: The networks could increase the payments they would get. The WB network's senior vice president for broadcast standards Rick Mater admitted, "The White House did view scripts. They did sign off on them – they read scripts, yes." Running the campaign for the ONDCP was Alan Levitt, who estimated that between 1998 and 2000 the networks received nearly $ 25 million in benefits. One example was with Warner Brothers ' show, Smart Guy . The original script portrayed two young people using drugs at
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1472-686: The networks should have identified the Office of National Drug Control Policy as the sponsor of the television programs. In December 2002, the Marijuana Policy Project , filed a complaint with the Nevada Secretary of State accusing the Drug Czar John Walters of illegally campaigning against its 2002 ballot initiative to decriminalize possession of up to 3 ounces of cannabis in that state. Specifically, MPP argued that Nevada campaign finance laws required
1518-479: The notion that “‘everyone’s doing it,’” therefore heightenening the appeal of using marijuana, as a popular practice. The ads had an unintended positive impact on perceptions towards marijuana use as they portrayed benefits within the context of using marijuana. This association was strengthened with repeat exposure. Images that lead to such impressions included focusing on the "good-times" people were having while on drugs, happily socializing. These impressions heightened
1564-404: The office told a Congressional committee that its National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign "has been the most visible symbol of the federal government's commitment to drug prevention," and that the office was "investing $ 7 million a year in performance measurement to determine the effectiveness" of the campaign. The statement by said "We believe there is a strong body of evidence that indicates
1610-407: The office told a Congressional committee that its National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign "has been the most visible symbol of the federal government's commitment to drug prevention," and that the office was "investing $ 7 million a year in performance measurement to determine the effectiveness" of the campaign. The statement said "We believe there is a strong body of evidence that indicates the campaign
1656-634: The onset of Plan Colombia, the United Nations declared that in 2005, despite record levels of eradication by the U.S., coca production increased to about 330 square miles (850 km). In the spring of 1998, the ONDCP began offering additional advertising dollars to networks that embedded anti-drug messages in their programming. They developed an accounting system to decide which network shows would be valued and for how much. Receiving advance copies of scripts, they assigned financial value to each show's anti-drug message. Then they would suggest ways that
1702-598: The opposite direction, or a boomerang effect, where greater exposure to the campaign, resulted in increased use of marijuana. Of those unexposed to ads on a given month, 81% did not intend to use marijuana, That percentage decreased for youth exposed to 1-3 ads per month, to 79% and dropped to 78% among those exposed to more than 4 advertisements per month. Also measured, were attitudes such as 'anti-marijuana attitudes/beliefs' and 'anti-marijuana social norms'. Both of these index's portray declining percentages with increased exposure to ads. Anti-marijuana publicity, may have stimulated
1748-437: The parents of youth. Parent's behavior and beliefs indicate greater likeliness to engage children in fun activities, talk about drugs, and responsiveness to the idea of monitoring their children's behavior. According to the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP), the institution that administered the campaign, the next initiative was overall successful. The ONDCP's independent studies indicate that "youth exposed to Above
1794-485: The state Bureau of Medical Cannabis has been called "marijuana czar". Following statewide medical and recreational legalization, the city of Sacramento, California appointed a director of cannabis policy and enforcement, called a pot czar. In Washington State, the consultant to the Washington State Liquor and Cannabis Board determining statewide procedures and regulations following legalization
1840-435: The statutory role assigned to ONDCP. Given this role, we do not see a need to examine the accuracy of the Deputy Director's individual statements in detail. In September 2006, the office reported that the 2005 survey of 67,500 people found that 8.1 percent reported using an illicit drug in the 30 days prior to being asked about their drug use, which equates to 19.7 million people nationwide (age 12 and older). The percentage
1886-416: The use (in any form) of illicit drugs. According to the "Office of National Drug Control Policy Reauthorization Act of 1998" the director of the ONDCP (12) shall ensure that no Federal funds appropriated to the Office of National Drug Control Policy shall be expended for any study or contract relating to the legalization (for a medical use or any other use) of a substance listed in schedule I of section 202 of
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1932-625: Was "quickly dubbed 'pot czar'". A similar cannabis regulation staff position in Oregon Liquor Control Commission was also called "marijuana czar". In the UK , Keith Hellawell , former Drugs Advisor to the Labour government of Tony Blair , has been referred to as a drug czar. National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign The National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign is a current US government health education campaign by
1978-579: Was considering eliminating the office, and other programs responsible for a total of $ 2.5 billion of domestic spending. In May, the office's website was blanked and Politico and The Washington Post both reported that the office was about to be drastically defunded. Later the office's website was unblanked. The title of Director, as well as the office, was created by the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988 . The position had cabinet-level status from 1993 to 2009. Drug Czar Drug czar
2024-694: Was originally established by the National Narcotics Leadership Act of 1988 , which mandated a national anti-drug propaganda campaign for youth. These activities subsequently funded by the Treasury and General Government Appropriations Act of 1998 , formally creating the National Youth Anti-Drug Media Campaign. The Drug-Free Media Campaign Act of 1998 codified the propaganda campaign at 21 U.S.C. § 1708 . In August 2001,
2070-655: Was to reduce youth drug use by 10% over two years, and 25% over 5 years. The National Survey of Parent and Youth (NSPY) was instituted and funded by congress to monitor and assess the NYADMC's effects on youth. Even though the advertisements themselves were only as specific as to address use of marijuana, the NSPY measurements reported alcohol consumption, binge drinking, cigarette use, and use of marijuana/hashish. The assessment consisted of multiple rounds of strategic questioning between years 2000 and 2004 to determine youths exposure to
2116-510: Was up slightly compared to 2004. Youth drug use declined for the third year in a row. While the ONDCP measures their efficacy against prior use statistics within the U.S., they do not publicize how these statistics compare against other countries at the time in their communications to the press. In 2008, ONDCP reported that actual youth drug use, as measured as the percent reporting past month use, declined from 19.4% to 14.8% among middle and high school students between 2001 and 2007. In August 2001,
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