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154-545: Somali National Alliance victory [REDACTED] 1 killed 7 wounded [REDACTED] 2 wounded 6 October: 1 killed, 13 wounded Operation Gothic Serpent was a military operation conducted in Mogadishu , Somalia , by an American force code-named Task Force Ranger during the Somali Civil War in 1993. The primary objective of the operation was to capture Mohamed Farrah Aidid , leader of

308-483: A 24 August report his intention to increase the size of UNOSOM from 500 to 3,500 and deploy the extra troops in four operational zones across the country. According to Professor Stephen Hill, Sahnoun knew the announcement, "...threatened to undo all his long worked for local support, because it had been made ‘without consulting the Somali leaders and community elders," Following Ghali's decision, Sahnoun attempted to have

462-411: A 441 man special task force, named Task Force Ranger, to hunt down and capture Aidid. By this time, however, circumstances on the ground had changed significantly and Aidid was in hiding, no longer appearing publicly. On 22 August, advance forces were deployed to Somalia followed shortly after by the main force on 25 August. TF Ranger, led by Major General William F. Garrison , was under JSOC . Thus, it

616-523: A Black Hawk. The bodies of the other three journalists were mutilated and dumped in the Bakaara Market , however, armed gunmen prevented their recovery. Reuters and Associated Press personnel hired their own security to retrieve the other three bodies as the UN reportedly refused to lend aid for this. Their hired fighters fought those gunman before they could recover the bodies. A significant amount of

770-485: A cane that concealed a hidden locating beacon. Delta operators tracked his vehicle convoy via helicopter and disabled Atto's vehicle with shots to its engine block before taking him into custody. This was also the first known takedown of a moving vehicle from a helicopter. To obfuscate when exactly a mission would occur, Garrison had the 160th SOAR conduct flights with soldiers aboard multiple times per day so militia could not rely solely on seeing helicopters to know that

924-440: A cordon around the house. Helicopters participating in the raid dropped a total of 22 CS gas grenades to chase away gathering crowds of onlookers. According to a primary participant in the raid, the assault platoon then made its way from the street into the compound and into the house to search for surviving "SNA leadership" and any valuable intelligence. According to an American soldier who claims to have been present in one of

1078-617: A disarmament conference held in Addis Ababa , Ethiopia . Enactment of the agreed upon terms, however, was not so easily achieved. One powerful faction, the Somali National Alliance (SNA) led by Gen. Mohamed Farah Aidid , formed in late 1992 and had become particularly anti-UNOSOM. Major disagreements between the UN and the Somali National Alliance began soon after the establishment of UNOSOM II in March, centering on

1232-421: A doubling of attacks against UNOSOM II forces. On 8 August 1993, Somali National Alliance militia detonated a remote controlled bomb against a US Army vehicle, killing four military policemen . On 19 August, a second bomb attack injured four more soldiers. And on 22 August, a third attack occurred, injuring 6 US soldiers. In response, President Clinton approved Operation Gothic Serpent , which would deploy

1386-495: A helicopter and repeatedly volunteered to secure the crash site. After a 10th Mountain relief force from the Mogadishu airport was halted and turned back by an SNA ambush, Shughart and Gordon were finally granted permission to be inserted. They made their way to the crash site, quickly establishing a perimeter, and securing the surviving crew. The Black Hawk wreck came under heavy attack from the Somali militia, despite attempts from

1540-912: A humanitarian venture to an American-led war in Somalia. The alliance further called for a negotiated settlement to end the conflict. The four month long conflict overturned much of the re-conciliatory process that had been made since the start of the intervention. A major turning point in UNOSOM and SNA fortunes came during the 12 July 1993 'Bloody Monday' . The raid had been conducted by the American Quick Reaction Force of UNOSOM II on what UN forces alleged to be an SNA command and control center. U.S. AH-1 Cobra helicopters killed up to 70 Somali clan elders and civilians, many of whom were reportedly not associated with Aidid. The raid has been noted for turning popular sentiment firmly against

1694-530: A leading role in toppling the government in Mogadishu in January 1991. The USC would split following a clash over the leadership of the new government between Aidid and Ali Mahdi Muhamed . Reports that former President Siad Barres organization, the Somali National Front (SNF), was planning to retake Mogadishu led to the creation of a coalition consisting of four rebel groups: Aidids wing of

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1848-416: A major change in course in the mission. Substantial U.S. forces would be sent to Somalia as short term reinforcements, but all American forces would be withdrawn from the country by the end of March 1994. He would firmly defend American policy in Somalia but admitted that it had been a mistake for American forces to be drawn into the decision "to personalize the conflict" to Aidid. He would go on to reappoint

2002-783: A major engagement with the militia would note that often the most one would see of a shooter would be a barrel and a head. Colonel R.D. Hooker, Jr., the Chief of Staff of the Army Chair at the National War College , expressed the belief that the capabilities of the SNA militia, along with the civilian irregulars who fought alongside them, were underappreciated by General William F. Garrison and his special operations staff officers at Task Force Ranger. Despite appearing poorly equipped and lacking discipline by American standards, many of

2156-648: A proposed diplomatic resolution to the escalating conflict between the SNA and UNOSOM II. The 12 July operation was heavily criticized by the UNOSOM II Justice Division, Doctors Without Borders , Human Rights Watch , Amnesty International , and the Organization of African Unity . The day immediately following the 5 June 1993 attack on Pakistani forces , the UN Security Council passed Resolution 837 , calling for

2310-553: A public condemnation of the killings of civilians at the hands of UNOSOM forces. Across the West, Bloody Monday caught the most press and attention in Italy : Achille Occheto , head of Italy's Democratic Party of the Left , publicly decried the raid as an irresponsible act of war and said that Italian troops should withdraw if the mission was not exclusively humanitarian. In Germany,

2464-445: A raid was going to occur. They also varied their insertion and extraction tactics, using various permutations of ground vehicle and helicopter-based infil and exfil. At approximately 0200 on 25 September, Aidid's men shot down a Black Hawk with an RPG and killed three crew members at New Port near Mogadishu, though the two pilots, who were both injured, managed to escape and evade to reach friendly units. Pakistani and US forces secured

2618-458: A review of strategy was desperately needed. The Irish government, a participant of UNOSOM II, publicly criticized the attack and demanded answers from the UN. American envoy to Somalia, Robert B. Oakley , stated that after the raid countries such as Italy, France, and Zimbabwe , as well as other UNOSOM contingents, ceased their participation in operations against Aidid upon receiving orders from their respective governments. This decision weakened

2772-424: A staunch critic of Aidid. As the conference began, Aidid sought assistance from UNOSOM ambassador Lansana Kouyate , who proposed air transport for delegates and a 14-day accommodation. However, he was called back to New York and replaced by April Glaspie , following which UNOSOM retracted its offer. Aidid resorted to private aircraft to transport delegates. Following the aircraft incident, Aidid would publicly rebuke

2926-477: A strike on a future gathering at Abdi Qeybdiid Awale's villa began on July 7, 1993. Turkish commander of UNOSOM II forces, General Çevik Bir had privately declared on July 9, 1993, "I will kill Aidid within four days." UNOSOM command considered the planned assault as a legitimate defensive action that would weaken Aidid's influence within the Habar Gidir clan. They were also concerned about the possibility of

3080-404: A victory over the UN. After the cessation of hostilities between the SNA and UNOSOM, Acting Special Representative Lansana Kouyate (replacing Adm. Johnathan Howe ) successfully launched an initiative to normalize relations in March 1994. Numerous points of contention between the respective organizations were discussed at length and understandings were reached, facilitating the normalization of

3234-558: A villa in the Hodan district of southern Mogadishu , was well known to have been holding regular clan meetings for the Habar Gidir and became a target, as Qeybdiid was a high ranking member of the SNA, and the organization was composed in large part of members from the Habar Gidir. In the days and weeks following the commencement of military operations, UNOSOM had (via radio broadcast and propaganda leaflets dropped over Mogadishu) made

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3388-447: A withdrawal. On 6 October 1993, U.S. President Bill Clinton would personally order General Joseph P. Hoar to terminate all combat operations against Somali National Alliance , except in self defence . General Hoar would proceed to relay the stand down order to Generals William F. Garrison of Task Force Ranger and Thomas M. Montgomery of the American Quick Reaction Force . The following day on 7 October, Clinton publicly announced

3542-955: The United Somali Congress (USC), the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM), the Somali Democratic Movement (SDM) and the Somali Southern National Movement (SSNM). On 17 April 1992 the Somali National Alliances short-lived predecessor, a military coalition known as the Somali Liberation Army (SLA), was formed. Brigadier General Mohamed Farah Aidid would be elected chairman of the SLA that same day. The coalition

3696-478: The Battle of Mogadishu three months later. As part of the hunt for General Mohammed Farah Aidid after the attack on Pakistani peacekeepers on 5 June 1993, U.S. forces conducted a 17-minute raid on a villa owned by Aidid's Interior Minister, Abdi "Qeybdiid" Awale . The villa was hosting a gathering attended by high-ranking elders of the Habar Gidir and other major subclans, along with prominent members of

3850-533: The Battle of Mogadishu , on 6 October 1993, President Clinton ordered all US military forces in Somalia to cease actions against the Somali National Alliance, except in self defence. According to SNA personnel, an estimated 900 fighters had died since the war had started in June. In the wake of a high-profile incident where crowds desecrated the bodies of several US troops killed during the battle,

4004-673: The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff , was reportedly so upset he "had to screw myself off the ceiling". Missions followed on 6 September, with a raid on an old Russian compound; 14 September, when they raided the Jialiou house/police station; 17 September, with a raid on Radio Mogadishu ; 18 September, a raid on the garages of Osman Atto's (the Somali National Alliance's chief financier); and 21 September when they captured Osman Atto himself. Local intelligence assets had given Atto

4158-678: The House of Commons for attempting to unfurl a banner and shouting, "Get the American murderers out of Somalia!" In the United States, Sen. Robert C. Byrd broke with his fellow Democrats and call for the U.S. troops in Somalia to return, becoming the first US Senator to publicly do so. On July 27, 1993, Ohio Congressman Sherrod Brown introduced Resolution 227, urging the withdrawal of American forces from Somalia as soon as possible. The Pakistani and French governments strongly backed

4312-488: The Library of Congress . Somali National Alliance Following the 1991 split in the United Somali Congress (USC) between Mohamed Farah Aidid and his primary rival Ali Mahdi Muhammad and the routing of Barre's forces out of Somalia and into Kenya during 1992, a tentative military coalition that had existed between different rebel organizations would morph into the politico-military organization known as

4466-543: The Organization of African Unity (OAU) criticized the attack. In Kenya , one of the countries largest papers, The Standard , ran a headline aimed at the UN titled, Who Are the Warlords Now?, and Kenyan state-run TV and radio broadcasting announced that it was joining other nations who were calling for a review of the UN's armed policy. Seven parliamentarians from across the Kenyan political spectrum jointly made

4620-860: The SNA . The Somali National Alliance viewed the Battle of Mogadishu as a victory against the United States and UNOSOM II . The victory ensured the pullout of US and UN forces and the end to the humanitarian aid which had rescued the country from famine. Osama bin Laden , who was living in Sudan at the time, cited this operation, in particular the US withdrawal, as an example of American weakness and vulnerability to attack. [REDACTED]  This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents of

4774-589: The Somali National Alliance and called for the reunification of Somaliland with Somalia. Fighting between the two factions broke out in Hargeisa in November 1994, which the forces of President Egal would eventually win, ending Aidids aspirations of incorporating the SNM into an SNA government. In April 1995 Osman Ali Atto would announce Aidid's signature no longer represented the SNA. By June of that year Aidid

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4928-484: The Somali National Alliance who was wanted by the UNOSOM II in response to his attacks against United Nations troops. The operation took place from August to October 1993 and was led by US Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC). On 3 October 1993, the task force executed a mission to capture two of Aidid's lieutenants . The mission ultimately culminated in what became known as the Battle of Mogadishu . The battle

5082-499: The Somali Salvation Alliance (SSA) led by Aidids prime rival Ali Mahdi Muhammad and aided by the break away faction led by Osman Ali Atto , would seize control of the strategic Baledogle Airfield from SNA. Three days later on 28 July 1996, the SNA launched a counter-offensive and engaged in a four-hour battle to recapture the airfield. Following intense exchange of fire between the two sides, which involved

5236-423: The UN Security Council issued Resolution 837 , calling for the arrest and trial of those who carried out the ambush. US warplanes and UN troops began an attack on Aidid's stronghold. Aidid remained defiant, and the violence between Somalis and UN forces escalated. A significant number of Somali civilians also resented international forces following incidents such as the June 1993 UN mass shooting of protesters and

5390-517: The US Army noted that SNA forces displayed remarkable fire and movement tactics in their six to eight-man squads during engagements against UNOSOM II forces, despite their general lack of marksmanship . The SNA's full-time fighters were noted to be adept at utilizing urban concealment. Often shooting would come from building interiors or concealed rooftops in locations difficult to locate before hostile activity. An American soldier who participated in

5544-711: The United Nations on Radio Mogadishu for interference in Somali internal affairs. Aidid invited Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Somalia, Adm. Johnathan Howe to open the conference, which was refused. The differences between Aidid and the UN proved to be to great, and the conference proceeded without the United Nations participation. On the 2 June 1993 the conference between Gen. Aidid and Col. Abdullahi Yusuf successfully concluded. Admiral Howe would be invited to witness

5698-551: The United Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II) phase of the UN intervention in the Somali Civil War . Carried out by American QRF troops on behalf of UNOSOM II, the raid was the war's deadliest incident in Mogadishu to that point and a turning point in the UN operation. It inflamed anti-UN and anti-American sentiments among Somalis, galvanizing the insurgency that the US military faced during

5852-444: The "Black Sea" neighborhood in Mogadishu, the task force sent 19 aircraft, 12 vehicles, and 160 men to capture them. The two Somali lieutenants alongside 22 others were quickly captured and loaded on a convoy of ground vehicles. However, armed militiamen and civilians, some of them women and children, converged on the target area from all over the city. Shortly before the mission was to be concluded, an MH-60 Black Hawk , Super Six One ,

6006-481: The 12 July 1993 Bloody Monday raid . These events and other incidents led significant numbers of civilians, including women and children, to take up arms and actively resist US and UNOSOM II forces during fighting in Mogadishu. Following the 12 July 1993 raid carried out by the US QRF force for UNOSOM II, the conflict began sharply escalating and SNA forces began deliberately targeting American forces in Somalia for

6160-462: The 160th helicopters overhead to hold back the crowd. After losing close air support to damage from RPG-7 fire, MSG Gordon, SFC Shughart, and the surviving crew of Super 64 were overrun and killed, save for CW3 Durant who was taken hostage. Shughart and Gordon were both posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for their actions. Meanwhile, the remaining Rangers and Delta operators fought their way to

6314-565: The Abdi House raid as the fastest operation that had been conducted by UNOSOM II. The total time of the raid, from the first TOW hitting the villa to the last soldier departing on the Black Hawks, was about 17 minutes according to UN spokesman Lt. Col. David Haynes. In response to the attack, multiple foreign journalists travelled to the site to gather information and provide coverage. Several went with SNA escorts who had insisted that

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6468-524: The Aidid-led Somali National Alliance (SNA). UNOSOM II claimed that the gathering was a war council composed of hardliners taking place at an SNA command center , making it a legitimate military target , but never produced evidence to justify its claims. In contrast, Somali accounts of the raid maintain that the meeting was a peace conference in which eminent elders, SNA moderates, and civilians convened to discuss

6622-643: The Americans failed to realize that the SNA was deliberately executing a military philosophy of attrition to achieve victory in spite of significant losses, much like the North Vietnamese guerrillas. He would further note that Vietnam and the UNOSOM conflict reflected strikingly similar kill ratios. Helicopter gunships used during the conflict, especially the AH-1 Cobra and AH-6 Little Bird , would inflict heavy losses on SNA forces. Following

6776-542: The French Embassy. Also among those killed were civilians who were not directly participating in the conference such as multiple women who had been serving tea for gathering, children who had happened to be playing in the villa's courtyard, and nearby pedestrians who had been hit by stray 20mm rounds. Aidid was not present at the meeting. At 10:23am, one minute after the Cobras had stopped their assault on

6930-497: The Italian contingent secretly negotiating a unilateral agreement with Aidid, which could inadvertently bolster his popular support. Unlike in previous raids, Çevik Bir, his deputy US Lieutenant General Thomas M. Montgomery , and other coalition military leaders decided, after weeks of agonizing, not to issue any warnings prior to the attack. The purpose of this was twofold: first it would, in theory, enable them to fully decapitate

7084-524: The Lig Ligato house. There, they captured 9 individuals along with weapons, drugs, communications gear, and other equipment. They were highly embarrassed, however, when it was found out that the prisoners they had taken were actually UN employees. Regardless of the fact that the employees were in a restricted area and were found with weapons and drugs, the incident was ridiculed in the media. Colin Powell ,

7238-457: The SLA on 29 April 1992. According to the SLA, over 500 of Barres troops were taken as prisoners of war and then turned over to the Red Cross. On 14 May 1992, the SLA seized the strategically important southern port city of Kismayo , and three days later former President Barre would flee to Nigeria . Early on in June 1992 the coalition would publicly announce that it would never accept

7392-448: The SNA also committed its forces to numerous sustained engagements with UN forces during the conflict. According to historian Stephen Biddle , "...for conventional armies, sustained firefights are expected; for guerrillas , they are not. Yet the SNA did sustain such firefights." He furthers notes that among the most notable of these sustained engagements in Mogadishu were: Significantly outgunned by UNOSOM II and Task Force Ranger ,

7546-756: The SNA and Ali Mahdi's Somali Salvation Alliance (SSA). The accord would collapse following Ethiopian pressure on the SSA to pull out of the agreement after signing. During reconciliation talks among Somali leaders in Kenya in December 2001, it was agreed that the Somali National Alliance would be folded into the Transitional National Government (TNG). The TNG proposed to the Transitional National Assembly that

7700-503: The SNA and UNOSOM II would engage in a four month long war until the 3-4 October 1993 Battle of Mogadishu . The 5 June clash would result in the deaths of 25 Pakistani army peacekeepers and consequently would result in the passing of UNSCR 837 by the United Nations Security Council the following day. Directly naming the SNA, the resolution called for the arrest and punishment of those responsible for

7854-554: The SNA from the Iranian government. He would return to Somalia that same month with two aircraft loaded with Iranian weaponry and equipment, most notably twenty-three shoulder-fired anti-aircraft weapons . Abdi House raid The Bloody Monday raid ( Somali: Isniinta Dhiigii), also known as the Abdi House raid or Operation Michigan , was a US military operation that took place in Mogadishu on 12 July 1993, during

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8008-513: The SNA had been previously composed of, and supported by Rahanweyn groups, they withdrew support following an invasion of Rahanweyn territory by the SNA. In May 1996, Huddur in the Bakool Region would fall to SNA forces. The next month on 6 April the RRA drove out the SNA, claiming to have killed 3 at the loss of 2 of their own soldiers in the fight to retake the town. On 25 July 1996,

8162-464: The SNA issued a public appeal on 7 October. Despite the "wanton destruction and suffering beyond human comprehension" inflicted by US and UN forces, the alliance urged respect towards the deceased, injured, and prisoners of war; in accordance with Islamic principles. SNA official Professor Mohamed Siad Issa would remark in an interview with Dutch newspaper Algemeen Dagblad , "With regard to the dead pilot, we regret what happened. We are against desecrating

8316-477: The SNA on 10 August 1992, but his ability to impose decisions on the organization was limited, as a council of elders held decision-making power for most significant issues. Osman Ali Atto would serve as the chief financier of the SNA. Following the organizations creation, Aidid would strive to add the Isaaq based Somali National Movement (SNM) and Darod based Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF) to

8470-476: The SNA's deliberate use of human shields to test the UN peacekeepers' rules of engagement , had made the force's commanders wary and lowered the bar for acceptable risk to civilians during military operations. Sebastian Kaempf, a Senior Lecturer at the University of Queensland 's Political Science department, argued that by not issuing a warning, UNOSOM II leadership had concluded that military necessity and

8624-484: The SNA. But UNOSOM efforts to capture Aidid in the month following the passing of Resolution 837 would repeatedly end in failure. The planned surprise attack was both unique and historic, in that it was the first attack where the target would be Somalis instead of weapon caches or other structures and is referred to by Washington Post reporter Keith B. Richburg as, "the UN's first ever officially authorized assassination". Abdi "Qeybdiid" Awale's residence,

8778-518: The SNA. If this goal were to be achieved, it would leave his prime rival Ali Mahdi as the only major remaining holdout to a unified national government. Aidid would later claim that the SNA was the only faction in Somalia that had, "...risen above clan and local loyalties." Estimates of the strength of the SNA forces in Somalia ranged from around 5,000 to 10,000, with presumably 1,500 deployed in Mogadishu according to historian Stephen Biddle . Estimates of SNA numerical strength are complicated due to

8932-641: The SNA. It was believed that both nations had decided to help establish a Somali government with Aidid as president. In 1994 the SNA would suffer its first serious fracture when chief financier Osman Ali Atto and SNA forces loyal to him would break with the Aidid to ally with Ali Mahdi's SSA. That same year, the Somali National Movement (SNM) also suffered a serious fracture between President Ibrahim Egal of Somaliland and his predecessor Abdirahman Ahmed Ali Tuur . Tuur had allied himself with

9086-624: The SNA. The alliance would include Aidid's breakaway wing of the USC , the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM), the Somali Southern National Movement (SSNM) and Somali Democratic Movement (SDM). The organization professed the goal of working toward forming a national reconciliation government and an eventual multi-party democracy . The SNA would ultimately become the core of the Somalia Reconciliation and Restoration Council (SRRC), formed in 2001, which would be incorporated into

9240-586: The SNF ousted the SNA forces in Kismayo led by Col. Omar Jess. On 7 May 1993, three days after UNOSOM II took control of Kismayo from UNITAF , the SNA made an attempt to retake the city. During the assault the Belgian peacekeepers stationed in the town intervened, considering the assault to take Kismayo an attack on their positions and consequently repelled the SNA forces. The fall of Kismayo to Gen. Morgan infuriated

9394-506: The Somali National Alliance. To the SNA the incident was viewed as blatant U.N. partiality, as UNITAF had failed to prevent Morgan from seizing the city and UNOSOM had then fought SNA forces who had tried to retake it. In early May, Gen. Aidid and Col. Abdullahi Yusuf of the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF) agreed to convene a peace conference for central Somalia. In light of recent conflict between

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9548-434: The Somali public. Biddle notes that on account of this, the SNA had little difficulty rallying and mobilizing public support to confront UNOSOM II and US forces. In September 1993, the major Arab newspaper Al-Hayat reported that numerous Islamic factions had joined the fight alongside the SNA after having initially distanced themselves from the war. According to Al-Hayat , independent sources in Mogadishu had confirmed that

9702-588: The Somalis, the rescue convoy broke through and extracted the besieged forces. The mission's objective of capturing Aidid's associates was accomplished, but the battle turned out to be the most difficult close combat that US troops had engaged in since the Vietnam War . In the end, four MH-60 Black Hawks were shot down by SNA forces with two crashing in hostile territory. 18 Americans were killed and 85–97 wounded along with dozens of UNOSOM troops. In total,

9856-583: The UN Secretary-General Mohammed Sahnoun successfully persuaded Aidid to enlarge the UN deployment. On 12 August, the Somali National Alliance signed an agreement allowing for the deployment of another 500 UN peacekeepers. However, as part of that agreement Sahnoun promised Aidid that any further deployments would require the consent of SNA leadership. To the surprise of both the SNA and UN Special Representative Mohammed Sahnoun , Secretary-General Boutros Ghali announced in

10010-422: The UN, the raid was carried out based on information that meetings would be held at the center and that the militia leaders would likely attend. UNOSOM officials further claimed that: The exact target of the operation is disputed, as UN officials later claimed Aidid rarely attended the meetings and was not the target. Some of the American helicopter pilots involved in the raid claimed that Aidid had actually been

10164-418: The US forces would suffer an estimated 70% casualty rate from the battle. Two days after the battle's end, a Somali mortar strike on their compound killed one Delta Force operator and injured another 12–13 members of TF Ranger. Somali casualties were estimated to be 314 killed and 812 wounded (including civilians), though figures greatly vary. The American public, outraged at the losses sustained, demanded

10318-409: The addition of civilian volunteers or other part-time combatants who supplemented SNA forces in battles, particularly against UNOSOM II . The most probable count of full-time SNA fighters across the country was likely less than 5,000. Soon after its formation the organization was considered to be one of the most powerful factions involved in the Somali Civil War . Most of the SNA's military leadership

10472-498: The alliance and was given a six month mandate. At the time the organization was noted to be the most powerful faction in the country. By 1994 the two principal factions contending for power in southern Somalia were the SNA and Ali Mahdi's Somali Salvation Alliance (SSA), also known as the 'Group of 12'. An October 1994 Central Intelligence Agency report assessed that the governments of both Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia and Isaias Afwerki in Eritrea had decided to arm and support

10626-473: The alliance announced that they were creating a "joint administrative body" to make security arrangements in order to reduce banditry and that they further rejected recent proposals to send 500 UN troops to Somalia. Instead they appealed to the UN to aid the creation of a 6,000 man strong police service to maintain security and Aidid would announce that he agreed with the deployment of 40 UN military observers to Mogadishu. By August 1992, Special Representative of

10780-409: The area and were able to evacuate the casualties. The helicopter and crew were from 9th Battalion, 101st Aviation Regiment and 2nd Battalion, 25th Aviation Regiment , and not part of the Task Force Ranger mission, but the helicopter's destruction was still a huge psychological victory for the SNA. On the afternoon of 3 October 1993, informed that two lieutenants of Aidid's clan were at a residence in

10934-581: The arrest of those responsible for the death of the peacekeepers. Though General Mohammed Farah Aidid was not directly named in Resolution 837, his political organization, the Somali National Alliance was blamed; subsequent investigation concluded that the SNA was most likely behind the attack. This marked the beginning of a new phase of escalating tit for tat violence that began with retaliatory AC-130 strikes on SNA sites and attempts to capture Aidid. These were met with response ambushes , mortar attacks , and assassinations of Somali UNOSOM II employees by

11088-424: The attack claimed 73 people, who could be named, were killed and 200 were wounded, which UNOSOM officials denied. Italian press reports reported 70 deaths, while Irish press reported up to 80. Mark Bowden noted that every eyewitness he interviewed placed the number of dead at 70 or more and that former ambassador and U.S. special envoy to Somalia Robert B. Oakley accepted this figure. Many of those killed in

11242-431: The attack, effectively creating a state of war between the SNA and UNOSOM II. General Mohamed Farah Aidid, as the leader of the SNA, emerged as a focal target. A manhunt, initiated by UNOSOM and later reinforced by US special forces, was launched to apprehend Aidid. However, he successfully managed to evade capture. On 4 July 1993 the SNA demanded a UNOSOM withdrawal, asserting that the mission's mandate had shifted from

11396-403: The city of Merca had been participating in the meeting and was killed. According to Mark Bradbury, "The killing of these people prevented an early resolution to the conflict." Several of the notable figures killed were: According to historian and Somali expert John Drysdale (who lost a close Somali friend in the attack) the majority of those killed were crushed by falling rubble as the villa

11550-412: The civil war and turn the Somalis against the entire UN peacekeeping force. Fabio Fabbri , then Italian defence minister, remarked that the decision to launch an attack that resulted in the killings of Somalis was opposed both by the Italian public and parliament. A Pakistani officer in Mogadishu noted that the clash between the Americans and Italians was destroying the cohesion of UNOSOM II, and that

11704-400: The clear distinction that it was not the enemy of the Habar Gidir clan, but only wanted to capture Aidid. Following the raid, in late July Under Secretary for Political Affairs Peter Tarnoff reiterated in a statement before a U.S. Senate committee that UNOSOM had no dispute with Habar Gidir and that the clan would remain in negotiations on political reconciliation. Detailed planning for

11858-469: The compound, identifying targets and destroying them with thermite grenades. They would leave on the last departing helicopter, with one survivor of the attack captive. In total, only two survivors were taken prisoner. The UN account, detailed in the Blue Book , claims that it took nine minutes for troops to clear the area, search the villa, and depart, all while leaving earlier than expected, marking

12012-473: The conference: "Everybody was interested in stopping the fighting, to open a dialogue. It was in the interest of all." The conference to discuss Howe's peace initiative included high-ranking elders, intellectuals, businessmen, former judges, military officers, representatives of women's organizations, and other notable clansmen of the Habar Gidir clan. Representatives and notable figures of other Somali clans were present such as the: Abdi Qeybdiid's villa

12166-532: The contrary, the Somali people have the right to self-determination. He went on to appeal to the U.S. Congress and people to stop Clinton killing the Somali people and opposing their unity and wishes, which is damaging the image of the American people, of human rights , and the cooperation between the Somali and American peoples. He called on them to work towards settling the matter peacefully and justly - transcript of SNA broadcast 2nd of September 1993 Brig. General Ed Wheeler and Lt. Colonel Craig Roberts from

12320-497: The dead and injured at two large hospitals in Mogadishu. According to Washington Post correspondent Keith Richburg , the actual casualty count was possibly higher as only two medical facilities in the entire city were canvassed, and since many Somalis follow the Islamic tradition of burying the dead immediately . Africa Rights Watch asserted the evidence pointed to a death toll exceeding 54. Somali witness and SNA accounts of

12474-439: The dead but we cannot stem the wrath of the people which has been caused by the appearance of UNOSOM." The next month on 16 November 1993, the United Nations Security Council instructed Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali to "suspend arrest actions" and announced the release of all SNA prisoners of war . The following day Mohamed Farah Aidid announced that the decision had proved that the Somali National Alliance had achieved

12628-495: The death of photographer Hansi Krauss at the hands of the mob that had formed after the 12 July raid along with reports of Somali civilians being killed by U.S. helicopters shocked many German citizens, leading to significant debate in the nations press over the UN's and Germany's role in Somalia. The Social Democrats in Germany pushed against Chancellor Helmut Kohl’s offer to send a contingent of 1,600 German soldiers to Somalia,

12782-413: The deployment of foreign troops on Somali soil, but welcomed and requested humanitarian aid. Following the defeat of Siad Barre's forces, on 16 June 1992 the SLA was phased out and the politico-military organization known as the Somali National Alliance was founded by the same four rebel groups of the SLA in the town of Bardere . The Somali Liberation Army would instead morph into the military wing of

12936-444: The deployment postponed until he could renegotiate with the SNA, which UN headquarters refused. The large scale international military intervention in late 1992 mobilized nationalist opposition to foreign troops in Somalia, which contributed to a significant growth of support for the SNA, which loudly decried perceived U.N. colonial practices. Major disagreements between the UN and the Somali National Alliance began soon after

13090-429: The escalation was indicative that relief role of UNOSOM II had been overtaken by an American-led campaign against Mohammed Farah Aidid . The head of the UNOSOM II Justice Division criticized the raid in a memo to head of UNOSOM Admiral Johnathan Howe . The Italians, who had ruled Somalia as a colonial territory for half a century, believed that the unprecedented attack against the Habar Gidir threatened to widen

13244-585: The establishment of UNOSOM II, centering on the perceived true nature of the operations political mandate. In May 1993, relations between the SNA and UNOSOM would rapidly deteriorate following two significant events. During the March Addis Ababa conference , the Somali National Front smuggled weapons into strategic port city of Kismayo . Although the city was nominally controlled by the SNA and UNITAF forces, Gen. Hersi Morgan of

13398-479: The fifth was able to escape despite multiple gunshot wounds. The fourth, Dan Eldon , was able to momentarily break away from the mob and ran. A Black Hawk from the American QRF spotted him but was allegedly ordered to stand down and not intervene, possibly due to the rules of engagement which prevented engagement unless they or other UN individuals were directly threatened. Eldon's body was later recovered by

13552-429: The fighters had accrued years of combat experience while also demonstrating both determination and courage in numerous engagements with UNOSOM II well before the Battle of Mogadishu . SNA militia were widely observed to have significant shortcomings in small-arms marksmanship , weak fire discipline, and poor heavy weapons maintenance. SNA ambushes on convoys were noted to be frequently initiated with premature fire at

13706-441: The first crash site. Repeated attempts by the Somalis to overrun US positions were beaten back with heavy small arms fire accompanied by fierce close air support from helicopters. US gunships constantly engaged hostile forces throughout the night, eventually expending nearly 80,000 rounds of ammunition. Consequently the helicopters have been credited with saving US forces from being overrun. A rescue convoy nearly 70 vehicles long

13860-590: The first overseas deployment since the Second World War, and further called for it to be entirely withdrawn. The day following the raid former British Prime Minister Edward Heath criticized the UN, claiming that the emphasis on military operations was costing innocent lives and fuelling hatred for the West. At the American embassy in London , England saw protests and a group of people were arrested in

14014-502: The first time in Somalia there has been a killing under the flag of humanitarianism." In the view of Patrick Vial, a Doctors Without Borders France Coordinator in Somalia, the operation was particularly appalling because it targeted a building where a meeting of representatives of civil society was taking place. He further maintained that the discussions taking place were aimed at addressing the conflict and potentially pressuring Aideed into ending his standoff with UN forces. The day after,

14168-410: The first time. According to US special envoy to Somalia Robert B. Oakley , "Before July 12th, the US would have been attacked only because of association with the UN, but the US was never singled out until after July 12th." For the remainder of July firefights between the SNA and UNOSOM began occurring almost daily. The SNA would put out a bounty for any American soldier or UN personnel killed, leading to

14322-499: The former U.S. Special Envoy for Somalia Robert B. Oakley to signal the administrations return to focusing on political reconciliation. The stand down order given to U.S. forces in Somalia led other UNOSOM II contingents to effectively avoid any confrontation with the SNA. This led to the majority of UNOSOM patrols in Mogadishu to cease and numerous checkpoints in SNA controlled territory to be abandoned. On 9 October 1993, Special Envoy Robert B. Oakley arrived in Mogadishu to obtain

14476-605: The informant. Numerous relief agencies, human rights organizations and journalists in Somalia publicly decried the attack, and in Mogadishu UNOSOM II command was delivered copies of the Geneva Convention , specifically in relation to attacks on civilians and proportional retaliation. Human Rights Watch remarked that the attack "to the casual observer looked like mass murder ." Rony Brauman , then president of Doctors Without Borders commented: "For

14630-721: The international press on the incident was primarily focused on the deaths of the four journalists— Dan Eldon , Hos Maina, Hansi Kraus, and Anthony Macharia–with less attention paid to the UN attack that had preceded it. Because of the killings, most western news organizations completely withdrew from Somalia which greatly contributed to the lack of any substantial press during the Battle of Mogadishu on 3–4 October 1993. By 17 July 1993, The New York Times , The Washington Post , Los Angeles Times , ABC News , and NBC News had all withdrawn their correspondents from Somalia. UNOSOM commanders initially claimed that only 7 Somalis had been killed, all men and all combatants. This number

14784-526: The internationally recognized Transitional National Government in 2002. During the mid to late 1980s various insurgencies of growing intensity would begin opposing the regime of Siad Barre that had ruled Somalia since 1969. Human rights abuses and atrocities by the regime during events such as the Mogadishu riots of July 1989 inflamed insurgency. Formed in 1987, the United Somali Congress (USC) led by Gen. Mohamed Farah Aidid , played

14938-406: The intervention the SNA would repeatedly utilize anti- colonial , anti-imperialist and anti-American rhetoric in publications, statements and radio broadcasts: Chairman Mohamed Farah Aidid called on the Somali people never to accept the colonialist device of divide-and-rule being applied by the United States and UNOSOM to divide the Somali people and realize their imperialist ambitions. On

15092-542: The intervention to the extent where, "...even forces loyal to Ali Mahdi began to display open contempt for UNOSOM II ." Following the raid the conflict escalated and by mid-July firefights between UNOSOM forces and SNA militia were occurring almost daily. The SNA's strategy towards UNOSOM was primarily coercive as it lacked the ability to eliminate the heavily armed foreign presence. Consequently militia forces never seriously attempted to overrun UN bases or severe their supply lines. The chosen method to confront UNOSOM II

15246-399: The journalists see the carnage unhindered so they could tell the world. On arriving at the site, the enraged mob that had gathered turned on the journalists; five were enveloped by the crowd and separated from their colleagues and the escorts who, sensing the danger, evacuated the remaining journalists from the area. Of the five journalists, four were shot, stabbed, and bludgeoned to death while

15400-510: The killing of American troops in Mogadishu with a remote control bomb in August 1993, the deployment of 'Task Force Ranger' under Operation Gothic Serpent was authorized by US President Bill Clinton to capture or kill Gen. Mohamed Farah Aidid and associated leadership within the SNA. The heavy-handed methods used in June and July by UNOSOM II , along with the commencement of Ranger and Delta raids within Mogadishu in August, alienated much of

15554-429: The lead UN vehicle, alerting the rest of the column to the attack before entering the kill zone . Significant amounts of SNA heavy weapons and armoured vehicles seized by the UN were discovered to be inoperable or in poor condition due to substandard maintenance and lack of parts. While SNA militia did engage in guerrilla warfare against US/UN forces (short-duration firefights, hit and run tactics, ambushes , etc.),

15708-460: The leadership of the SNA; second, it would reduce the risk of friendly casualties. The first reason was pragmatic in nature and based on past experiences where cordons had failed and key SNA targets had slipped away. The second reason was partly pragmatic and partly political. As head of UNOSOM II, retired US Adm Johnathan Howe could have overruled the military, but chose not to as heavier casualties sustained from recent firefights, partly due to

15862-503: The majority of night military operations were being organized by an assortment of Somali Islamic groups present in the city during 1993. A major Somali Islamist militant organization, Al-Itihaad al-Islamiya , also began participating in the insurgency against UN forces in this period. Aidid did not publicly take direct credit for these night operations as the SNA generally did not participate, but reportedly made efforts to appear that he had directed them for propaganda purposes. During

16016-448: The meeting taking place, as his authority in both the SNA and Habar Gidir was now being held in serious question. According to Black Hawk Down author Mark Bowden : "...[a]ll leaders and elders of Habr Gidr clan [were present], most of whom were opposed to the military posture that Aideed was taking against the UN. The meeting was about forcing Aideed to comply with UNOSOM II". In an interview with journalists, Abdi Qeybdiid remarked on

16170-411: The military to join the UN in a joint operation known as Operation Restore Hope , with the primary mission of restoring order in Somalia. The country had collapsed into civil war in 1991 and the following year a severe famine , induced by the fighting, broke out. Over the next several months, the situation deteriorated. During the early months of 1993, all the parties involved in the civil war agreed to

16324-668: The militia resorted to innovative tactics that exposed US military weaknesses which were later heavily exploited by the Iraqi insurgency . Somali National Alliance tactics during the conflict inspired the Ba'athist paramilitary force Fedayeen and the Iraqi Republican Guard (especially regarding the use of technicals ). SNA tactics during the conflict would reportedly also inspire the strategy and tactics various other Middle East state and non-state actors . Two days after

16478-470: The morning of July 12, 1993, Operation Michigan was commenced by the 10th Mountain Division and Task Force Safari air units of the American Quick Reaction Force (QRF) in Mogadishu under the provisions of UN Resolution 837 . For at least a week before the raid, US Army Special Forces had staked out the compound, surveilling Aidid and other members of the SNA come and go. The QRF had been on standby for

16632-404: The most respected and best-educated of the Habar Gidir clan. The first TOW broke through the second story wall, flew past Qeybdiid's face and exploded. A survivor recounted that the first missile had torn a hole in the wall and revealed the mass of encircling helicopters that appeared to be almost at eye level over the city. The Habar Gidir's most senior elder, Sheik Haji Mohamed Iman Aden, who

16786-489: The most senior member of the Habar Gidir clan, and former Deputy Prime Minister Abdiqasim Salad Hassan , met with US Admiral Johnathan Howe , the special representative of the UN Secretary-General in Somalia. Howe had requested that they search for a peaceful resolution to the ongoing war between the SNA and UNOSOM II. UNOSOM considered Sheikh Haji Mohamed Iman Aden a moderate alternative to Aidid. Under

16940-405: The mounting pressure of the UNOSOM hunt, six representatives of the different sub clans within the SNA met and agreed to enter into a political dialogue with UNOSOM on 11 July 1993. At the meeting, headed by Abdiqasim Salad Hassan (later President of Somalia in 2000), a decision was also made to completely untangle the Habar Gidir clan from politics and leave political national issues to the SNA. It

17094-466: The newly founded SNA. Primary clan composition of the SNA: The SNA was the first major inter-clan and inter-factional political alliance of the Somali Civil War . The organization professed the aim of working toward forming a national reconciliation government and an eventual multi-party democracy. Mohammed Farah Aidid would be elected to serve as the first chairman and nominal leader of

17248-468: The nominal leader of the Somali National Alliance, but his ability to make decisions for the organization was limited. A council of elders held decision-making power for most significant issues, and elections were held that threatened his leadership. The elder councils moved forward via consensus decision-making after a period of extensive deliberations and discussion. On July 9, 1993, a handful of prominent Somalis, including Sheikh Haji Mohamed Iman Aden,

17402-433: The number of cabinet members and parliamentarians be increased to make way for a broader-based government and on 20 January 2002, the assembly would pass the motion. Beginning in 1993, the SNA would receive foreign diplomatic and material support from various African and Middle East states such as: In early January 1995 Abdirahman Agaweyne, an SNA representative, reportedly travelled abroad in order to solicit support for

17556-524: The past few days and was prepared to launch the operation on just a five minutes notice. Earlier that morning, the US State Department issued a warning that the CIA had received a memo revealing a plan by the SNA to launch a large scale attack on United Nations officials in Mogadishu , possibly giving American commanders a plausible reason to launch the assault. In the aftermath of the raid, it

17710-456: The patrolling Black Hawks during the raid, after entering the building US soldiers radioed that the raid was not effective and that the targets from the asset list were not present. Hussein Sanjeeh, a survivor of the airstrike, provided an eyewitness account stating that American troops stormed the property, killing 15 survivors with pistol shots to the head as they shouted while sweeping through

17864-517: The peace agreement, but again declined. The Galkacyo peace accord successfully ended large scale conflict in the Galgadud and Mudug regions of Somalia. The contention between the Somali National Alliance and UNOSOM from this point forward would begin to manifest in anti-UNOSOM propaganda broadcast from SNA controlled Radio Mogadishu . Following the 5 June 1993 attack on the Pakistanis ,

18018-507: The perceived risk of US casualties had overruled concerns for Somali civilians. The White House directly signed off on permission for the operation, but it is disputed if President Clinton knew if Somalis were being directly targeted when he did. The raid was directed by the deputy commander of UNOSOM II, Lt. Gen. Montgomery, who was seated in one of the AH-1 Cobras participating in the strike. Gen. Mohammed Farah Aidid served as

18172-402: The perceived true nature of the operation's political mandate. By May 1993, relations between the SNA and UNOSOM would rapidly deteriorate. On 5 June 1993, one of the deadliest attacks on UN forces in Somalia occurred when 24 Pakistani soldiers were ambushed and killed in an SNA controlled area of Mogadishu . Any hope of a peaceful resolution of the conflict quickly vanished. The next day,

18326-428: The raid and Pakistan's Foreign Ministry argued that without the American air strikes there would be chaos in the country . The attack exposed deep rifts and dissension amongst coalition nations contributing troops to UNOSOM II , such as Ireland , Kuwait , Saudi Arabia and Zimbabwe , but most notably from the Italian contingent, who threatened to pull out of the whole operation a few days later citing concerns that

18480-659: The raid from a Somali cameraman showing the conference room covered in "shattered limbs protruding through the rubble", but it was deemed too disturbing and gruesome to show to the public on air. Reporter Keith Richburg noted that the video recorded of the attack showed women among the dead. Multiple children and numerous women had been killed in the missile strike, with one of the deceased confirmed to be pregnant. According to Somali journalist Abdulqadir Aroma, fourteen women (two pregnant) and ten children had been killed. Days later, UNOSOM dropped leaflets over Mogadishu proclaiming, "The SNA said women and children were killed, but that

18634-601: The region carried out by the Somali National Front prompted many Rahanweyn communities to begin joining the SNA during 1992. According to SNA accounts of the final clashes, SNF forces outnumbered the Somali Liberation Army coalition over six times, but were ambushed and encircled when they left their base in Baidoa and came within 50km from Mogadishu. Following the defeat, Barres forces were routed into southern Somalia until they were pushed out into Kenya by

18788-412: The relationship between the UN and the SNA. That same year the UNOSOM forces began withdrawing, completing the process by 1995. The withdrawal of UNOSOM forces weakened Aidids prominence within the SNA, as the war had served to unify the alliance around a common foreign enemy. In January 1994, Aidid was re-elected as chairman by an SNA congress in Mogadishu attended by 200 high ranking officials of

18942-532: The release of Black Hawk pilot Michael Durant . Three months later all SNA prisoners in U.N. custody were released including Aidid's lieutenants Omar Salad Elmi and Mohamed Hassan Awale, who had been the targets of the 3 October raid. US Secretary of Defense Les Aspin resigned his post late in 1993. He was specifically blamed for denying the US Army permission to have its own armor units in place in Somalia, units which might have been able to break through to

19096-416: The release of captured troops and to consolidate a ceasefire with the Somali National Alliance . Oakley and General Anthony Zinni would both engage in direct negotiations with representatives of the SNA. It was made clear that the manhunt was over, but that no conditions put forward by the SNA would be accepted for the release of prisoners of war . On 14 October, Aidid announced in a brief appearance on CNN

19250-432: The room. He tried to move forward but his way was blocked by bodies, a bloody pile of men and parts of men a meter high...Those who survived the first blast were feeling along the wall, groping for the door when the second missile had exploded. The air was thick with dark smoke and smelled of powder, blood, and burned flesh. Farah found the stairs, stood, and had taken one step down when a third missile exploded, disintegrating

19404-427: The second floor of the villa where the conference was taking place, then specifically targeted the building's stairwells to block any escape routes and finally aimed for the roof in an attempt to crush the occupants. "Our orders were to destroy the conference room on the second floor where everybody was supposed to be meeting, then we were to destroy the staircase in the back of the house so no one could get away...I

19558-407: The staircase. He tumbled to the first floor. He sat up stunned, and felt himself for broken bones and wet spots...There was another explosion above him. Then another and another. Those who escaped the initial attack had to jump from the second story of the building onto the ground. Collateral damage occurred when a single TOW missile and multiple 20 mm rounds missed the villa and struck near

19712-415: The strike were vocal supporters of reconciliation and negotiations with UNOSOM. In his research for Black Hawk Down , Bowden discovered that numerous interviewees, encompassing non-Somali aid workers, asserted that many of those killed in the attack were well-respected Habar Gidir moderates who had opposed Aidid. Doctors Without Borders claimed that one of their high ranking Somali administrators for

19866-438: The task force occupied an old hangar and construction trailers under primitive conditions, without access to potable water . Only days after arriving, on 28 August, Somali militia launched a mortar attack on the hangar at 19:27 which injured four Rangers. These mortar attacks became a regular occurrence but rarely caused any further significant injuries. The task force launched its first raid at 03:09 on 30 August, hitting

20020-446: The trapped soldiers earlier in the battle. US political leaders had, at the time, felt the presence of tanks would taint the peacekeeping image of the mission. Clinton expressed surprise that the Battle of Mogadishu had even occurred, and later claimed that he had decided on a diplomatic solution before the incident. Despite his apparent reservations there had been no direct orders previously given to TF Ranger to halt operations against

20174-508: The two, the initiative was seen a major step towards halting the Somali Civil War . Gen. Aidid , having initiated the talks with Col. Yusuf, considered himself the conference chair, setting the agenda. Beginning 9 May, elder delegations from their respective clans, Habr Gidr and Majerteen , met. While Aidid and Yusuf aimed for a central Somalia-focused conference, they clashed with UNOSOM, which aimed to include other regions and replace Aidid's chairmanship with ex-President Abdullah Osman ,

20328-538: The use RPG-7's , machine guns , and anti-aircraft missiles, the SNA successfully regained control of the base. After the death of Gen. Mohammed Farah Aidid in 1996, his son, Hussein Mohamed Farah Aidid , was elected by an 80-member SNA cabinet and leadership council at Villa Somalia . Following Aidid's death, in 1997 the Cairo Accord was signed by major Somali factions, most notably between

20482-446: The villa, three of the waiting Black Hawk helicopters, carrying 53 men, landed in the vicinity of the decimated building. One of the Black Hawks, containing the support platoon tasked with covering the assault platoon, landed on the roof of the nearby French Embassy, which provided a vantage point over the villa. The two other Black Hawks, landed on the street in front of the meeting and troops from them quickly streamed out and set up

20636-449: The villa, wearing an arranged set of clothing as a signal to begin the attack. Seconds later, following visual confirmation of the signal and without any warning, six AH-1 Cobras and four OH-58 Kiowas launched a total of sixteen TOW missiles and 2,200 rounds of 20 mm caliber cannon fire into the building for a total of six to eight minutes. The AH-1 Cobras launched the TOWs into

20790-487: The villa. This account was firmly denied by American commanders. One helicopter pilot reported that the troops on the ground had engaged in sporadic gunfights with some of the survivors; the operation was filmed from one of the helicopters but was not released. A Reuters correspondent who witnessed the ground assault claimed to hear heavy automatic fire coming from inside the compound. Before departing, U.S. sappers from Charlie Company, 41st Engineer Battalion, moved through

20944-509: The violence between the SNA and UN forces. A CIA informant inside the clan passed intelligence that a meeting was to take place and that present among the gathered would be some of those who had part taken in the June 5, 1993, attack . Aidid was allegedly tipped off that something would happen to the conference a few hours prior, by his own intelligence network or by the Italian element of UNOSOM II, who were allegedly sympathetic to him. On

21098-418: Was a gathering of an SNA war council at a major command and control center, and that the operation was a tactical success. Amnesty International directly disputed UNOSOM's assertion, stating that there was no evidence that the villa was either a command center or a legitimate military target . Human Rights Watch also criticized UNOSOM for producing little evidence to justify its claims. According to

21252-437: Was also agreed that a twenty-five member Supreme Council would be created in order to keep the clan united and an election for it was scheduled to take place on July 15, 1993. Howe's request for dialogue and the need to explain the developments of Abdiqasim Salad's 11 July 1993 meeting to the other members of the Habar Gidir, prompted the unusually high profile Monday 12 July 1993, gathering. Aidid reportedly disapproved of

21406-436: Was blown apart. Drysdale , serving as an advisor to UNOSOM II at the time of raid, noted that it would have been impossible for American troops to have been able to get a proper count of the dead and injured as they were incapable of reaching the second floor of the villa, where the meeting had been taking place, since the stairs had been totally destroyed in the minutes preceding the ground raid. CNN had received footage of

21560-538: Was coercive pain infliction; by killing UN soldiers, the SNA aimed to impose cumulative costs on the UN, which would eventually compel a withdrawal. US Army Brig. General Ed Wheeler noted that during the conflict Gen. Aidid (a graduate of Russia's Frunze Military Academy ) would lecture his subordinate officers about the lessons of the Tet Offensive during the Vietnam War . In the view former professor of strategic studies and NSC director Jonathan Stevenson,

21714-405: Was created with the express goal of preventing Barre from retaking the capital and to further push the last remnants of his troops out of Somalia. Fierce back and forth fighting between SLA forces (led by General Aidid) and SNF forces loyal to President Barre in the fertile inter-riverine areas of southern Somalia would consequently result in the devastating 1992 famine . Looting of grain stores in

21868-449: Was discovered that the CIA report had been incorrect. Following confirmation of the codeword Michigan , an armada of 17 helicopters took off from Mogadishu International Airport and surrounded the villa within minutes. Around 10:18 a CIA informant walked out of the meeting to the main gate of the compound, in full view of the waiting attack helicopters that had just begun encircling

22022-466: Was extremely bloody and the task force inflicted significant casualties on Somali militia forces, while suffering heavy losses themselves. The Malaysian , Pakistani , and conventional US Army troops under UNOSOM II which aided in TF Ranger's extraction suffered losses as well, though not as heavy. The intensity of the battle prompted the effective termination of the operation on 6 October 1993. This

22176-693: Was flying security for battle position one and my job was to wax anybody if they tried to leave the compound, or if they came outside and tried to shoot at us. Then I was supposed to destroy the front gate of the compound so that the infantry could get in" . Chief Warrant Officer Christopher Roben Moments before the TOWs hit the villa, Abdi Qeybdiid had just begun addressing the crowd of approximately 80 to 100 Somalis that had gathered. Present among them were prominent sheikhs , former judges, famous poets, professors, engineers, military officers, representatives of women's organizations and intellectuals who represented

22330-521: Was followed by the withdrawal of TF Ranger later in October 1993, and then the complete exit of American troops in early 1994. The repercussions of this encounter substantially influenced American foreign policy, culminating in the discontinuation of the UNOSOM II by March 1995. At the time, the Battle of Mogadishu was the most intense, bloodiest single firefight involving US troops since Vietnam. In December 1992, US President George H. W. Bush ordered

22484-480: Was later revised to 13 and then 20 as the body count rose at Bandair Hospital through the remainder of the day. Scott Peterson , who was present on the scene of the attack, claims that the raid was far deadlier than US and UN officials acknowledged. According to the International Committee of the Red Cross , there were 54 Somalis killed and 161 wounded, though this was based on a survey of

22638-460: Was made up of former Somali National Army personnel, many of whom possessed combat experience. Militia troops were primarily equipped with light infantry weaponry, like the AK-47 assault rifle . Experienced fighters supplemented the main forces with RPG-7 rocket-propelled grenade launchers , sniper rifles , mortars , land mines , recoilless rifles and machine guns . In late July 1992

22792-405: Was not under UN command or the command of US General Thomas M. Montgomery , the deputy commander of UNOSOM II forces as well as commander of US forces in Somalia. Instead, Garrison and TF Ranger received orders directly from CENTCOM . The force consisted of: The task force had intelligence support from a joint effort between CIA officers and Intelligence Support Activity . In Mogadishu,

22946-425: Was organized and bolstered by hundreds of UNOSOM II forces, including the 19th Battalion, Royal Malay Regiment (Mech); Pakistani 15 FF Regiment and a squadron of M48 Pattons from 19th Lancers ; and US Army 2nd Battalion, 14th Infantry , 10th Mountain Division (which included elements of 1st Battalion, 87th Infantry ; 41st Engineer Battalion; and 2nd Battalion, 25th Aviation) . After hours of heavy combat with

23100-418: Was over 90 years old, was instantly killed in the first TOW missile volley along with other elders, as they were all directly sitting against the walls of the conference room. What Farah saw and heard was a flash of light and a violent crack. He stood and took one step forward and heard the whooosh! of a second missile. There was another flash and explosion. He was thrown to the floor. Thick smoke filled

23254-528: Was pure propaganda." Former National Security Adviser to the Clinton Administration in July 1993, Anthony Lake , remarked in a 1998 interview with Bowden, that the raid "was not specifically designed to kill people." The reason for the meeting, how many people were killed and even the very inhabitants of the house at the time is disputed by UNOSOM officials who claimed that the conference

23408-484: Was removed from chairmanship of the alliance during a vote conducted by the SNA congress, to be replaced by Atto . In response, later that same month Aidid would declare himself President of Somalia prompting a joint statement from Ali Mahdi and Osman Atto condemning his declarations. Around this period the SNA would find itself enter conflict with the Rahanweyn Resistance Army (RRA). Though

23562-440: Was selected for the talks, as it possessed a large carpeted conference room on the second floor capable of holding a gathering of over a hundred people. The meeting had been publicized in Mogadishu's newspapers as a peace conference the day before and an American war correspondent in Mogadishu who was a witness of the raid, Scott Peterson , corroborated the Somali account that a group of elders had gathered to discuss to how to end

23716-515: Was shot down by SNA forces using a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG). Both of the pilots were killed on impact, but the crew survived the crash landing. Shortly afterward, another Black Hawk helicopter, Super Six Four , was shot down by an RPG fired from the ground. No rescue team was immediately available, and the small surviving crew, including one of the pilots, Michael Durant , couldn't move. Two Delta snipers, Master Sergeant Gary Gordon and Sergeant First Class Randy Shughart , provided cover from

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