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175-835: The Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) functioned as the political-executive organ of the party and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia when the party congress and the Central Committee were adjourned. The presidency underwent several name changes; it was known as the Executive Committee from 1919 to 1921, the Political Bureau ( Politburo ) from 1921 to 1952,

350-533: A fixed formula of branch representation. Each republic was to be represented by 20 members in the LCY Central Committee, of which 19 were elected and one member, the president of the presidency of the republican branch in question, serving ex officio . The party branches in the autonomous provinces and in the army were represented by 15 members, of which 14 were elected, and one served ex officio . Combined, this would total 165 members. Additionally,

525-426: A minimum number of representatives to the session. Despite this, a majority of LCY Central Committee members attended the session, with the army, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, Serbia and Vojvodina branches sending representatives, and with some representatives of Croatia and Macedonia showing up despite the positioning of their branches. However, during the session, representatives from Bosnia-Herzegovina staged

700-522: A new office of Chairman of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee. In cooperation with the LCY secretary and members of the presidency, the new office would work under the LCY president's instructions. Preparation and scheduling of meetings of the presidency were the chairman's responsibility. In the absence of the LCY president, the chairman presided over the presidency's meetings. When the LCY president

875-583: A new position, the Chairman of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee, in which the officeholder was limited to a one-year term in office. Later, at the 2nd Session of the Central Committee of the 11th Congress on 19 December 1978, the presidency adopted the " Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Working Method of the Central Committee " to institute and protect collective leadership. The rules of procedure were adopted unanimously and stated that

1050-474: A pluralist society. How to define pluralism was, however, controversial and Macedonian Milan Pančevski , the president of the LCY Presidency, argued, "The LCY finds unacceptable the thesis according to which the essence and form of political pluralism are reduced to a classic multiparty system alone" and that pluralism had to "be based on socialist orientation and the federal structure." Ciril Ribičič ,

1225-452: A prescribed number of representatives in the LCY Presidency, negotiated with each other to formulate and set federal policies. When Tito was alive, a centralising figure could lead such work but the system became more decentralised following his death in 1980. Despite its decentralised nature, this system was still deemed to be in line with democratic centralism . At the 12th LCY Congress , Stane Dolanc criticised those who wanted to return to

1400-407: A presidency session for the body to make a decision. If problems had to be urgently discussed and the necessary number of members were unavailable, the presidency could make decisions if more than half of its members were present. For a decision to be valid, the members present had to produce a simple majority for the discussed proposal to go into force. The LCY President was the exception to this rule;

1575-518: A proposal to be sent to the 9th Congress for its own self-abolition and replacement with a conference. At the same session, the Commission for Cadre Policy of the LCY Central Committee proposed the abolition of the existing proportional representation formula approved by the 5th Session and institute equal representation of all republican branches in the presidency. It also proposed a change to method of elections of presidency members. According to

1750-511: A republic, an autonomous province or the LCY organisation in the YPA . While holding the formal title of Secretary or Executive Secretary of the Presidency, none of the secretaries were members of the presidency but rather ordinary members of the LCY Central Committee. The executive secretaries were accountable to the LCY secretary, whom the presidency held accountable for all of the secretaries' work. Before

1925-410: A republican branch were unable to attend a session of the presidency, their opinions were required before the decision would become effective. The member could approve the decision on behalf of the non-participating members if at least one representative from a republican branch were present. According to Article 32, if the LCY president summoned a session of the presidency, the officeholder could restrict

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2100-435: A resolution which demanded a vote of confidence on Stipe Šuvar (which he survived), the president of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee, and the convocation of an extraordinary congress. While controversial, the LCY statute stated that if one LCY branch called for an extraordinary congress, the LCY Central Committee had to convene it. The 13th Central Committee's 20th Session, held on 19 April 1989, formally approved

2275-557: A series of political reforms that would replace consensus with majority decision-making the infighting was brought into the open. At the end of the session, he criticised Andrej Marinc , an ex officio member and the president of the Presidency of the Slovenian Central Committee , of rejecting reforms because they were "unconstitutional". Marinc argued that the reforms Marković outlined might strengthen

2450-465: A special commission of the LCY Presidency while other presidency members were to be nominated and elected by a special commission of the LCY Central Committee. Since Tito's death, central committee sessions were characterised by infighting, but this was never made public (despite certain rumours). However, beginning with the 14th Session of the Central Committee of the 12th Congress , held on 16 October 1984, when Serb member Dragoslav Marković proposed

2625-696: A walkout. The 32nd Session of the Central Committee of the 13th Congress, held on 23 May, formally called for reconvening the 14th Congress on 26 May. It also decided to elect the acting president of the LCY Presidency Miomir Grbović , from Montenegro, as congress coordinator. The 14th Congress concluded by electing a provisional leadership , the Committee for the Preparation of the Congress of Democratic and Programmatic Renewal of

2800-424: A week, and its responsibilities were broad and it quickly became overwhelmed with work, making it difficult for its members to centralise power. Following the 9th Congress, a report analysing the reorganisation stated the LCY was reduced to an alliance of republican and provincial organisations, and the presidency was reduced to a series of meetings of mutual information and consultation with no obligations to implement

2975-526: Is the unanimity of a decision". The need for consensus had become a cultural phenomenon. The Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Activity of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, which were adopted in 1969, stated a simple majority could adopt some decisions while more important decisions required a two-thirds majority. On 19 October 1978, the presidency adopted the Rules of Procedure on

3150-400: The 12th LCY Central Committee would have. Each LC republican branch had an equal number of representatives in the LCY Central Committee, each LC branch of an autonomous province had an equal number of representatives, and the Organisation of the LCY with the YPA also had a fixed number of representatives. The presidents of the republican branches, the autonomous branches and the Organisation of

3325-604: The Croatian Spring , a political conflict between the LCY and LC Croatia in which the former called for more autonomy for the Socialist Republic of Croatia within Yugoslavia. The executive bureau was reduced from fifteen to eight members. Each member was given different responsibilities and while the branches elected members, they were not supposed to be held accountable to them. The office of Secretary of

3500-417: The Executive Committee from 1952 to 1966 and the Presidency from 1966 until the adjournment of the 14th Congress in 1990. Foreign observers often referred to the presidency as the presidium. Until 1966, the LCY was a unitary organisation in which the central party leadership alone controlled cadre appointments and national policy. At the apex of this system was the presidency. This system was reformed after

3675-582: The Federal Secretary of People's Defence . The last three presidents of the Federal Executive Council Milka Planinc , Branko Mikulić and Ante Marković were not members of the LCY presidency. Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia Until 1966, the LCY was a unitary organisation in which the central party leadership controlled cadre appointments and national policy alone through

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3850-471: The League of Communists Organisation in the Yugoslav People's Army had one ex officio member. In this system, Tito, the LCY leader from 1939 to his death on 4 May 1980 , was the only member of the central committee who was not elected to represent a constitutive branch of the LCY, and was an ex officio member through holding the office of president of the LCY Central Committee. Upon his death,

4025-406: The League of Communists of Montenegro (LC Montenegro) each with six members; and the League of Communists of Kosovo (LC Kosovo) and the League of Communists of Vojvodina (LC Vojvodina) had one representative each. It was also made clear the presidency and the executive committee were accountable to the sessions of the LCY Central Committee. According to Todorović, many commission members feared

4200-493: The President of the LCY Central Committee , no members had the right to make decisions on behalf of the presidency between its sessions. Article 32 of the rules of procedure state: If, between two sessions of the [presidency], certain decisions are made at a restricted meeting in accordance with the statutory rights of the LCY president, the chairman, that is, the secretary of the [presidency], will orally or in writing inform

4375-555: The Serbian Central Committee , "to take over the [LCY] and subsequently the state." Milošević's goal, according to Jović, was introducing a system of one member, one vote at the congress and putting an end to the system of decentralised republican control of the LCY. However, this was greeted by the Slovenian branch, led by Milan Kučan , as threatening the principle of national affirmation and autonomy. However,

4550-403: The Socialist Republic of Slovenia . The Croatian and Macedonian branches mirrored the Slovenian changes and added "Party of Democratic Change" to their names while arguing in favour of turning the LCY into a confederal party. When the LCY Presidency tried to convene the LCY Central Committee on 30 March for its 31st Session, it failed to muster a quorum , which was defined as each branch sending

4725-616: The Statute of the Soviet Communist Party ". Like its Soviet counterpart, the Yugoslav party centralised most decision-making at the expense of lower-level organs. The 6th Congress, held on 2–7 November 1952, amended the statute. These amendments weakened the central committee. The statute of the 5th Congress had bestowed on the central committee the right to appoint and dismiss party organisers in special areas. This right

4900-612: The Vice President of Yugoslavia and the head of the State Security Administration , for allegedly bugging Tito's bedroom. In a bid to reform the party structure, the fifth session established the Commission for the Reorganisation and Further Development of the LCY (CRFD–LCY), headed by Mijalko Todorović and composed of 40-members, to recommend party organisational reform. The main problem

5075-473: The fall of communism in 1989 in most of Eastern Europe, as well as heightened conflict within the LCY on ethnic lines, the LCY split at its 14th Congress , held on 20–22 January 1990. The congress was adjourned and did not reconvene before May 1990; in the meantime, the LCs Macedonia, Slovenia and Croatia had left the LCY. On 26 May 1990, the 14th LCY Congress elected a Committee for the Preparation of

5250-450: The 11th Session of the Central Committee of the 13th LCY Congress , held on 7–8 December 1987, decided to convene the congress, but no date was fixed, but it was preliminary convened for late March. It was the 13th Session of the LCY Central Committee, which convened on 28 February 1988, that scheduled the conference to convene in May. The political-executive organ of the LCY Central Committee

5425-450: The 12th LCY Congress prescribed the presidency would consist of 23 members. LCY presidency members were nominated by the LC branch they represented; for example, a Macedonian member of the presidency was nominated by the party congress of the League of Communists of Macedonia and later formally elected by the LCY Central Committee. Despite this arrangement, these members were not accountable to

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5600-471: The 13th Congress comprised 127 newcomers and 38 reelected individuals. Despite these changes, the lack of unity remained. In a bid to solve this crisis, the 11th Session of the 13th Central Committee, held on 7–8 December 1987, decided to convene the LCY Conference , which was heralded as an "emergency meeting" by the official press. The Serbian Branch demanded to convene an extraordinary congress if

5775-419: The 14th Congress opted not to re-elect the presidency and the central committee, and instead elected a provisional leadership named the Committee for the Preparation of the Congress of Democratic and Programmatic Renewal of the LCY Central Committee . This committee was tasked with convening the 15th LCY Congress and renewing the party organisation. It failed in its task and the committee―the last federal organ of

5950-425: The 14th extraordinary congress of the LCY has ended, and the LCY, in the form which it had up to the congress, has ceased to exist" and that the Slovenian branch would hereafter act as "an independent political organisation with its own membership, programme and statute". The Slovenian communist party changed its name to "League of Communists of Slovenia–Party of Democratic Renewal" and introduced liberal democracy in

6125-410: The 1982 statute, presidency members could serve for only two consecutive electoral terms, and only in exceptional circumstances could be elected for a third consecutive term. Beginning with the reforms of the 5th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress on 4 October 1966, some members favoured a reduction of the LCY's direct interference in government affairs. On 16 May 1967, the government

6300-466: The 1st Conference failed to solve the acute problems facing the LCY. Despite adopting clear policies and the republican branches consenting to them at the conference, they were not implemented by the republican branches. Considering this failure, renewed calls were made for convening an extraordinary congress. The 19th Provincial Conference of the Vojvodina branch, held on 19–21 January 1989, adopted

6475-407: The 20th Session stopped some of Milošević's plans. According to the party statute, the initiator of an extraordinary congress had the right to draft the main congress documents and agenda, which in this instance would have meant giving the pro-Milošević Vojvodina branch chief responsibility for organising the congress. The twentieth session opted instead to adopt ordinary congress procedures, which made

6650-477: The 21st Session of the LCY Central Committee decided to convene the 12th LCY Congress in June 1982. It also adopted an electoral regulation which described how delegates were to be nominated and elected. Later, on 9 April 1982, at the 26th Session of the LCY Central Committee, it adopted the congress agenda and the exact date for the convocation (26–29 June). It also had the right to convene extraordinary congresses of

6825-451: The 6th Congress in 1952 lasted until the 5th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress on 4 October 1966. On 1 July 1966, at the 4th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress, the LCY purged Tito's presumed successor Aleksandar Ranković, the Vice President of Yugoslavia and the head of the State Security Administration , for allegedly bugging Tito's bedroom. To reduce the over-centralisation of power in key individuals,

7000-445: The 8th LCY Congress for passing a statute he described as "a half-way measure" which contained "a fair amount of compromise solutions". The institutional framework established at the 8th Congress lasted until the 5th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress on 4 October 1966. Earlier, at the 4th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress on 1 July 1966, the LCY had purged Tito's presumed heir apparent Ranković,

7175-511: The 9th LCY Congress, which was held from 11 to 15 March 1969, in which every republic was equally represented. In this new system, the autonomous provinces of Serbia were given representation in the presidency to represent their own provincial interests rather than those exclusive to Serbia. Each republican LC branch had two representatives in the presidency and one ex officio member , while each autonomous provincial LC branch had one representative and one ex officio member. The LCY Organisation in

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7350-668: The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which was abbreviated to Politburo. The LCY leadership, including its politburo, was dismissed by the Communist International in April 1928, and a new politburo was elected following the 4th Congress , which was held from 3 to 15 November 1928. The most powerful politburo members concurrently served as members of the Secretariat and collectively held

7525-556: The Central Committee through reorganisation". Critiques of Ranković claimed that he had created a machine within the LCY Central Committee that was neither accountable to the sessions of the central committee nor its executive committee. Ranković defended himself, saying that he barred the other secretaries from discussing issues outside their scope of responsibilities. Others, such as the Montenegrin LCY Central Committee member Budislav Šoškić , criticised

7700-414: The Central Committee's policies if these goals were to be reached. The resolution also amended, informally, the LCY statute section on democratic centralism. This change emphasised the "equal responsibility" of the branches to formulate and implement the LCY's unified policies. The committees of the republican and autonomous provincial committees were from the nineteenth session onwards to report regularly on

7875-523: The Democratic and Programmatic Renewal to function as a provisional leadership with the task of convening the 15th LCY Congress. The congress was never convened, and the committee itself―the last federal organ of the LCY―dissolved itself on 22 January 1991. The 5th Congress , held on 21–28 July 1948, amended the party statute . According to Ranković, the statute adopted "was by and large a copy of

8050-583: The Executive Bureau of the LCY Presidency" was established to strengthen the bureau's ability to implement its decisions. The 10th Congress , which was held from 27 to 30 May 1974, formalised these changes by amending the party statute. The congress abolished the conference, re-established the LCY Central Committee and renamed the executive bureau the Executive Committee of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee. All twelve members of

8225-418: The LCY Central Committee to function as a provisional leadership with the task of convening the 15th LCY Congress, which was never convened. The committee, the last federal organ of the LCY, dissolved itself on 22 January 1991. The presidency represented the LCY domestically and abroad. It was chiefly responsible for organising and implementing the LCY Central Committee's work and programmes. Decision-making in

8400-544: The LCY Central Committee , headed by Montenegrin Miroslav Ivanović and tasked with convening the 15th LCY Congress. However, at the 12th Extraordinary Congress of the Serbian branch on 16–17 July, the Serbian leadership adopted a resolution that stated that the LCY "no longer exists" and stopped supporting the committee's work. With all branches eventually opposing its work, the committee—the last federal organ of

8575-418: The LCY Central Committee and the presidency after consulting with the secretary and individual members. According to scholar Slobodan Stanković , these stipulations were intended to ensure the president and secretary supervised each other and that the presidency supervised them. The secretaries of the LCY Central Committee had different roles throughout the LCY's existence. Until 1966, the secretaries dominated

8750-469: The LCY Central Committee president also served as ex officio , bringing the membership to 166. From then on, the republican parties were equally represented in the LCY Central Committee. Dane Ćuić , the President of the Presidency of the Committee of the League of Communists Organisation in the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), explained the system the following way, "The Leagues of Communists of

8925-466: The LCY Central Committee the chief congress organiser. The Presidency of the Slovenian Central Committee reacted on 20 June by convening a session of its Central Committee do discuss whether to convene an extraordinary congress of its own if the Slovenian branch was outvoted at the upcoming LCY extraordinary congress. The Slovenian extraordinary congress was to "decide either for a unilateral cancellation of compliance with democratic centralism or for

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9100-420: The LCY Central Committee the right to expel people from the party who acted against party policy. At the 13th Congress , held on 25–28 June 1986, the LCY admitted that there existed a "crisis of unity" and that it "challenged the very foundations of the communist revolution." The party statute was amended to strengthen the powers of the LCY Central Committee and its presidency. The Central Committee elected at

9275-443: The LCY Central Committee was the highest decision-making body of the LCY between the two congresses. Its responsibilities regarding the realisation of congressional decisions and political positions were clarified. It also made clear that all LCY Central Committee members were responsible for the work and decisions of the central committee and not any other body except the party congress. The intention of these reforms were to strengthen

9450-431: The LCY Central Committee's suggestions for reorganisation but before the meeting, Tito had arranged an informal meeting with the republican leaders to discuss the possibility of re-centralisation. Tito informed the congress "we arrived at the mutual view that it is necessary that we strengthen the centre of the leadership of the League of Communists, and particularly the Executive Bureau". The new executive bureau consisted of

9625-463: The LCY Central Committee, seeking approval for its action at the subsequent session. The presidency's work and activities were accountable to the LCY Central Committee. The president, secretary, and members of the presidency were accountable to both the presidency and the LCY Central Committee. The presidency was regulated by the Statute of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia , the Rules of Procedure on

9800-500: The LCY Central Committee. The LCY Central Committee had the right to set up commissions and other working bodies to examine specific problems, draft proposals, or perform certain tasks. In conformity with the provisions of the party statute, candidates for membership of the LCY Central Committee were nominated by communal conferences and other corresponding conferences, applying a democratic procedure based on uniform criteria. Nominees for LCY Central Committee membership were decided by

9975-498: The LCY Central Committee. The Commission on Statury Questions, the Supervisory Commission and the LCY Central Committee commissions also had the right to convene sessions of the LCY Central Committee. The LCY Presidency president opened the sessions of the LCY Central Committee. The session's work was directed by the working presidency, composed of the presidency president, the presidency secretary and three members of

10150-482: The LCY Central Committee; its main tasks would be "to ensure that the decisions and conclusions of the LCY [Central Committee] are implemented". From 20 to 22 January 1990, the LCY convened its 14th Congress. Following the 1989 fall of communism in most of Eastern Europe and in the context of heightened conflict within the LCY on ethnic lines, the Slovene delegation left the congress on 22 January. LC Croatia supported

10325-487: The LCY Committee in the Yugoslav People's Army and all party organisations, the LCY Central Committee would initiate and direct all ideological and political activities. A major emphasis was placed on the fact that the LCY Central Committee had the right to guide the party's international worker movement policies and to initiate cooperation with foreign movements and parties. The LCY Presidency was required to implement

10500-491: The LCY Congress were complied with. As long as it adhered to the limits set by the LCY Congress, the LCY Central Committee had the right to develop a political platform as well as adopt political viewpoints on significant issues, such as the development of the political system and international relations, as defined by the long-term and ideological and political tasks adopted by the party congress for those areas for which it

10675-680: The LCY Congress. While answerable to the congress, it was supervised by the Commission on Statutory Questions (CSQ) and the Supervisory Commission (SC). The LCY Central Committee had to assess questions and suggestions formulated by the CSQ and the SC. Representatives of the CSQ and the SC had the right to take part in any sessions of the LCY Central Committee, specifically, those sessions that discussed topics that one or both of these organs were tasked with supervising. The LCY Central Committee

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10850-571: The LCY Presidency's jurisdiction. It also had the right to elect, among its own membership, delegations to, and the Presidency of, the Federal Conference of the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia (SAWPY). Additionally, it was assigned the responsibility of dispatching delegations or permanent representatives of the LCY Central Committee to other forums, organs, or socio-political organisations within or outside

11025-555: The LCY became even more decentralised. With no centralising figure, the LCY became an amalgamation of its branches. Several republican branches opposed the appointment of Dragoslav Marković to the presidency but acquiesced "since it was the business of the Serbian Party". During the 1981 protests in Kosovo , several officials said they first learnt about the crisis through the newspaper rather than through official LCY channels. In

11200-455: The LCY began questioning the Soviet model and its suitability for Yugoslavia. The LCY began to stealthily move towards more democracy and the decentralisation of socio-political life. This trend was first confirmed at the 5th Session of the Central Committee of the 5th Congress on 27 May 1952, and later that year at the 6th Congress , which was held from 3 to 7 November. The congress changed

11375-404: The LCY either at its own initiative or at the request of a congress of an LC republican branch or at the request of a conference of an LC autonomous branch. Similarly to the ordinary congress, the LCY Central Committee was tasked with approving the convocation of the congress at least three months before its opening after consultation with central and lower-level committees. The LCY Central Committee

11550-458: The LCY on ethnic lines, the LCY split at its 14th Congress, which was held on 20–22 January 1990. The Congress was adjourned and did not reconvene before May 1990; during the interval, the constituent Leagues in Macedonia, Slovenia and Croatia had left the LCY. On 26 May 1990, the 14th LCY Congress elected the Committee for the Preparation of the Congress of Democratic and Programmatic Renewal of

11725-424: The LCY party leader until the adjournment of the 14th LCY Congress on 26 May 1990. Unlike the LCY president, the presidency president could serve only a one-year term and could not nominate members to the presidency; this authority was delegated to an internal commission of the presidency. These changes were designated as temporary and were formally adopted at the 12th Congress on 26 to 29 June 1982. Without Tito,

11900-416: The LCY presidency was abolished and replaced by the office of president of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee. The officeholders had the right to convene the LCY Central Committee for sessions. The post-Tito system of collective leadership succeeded in spreading power, but it was widely argued that these reforms weakened the federal party organs at the expense of the organs of the LCY's branches. With

12075-439: The LCY president, two members from each republic and one from each autonomous province, and the presidency was expanded to 52 members. Only members of the presidency were eligible to serve in the executive bureau. Some officials, such as Krste Crvenkovski , voiced fears the new organ would re-centralise too much power in their hands; according to Crvenkovski, "in Macedonia, as in other republics, there were certain reservations about

12250-414: The LCY statute, such as a redefinition of democratic centralism, also strengthened the central party leadership's authority. New lines stated central party organs, which included the presidency, were "the unified political leadership of the entire League of Communists of Yugoslavia", and that each member of the presidency had equal responsibility for the implementation of central party policies. The presidency

12425-494: The LCY within the YPA were ex officio members of the LCY Central Committee. Changes in the composition of the LCY Central Committee due to changes in the ex officio presidents were ratified by the first convened LCY Central Committee session after the fact. While the LCY Statute stipulated that the party congress had to be convened every fourth year, the LCY Central Committee was tasked with convening it. A decision to convene

12600-455: The LCY within the YPA. During an electoral term, the LCY Central Committee could not adopt compositional changes that surpassed more than one-third of the presidency's total membership. The presidency was headed by the " President of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee " in collaboration with the " Secretary of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee ". Statute of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia The Statute regulated

12775-548: The LCY. In September that year, Tito responded by stating neither of these proposals would be debated. At the 5th Session, the CRFD–LCY proposed abolishing the office of LCY general secretary and replacing it with a President of the LCY Central Committee. On their recommendation, the Executive Committee and the Secretariat were abolished and replaced with two new bodies, the presidency and a new executive committee. The presidency

12950-572: The LCY—dissolved itself on 22 January 1991 and transferred all its funds and property to the League of Communists – Movement for Yugoslavia . The LCY Central Committee was the Party's highest decision-making body when the LCY Congress was adjourned. It was answerable to the party congress. Individual central committee members were accountable for their work to both the LCY Central Committee and

13125-485: The LCY―self-dissolved on 22 January 1991. When the party congress and the LCY Central Committee were adjourned, the presidency acted as the highest decision-making institution in the LCY and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia . The presidency represented the party domestically and abroad. This organ was initially headed by the leader of the LCY Central Committee, which was abolished in 1980. From 1980 until

13300-404: The League of Communists of Yugoslavia. There were no term limits for the LCY president, but the chairman, and later president of the presidency, had a one-year term limit, while the secretary had a two-year term limit. As originally conceived, the chairman was to preside over sessions of the presidency when the LCY president was prevented from doing so. In conjunction with the presidency secretary,

13475-512: The Organisation and Activity of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia from 1969 to 1978, and the Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Working Method of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia from 1978 until its dissolution. The presidency acted as the LCY Central Committee's political-executive organ and it worked according to the party congress' political guidelines and conclusions, and

13650-469: The Organisation and Working Method of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia to regulate the presidency's "organisation and method of work". The 1978 rules of procedure were based on the LCY Statute's Article 85 and contained 69 articles. The document stipulates the presidency "is a collective, democratic, and political body in which all members have equal rights and responsibilities for its entire work in all areas of its activities". Except for

13825-530: The SAWPY per the procedures outlined in the state constitutions or the statute of the respective organisation. The LCY Presidency president convened the LCY Central Committee at his initiative or at the proposal of either the LCY Presidency, the central committee of a socialist republic, the provincial committee of an autonomous province, the Committee of the Organisation of the LCY within the YPA or by members of

14000-459: The Slovenes and left as well. The congress went into recess on 22 January and reconvened on 26 May. In the interim, LC Slovena, LC Croatia, and LC Macedonia had left the LCY. Several members of the presidency also left but some, such as president Milan Pančevski , who refused to leave office before his term ended, remained despite the decision of their republican branch. When reconvening on 26 May,

14175-565: The Tito–Stalin split, the commission proposed to institute a fixed system of representation in the presidency and the executive committee. In the presidency, the League of Communists of Serbia (LC Serbia) and the League of Communists of Croatia (LC Croatia) were each represented by nine members; the League of Communists of Slovenia (LC Slovenia) and the League of Communists of Bosnia-Herzegovina (LC Bosnia-Herzegovina) each with seven members; League of Communists of Macedonia (LC Macedonia) and

14350-413: The YPA and taking measures it saw fit; these actions had to be reported to the LCY Central Committee. The presidency could appoint officials to serve in the Committee of the LCY organisation in the YPA , the highest body of that party organisation. A session of the presidency could be convened by both its internal officeholders such as the LCY president, individual members and executive secretaries, and at

14525-402: The Yugoslav People's Army had one ex officio member. In this system, Tito, the LCY leader from 1939 to his death on 4 May 1980 , was the only member of the presidency who was not elected to represent a constitutive branch of the LCY, and was an ex officio member through his office of president of the LCY Central Committee . Upon his death, the LCY presidency was abolished and replaced with

14700-544: The Yugoslav People's Army had one ex officio member. The ex officio members were leaders of the LC branch in question. For example, the ex officio member of the LC Croatia was the President of the LC Croatia Central Committee . Membership of the LCY Central Committee was required for one to be eligible for election to the presidency. Selection of candidates for membership of the presidency

14875-530: The appointment of cadres, also weakened the central party authorities. At the LCY Central Committee's 7th Session on 1 July 1968, it accepted the commission's proposal to expand the presidency to about fifty members and establish a smaller, non-political secretariat attached to it at the 9th Congress . This proposal was made because the presidency and the executive committee proved too large and because of this, informal coordination groups had been established to enforce policies. The LCY Central Committee also adopted

15050-417: The basis of the decisions to be made at today’s [12 June 1980] plenum." The eleventh session decided not to elect a person to serve as president of the LCY Central Committee and instead transformed the office of chairman of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee into the office of president of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee. It was decided that the LCY Central Committee would retain its role as

15225-416: The branches and were to work for the interests of Yugoslavia rather than its constitutive provinces. The 10th LCY Congress clarified this, stating: "The working class needs a unified revolutionary vanguard ... such a role could not be performed by an organisation on the lines of a 'federal coalition' of republican and provincial organisations, or by a centralised 'supra-republic' organisation". According to

15400-476: The branches. The 12th Congress did not approve these changes and instead formalised the temporary changes that were instituted after Tito's death. The congress adopted rules that strengthened the LCY Central Committee vice-a-vice the presidency, making the former more dependent on support in the LCY Central Committee to enact policies. At the 3rd Session of the Central Committee of the 12th Congress on 24 September 1982, LCY presidency president Mitja Ribičič noted

15575-418: The broadest masses of the people to action by political and organisational means, so that its struggle and achievements make it a leader". These changes did not affect the LCY's internal organisation or democratic centralism . The Politburo's name was changed to the Executive Committee and the Secretariat was made responsible to it rather than to the Central Committee. The institutional framework established at

15750-487: The central committee apparatus and primarily through its secretariat. This system was institutionally reformed after the purge of Josip Broz Tito 's long-standing heir apparent Aleksandar Ranković and replaced with a system in which the LCY Central Committee became a more independent body. With its reestablishment in 1974, each republican LC branch had two representatives and one ex officio member , each autonomous province one representative and one ex officio member and

15925-446: The central committee, telling the congress, "The League of Communists needs a strong, dynamic and influential leadership, or to be more precise, that kind of ideological-political centre—the central committee with its executive organs—which, with its organised and timely action, with its political positions and decisions, will secure unity of leadership and unity of action of the entire League of Communists, will steer its activities towards

16100-406: The chairman, and later president of the presidency, was not a leader. According to Article 43 of the Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Working Method of the Presidency, the incumbent, alongside the secretary of the presidency, had to maintain contact with individual presidency members and the presidency. The presidency president could only implement the work programme and decisions adopted by

16275-402: The commission, "it is natural that the deciding role in the nomination of members for the [Presidency] of the LCY belongs to the republican organisations of the League of Communists"; it proposed instituting a system in which candidates for the presidency would be nominated by the republican central committees, elected by the republican congresses and verified by the federal congress. The intention

16450-470: The complete organisational independence of the League of Communists of Slovenia." Earlier on 16 June, the National Assembly of Slovenia had adopted a statement which made clear Slovenia's "inalienable" right to secede from Yugoslavia. The 14th Congress convened on 20 January and produced a raft of policies. On 22 January, it adopted abolishing the LCY's monopoly of political power and creating

16625-408: The congress had to be adopted by the LCY Central Committee at least three months before its opening. The LCY Central Committee also decided upon the criteria for being elected as a delegate to the LCY congress in question. Members of the LCY Central Committee were ex officio delegates to the congress in question but could not vote on reports and dissolutions of organs they were members of. For example,

16800-472: The congress of the LC branches of the socialist republics, provincial conferences, and the Conference of the Organisation of the LCY within the YPA, according to their respective jurisdictions. The number of members in a given electoral term of the LCY Central Committee was made by a decision of the LCY Central Committee of the prior term. That is, the 11th LCY Central Committee decided on how many members

16975-514: The congress on 22 January, which was followed by the leaving of the Croat delegation. The Serbian delegation led by Milošević wanted to continue the congress, but it was decided on 23 January to adjourn the congress and resume it at a later date. Shortly after the congress, on 4 February, a conference of the League of Communists of Slovenia adopted a resolution which stated, "for the Slovene LC

17150-418: The debates in the lobbies had taken place in the conference hall, every Central Committee meeting would have been lively and what a meeting of the Central Committee is supposed to be." Rejecting calls to convene an extraordinary congress of the LCY, the fifth session abolished the secretariat and the executive committee and replaced them with a presidency and a new executive committee. The executive committee

17325-556: The decision-making process by concurrently serving as politburo members. From 1966 onwards, the secretaries' influence was gradually weakened. The 5th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress on 4 October 1966 abolished the LCY Secretariat and replaced it with a new LCY Executive Committee that had its own head, the Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and

17500-401: The dissolution of the presidency in 1990, it was led by the president of the presidency. The presidency was responsible for organising the work of the LCY Central Committee, executing its work program, and making arrangements for its session. The presidency had the authority to make decisions regarding urgent measures in specific situations. It had to promptly communicate the efforts undertaken to

17675-421: The establishment of the chairmanship on 19 October 1978, the secretary was, under the terms of his functions, responsible for organising the supervision and implementation of the ideologies, decisions, and resolutions adopted by the presidency. The secretary prepared the presidency sessions in agreement with the LCY president. The secretary also coordinated the work of executive secretaries and performed other duties

17850-413: The executive committee still managed to relegate the central committee, as it did at the 9th Session of the LCY Central Committee on 16 July 1968. At the session, the executive committee proposed abolishing the central committee altogether and delegating its functions to a new institution, the " Conference of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia ", and others to the LCY Presidency. The ninth session adopted

18025-417: The executive committee were made members of the presidency, blurring the differences between these two organs. A system of executive secretaries of the presidency was established at the 10th Congress; these officeholders were limited to two terms. The executive committee was abolished and the presidency was reduced in size at the 11th Congress , which was held from 20 to 23 June 1978, and the stipulation for

18200-410: The federal government and central party at the expense of the republics and autonomous provinces, and was, therefore, not wise. Fellow Slovene Central Committee member France Popit argued, on Marinc's behalf, that Yugoslavia faced "an economic, not a political crisis." On the other hand, Hamdija Pozderac , a Bosnian member of the LCY Presidency, pointed to the fact that decentralisation had immobilised

18375-414: The federal government and central party. At the 18th Session of the 12th Central Committee, held on 19 July 1985, Macedonian LCY Presidency member Dimče Belovski noted in his report, which was made public, that "The Central Committee has had to overcome various contradictions caused by the desire to achieve the unity of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia on the one hand and the practical independence of

18550-449: The former executive committee and the decentralisation of the appointment of mid-level cadres from the centre to the republican leaderships considerably weakened the new presidency's influence. The delineation of functions between the presidency and the executive committee did not work as planned; the two bodies convened joint sessions rather than working separately. This, combined with the normalisation of term limits and elections in place of

18725-406: The highest organ between two congresses but opted against turning it into a collective party presidency. Instead, a five-member Working Presidium of the LCY Central Committee, which was to be elected at each convocation of a session of the LCY Central Committee, would function as the collective party presidency. It was decided that the president and secretary of the LCY Presidency would be nominated by

18900-521: The holding of an extraordinary congress: only twenty-four central committee members voted against the proposal. Of those voting against, twenty came from the Slovenian branch, three from the Croatian branch and one member from the Bosnian branch. Scholar Dejan Jović has interpreted this move by the Vojvodina branch as part of a plan initiated by Slobodan Milošević , the president of the Presidency of

19075-416: The ideological-political activities of the central, regional, and provincial committees, the Committee for the Organisation of the LCY within the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), as well as all members of the LCY. In addition, it evaluated and directed the implementation of LCY policies in international workers' movements and cooperated with foreign parties and activities whose realisation was the responsibility of

19250-492: The implementation of the resolutions of the LCY Central Committee. The resolution stressed that "All attempts to deny the principle of democratic centralism should be energetically resisted, regardless of whether centralistic, bureaucratic uniformity is in question or liberalistic ideas leading to the federalisation [of the LCY]; they objectively constitute an attack on the LCY as a united revolutionary organisation." The resolution gave

19425-457: The initiative of league branches in the republics and autonomous provinces by the Commission on Statutory Questions and the LCY's Supervisory Commission . The LCY president had the right to preside over the presidency's sessions. The 1974 Yugoslav Constitution and the 10th LCY Congress made consensus decision-making the norm of the sessions of the LCY Presidency and league's federal institutions. The republics and autonomous provinces, which had

19600-625: The internal organisation of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and specified the rights and duties of its internal organs. It was first adopted by its founding congress on 20–23 April 1919. The document originally tried to emulate the rulebook of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union , but began to develop in a different direction as a result of the Tito–Stalin split and its repercussions. The statute explicitly stated that

19775-480: The introduction of the post of chairman with a one-year term calls the continuity and stability of development into question. This is not true. ... it is not individuals who ensure the continuity and stability of development but rather the policy line determined by the party and its leaders and the appropriate behaviour of the leading cadres." Tito died on 4 May 1980 . In his last years in power, he seldom participated in decision-making and delegated his authority to

19950-423: The leadership of the republics, the autonomous provinces and the LCY organisation in the YPA. Term limits were later expanded to include the secretary of the presidency, which had a two-term limit and also rotated in an eight-year cycle. Tito rationalised these reforms on 23 October 1979 at a session of the presidency of the 11th LCY Congress : "There are some people—I also have those abroad in mind—who believe that

20125-412: The leadership; this is what has been confusing party members." The ensuing 19th Session of the Central Committee of the 12th Congress, held on 30 July 1985, adopted a resolution which, in practice, replaced articles 73 to 79 of the LCY statute. The resolution stated, "The LCY Central Committee will become more efficient through the consistent and responsible implementation of its own functions and through

20300-438: The new organisational forms of the leading organs of the LCY". Several rules made that impossible. For instance, all members had to resign from their political positions in the republics and the autonomous provinces. All members except Tito were accountable to the party organisation that elected them, and the members had varied backgrounds that made close collaboration more difficult. Also, the executive bureau also met at least once

20475-422: The number of participants and inform the non-participants about the decision on a later, unspecified date. Every decision of the presidency had to be taken by an open ballot unless decided otherwise. From its inception and the change from the politburo to the executive committee, the presidency was led by a political secretary from 1919 to 1936 and a general secretary from 1936 to 1966. The role of general secretary

20650-458: The office of President of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee. Officeholders were limited to one-year terms and the offices annually rotated between the LCY's constitutive branches. This was a system of collective leadership , and the presidency president worked with the secretary of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee , which had a two-year term limit and rotated between the LCY's constitutive branches. The LCY president presided over

20825-458: The officeholder—in this case, Tito—had the right to make binding decisions on behalf of the presidency without majority support in the presidency. Members from republics and autonomous provinces who did not participate in the ordinary session of the presidency had the right to be informed as soon as possible about the issues discussed, and their opinions needed to be expressed for the adopted decisions to go into force. If all three representatives from

21000-404: The other members of the [presidency] at the next session. The information will be included in the session's protocol. The remaining members had, according to Article 34, "equal rights and duties, and, according to Article 1, "equal rights and responsibilities" for the "entire work" of the presidency. During a session, an ordinary member of the presidency could freely express his or her views and had

21175-423: The overall work of all organisations and agencies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, above all the work of the republican and provincial committees." The resolution stated that the LCY Central Committee would, from then on, promptly discuss and react to political events and reconcile differing political positions. On behalf of the republican central committee, the provincial committees of autonomous provinces,

21350-563: The party and prepare for the post-Tito years. Tito died of natural causes on 4 May 1980 . The 11th Session of the 11th Central Committee convened on 12 June 1980 and on the suggestion of Bosnian Croat Branko Mikulić , decided that the LCY Presidency and Central Committee "should work in accordance with their duties and with the authorisation provided for in the Standing Rules of the Party Statutes concerning their work and on

21525-620: The party more transparent in its activities. For instance, the proceedings of the 3rd Extraordinary Session of the Central Committee of the 6th Congress , held on 16–17 January 1954, were publicly broadcast and made public in written form in Komunist , which was in contrast to the Soviet Central Committee which kept its activities mostly secret. These changes remained in force until the 8th LCY Congress , held on 7–13 December 1964. The 8th LCY Congress sought to clarify in

21700-679: The party presidency, with each province and autonomous province represented and the LCY president as an ex officio member. The LCY's president remained an ex-officio member of the state presidency until the 1988 constitutional amendments , when the party presidency lost its representational right. At the 11th LCY Congress in 1978, only five individuals concurrently served in the state and party presidencies; these were Tito, Vladimir Bakarić , Petar Stambolić, Fadilj Hodža and Stevan Doronjski . Other presidency members held other state functions, such as Veselin Đuranović , who served as Federal Executive Council president and Nikola Ljubičić , who served as

21875-418: The party statute at the upcoming 14th Congress, proposed abolishing the presidency and replacing it with a new executive body composed of fifteen members and no ex officio members. It also proposed abolishing the office of president of the presidency and reintroducing the office of president of the LCY Central Committee, who would serve a two-year term. The proposed new executive body would not be independent of

22050-495: The party's behalf. The presidency also initiated, directed and organised actions and adjusted ideological-political activities in coordination with the central and provincial committees and the Committee of the LCY Organisation in the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA). Additionally, it was responsible for assessing the political and ideological situation and putting into practice policies, standpoints, and decisions adopted by

22225-429: The party's name from Communist Party of Yugoslavia to League of Communists of Yugoslavia; according to Tito: "in view of the fact that the role of the Party at this stage of our social development changed to a certain extent ... the word Party is no longer adequate". It was argued designating the LCY as the leading force in society was wrong and accordingly, the 6th Congress stated instead the party "mobilises and moves

22400-449: The party. It formulated policies and initiated and guided the party's actions in international affairs, and was tasked with considering initiatives and proposals of other party organs. The presidency's other responsibilities included collaborating with central and regional committees and the LCY organisation's political-executive organs to exchange ideas and information on current ideological-political issues and plan attitudes and policies. It

22575-399: The policies agreed upon by its members. The presidency failed, per the " Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Activity of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia ", to convene at least once a month from June to October 1969 and from December 1969 to April 1970. At the 2nd Conference , which was held from 25 to 27 January 1972, the LCY was re-centralised as a reaction to

22750-519: The policies enacted by the party congress, as well as the progress made in democratic relations and the advancement of collective work and responsibilities. It directed the activities of the LCY's organisation and organs that dealt with issues such as total national defence and social self-protection in accordance with the policies enacted by the congress. It was tasked with formulating swift assessments and responses to political events. It coordinated political viewpoints and opinions and initiated and directed

22925-557: The politburo to rubber stamp them. These power relations remained intact until the dissolution of the secretariat in 1966. According to Ranković, the statute adopted by the 5th Congress in 1948, "was by and large a copy of the Statute of the Soviet Communist Party". As a result of the Tito–Stalin split , a conflict in which the Soviet political leadership accused the Yugoslav communists of breaking with communism,

23100-443: The politburo. Upon asking Tito at a politburo session to publicise this information to the attendees, Tito responded: "I am the secretary general of the party. I have the right to decide what to tell you and the others." The party secretaries Tito, Ranković, Edvard Kardelj and Milovan Djilas , who comprised the secretariat, had considerable informal influence on the politburo. They would often decide on policies before meetings and get

23275-487: The political platform, political standpoint and assignments of the LCY Central Committee. The presidency was responsible for making political decisions to ensure the implementation of the policies adopted by Congress and the LCY Central Committee. The presidency raised and discussed ideological and political issues, formulated and defined policy, and directed the party's activity. It was also empowered to quickly respond to political developments and formulate political opinions on

23450-450: The pre-1966 system, stating: "those who consciously wish to change the principle of democratic centralism into an instrument of centralism, of unitarism and etatism ... the negation of our basic programmatic goals and, in essence, counter-revolutionary activity". Presidency member Hamdija Pozderac also argued in favour of the LCY's interpretation of democratic centralism at the congress, stating: "the highest form of democratic centralism

23625-425: The presidency assigned. From then on, the secretary, in conjunction with the chairman and later the president of the presidency, shared power. From 1966 to 1969, the LC republican branches were represented in the LCY presidency according to a proportional representational formula, giving representatives from LC Serbia a majority in the presidency. This formula was abolished and replaced with equal representation at

23800-447: The presidency chairman. At first, there was uncertainty about what to do with the office of LCY Central Committee president but in June 1980, the presidency decided to leave the office vacant and delegate its authority to the Central Committee and, between its sessions, to the presidency. The same meeting renamed the office of chairman of the presidency to President of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee, and this office functioned as

23975-419: The presidency established the office of Chairman of the Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and elected Branko Mikulić as its first incumbent. The LCY president was the primus inter pares of these three offices but following Tito's death, the LCY Central Committee abolished the chairmanship and rename the office President of the Presidency of the Central Committee of

24150-423: The presidency had become a "simple recorder of different attitudes and conditions in the republics and provinces". The re-centralisation debate continued at the 13th LCY Congress , which was held from 25 to 28 June 1986 but the status quo was retained. At the 26th Session of the Central Committee of the 13th Congress , which was held on 11 September 1989, Ivan Brigić , who led the work on formulating amendments to

24325-560: The presidency's consent. The 1st Congress of the LCY was held from 20 to 23 April 1919 and established the Socialist Labour Party of Yugoslavia (Communists). The party adopted a statute that stated its central committee's executive committee functioned as the central committee's operational body. The 3rd LCY Congress , which was held from 14 to 22 May 1926, changed the body's name to the Political Bureau of

24500-407: The presidency, especially after Tito's death, was based on consensus and not decision by majority. All members of the presidency were of equal standing, including the presidency's president and secretary, and had equal responsibilities for implementing the presidency's decisions. Members had the right to speak freely on any topic at its session but could not publicly broadcast dissenting views without

24675-490: The president of the Presidency of the Slovene Central Committee, countered Pančevski's argument, "[this is] the last chance for Yugoslav communists to mark a watershed on the way towards multiparty pluralism." The congress voted overwhelmingly against the Slovenian proposal to transform the LCY into a confederal party and its conception of pluralism. Upon losing several votes, the Slovenian delegation left

24850-509: The proposal. Apparently, the main reason for pressing these changes was the executive committee's perception that reorganising the central party bodies would make rejuvenating the LCY's leadership organs easier. The 10th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia , held on 27–30 May 1974, reestablished the LCY Central Committee and sought to recentralise power by emphasising democratic centralism . The presidency and executive were accountable to it. Tito argued in favour of reestablishing

25025-404: The purge of Josip Broz Tito 's long-standing heir apparent Aleksandar Ranković and replaced with a system of equal representation of the LCY's constitutive branches in its presidency. From 1969, each republican LC branch had two representatives and one ex officio member , each autonomous province had one representative and one ex officio member, and the League of Communists Organisation in

25200-494: The relevant presidency member in charge of the policy area in question and the executive secretaries, the chairman could set the agenda for sessions of the presidency. This was unlike the LCY president, who could set the agenda alone. In a manner similar to the LCY president, the chairman had the right to maintain communications with Yugoslav mass organisations, individuals in government and the Assembly of Yugoslavia . Despite this,

25375-513: The renewal of one-third of its members at every congress was removed. The new presidency was similar to the earlier politburo, and it was given a political and directive role over party affairs. Each presidency member was hereafter given a portfolio and headed a commission. A secretary and several executive secretaries were to be attached to the presidency; these were responsible for "operational work and carrying-out policy", and had "concrete responsibility for specific areas of work". Other amendments to

25550-445: The reorganisation was insufficient to halt the centralisation of power and that the presidency would do the same as the former executive committee. This fear was confirmed by the reelection of 17 of 18 former executive committee members to the presidency . Fourteen members of the reorganisation commission were also elected to the presidency, and these members may have wanted to implement their own reformist proposals. The reorganisation of

25725-506: The republic and provincial Leagues of Communists on the other." He stated that the LCY had room for uncompromising criticism of its activity but that it did not need leaders who could not, for whatever reason, participate in formulating and implementing policies. Belovski concluded his report by stating, "We must abandon the practice whereby individual members of the Central Committee, as well as other political functionaries, make statements that go against adopted resolutions or views expressed by

25900-464: The republics and provinces are equally represented in the LCY Central Committee and its Presidency, and on that basis it is impossible to have outvoting and the imposition of anyone's views". Three months after the 11th Congress , held on 20–23 June 1978, the presidency convened and adopted on 19 October 1978 the " Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Working Method of the Presidency " to institute and protect collective leadership . It established

26075-478: The right to propose questions for consideration at sessions. Such views could not be disseminated to external bodies or to the public without the presidency's permission. A member was responsible for the work of the presidency as a whole, as well as the decisions taken by it. Each member was held individually accountable for the area for which he or she was responsible. Article 30 of the 1978 rules of procedure states at least two-thirds of members had to participate in

26250-495: The run-up to the 12th Congress, several officials, most of them Serbs from LC Serbia, proposed re-centralising the LCY. In November 1981, the LC Montenegro Central Committee proposed to divest the republican organisations of their right to elect members of the LCY Central Committee while others sought to standardise a two-year term-limit system for the president of the presidency and his counterparts in

26425-413: The same session established the 40-member Commission for the Reorganisation and Further Development of the LCY (CRFD–LCY), which was headed by Mijalko Todorović , to recommend party organisational reform. The commission proposed radical measures; Mitja Ribičič proposed abandoning democratic centralism and Krste Crvenkovski talked of the possibility of a non-party democracy and the coming dissolution of

26600-477: The selection of the central committee and its politburo. During the 1940s, Tito began abrogating the politburo's responsibilities and centralised power in his own hands. According to Aleksandar Ranković , a member of both the politburo and the secretariat, exchanges between the Yugoslav party and its counterparts in Austria, Bulgaria, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Slovenia, Switzerland and the Soviet Union were hidden from

26775-510: The sole right to convene the conference. The LCY Presidency, a republican branch central committee and the provincial committee of an autonomous province had the right to propose the convocation of a party conference to the LCY Central Committee, which it could either accept or reject. LCY Central Committee members were, by right of office, delegates to an LCY Conference. Regarding the 1st LCY Conference of 1988, calls for convening it came from local and republican organisations. After these proposals,

26950-418: The solving of the vital issues of the socialist self-management development of the Yugoslav community." The statute adopted at the congress referred to the central committee as "the highest organ of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia between two congresses". Rules regarding membership was clarified on 20 March 1978 at the 6th Session of the Central Committee of the 10th Congress , which decided to institute

27125-631: The statute the accountability of the LCY Executive Committee to the central committee. According to scholar April Carter, "Despite the stated intention of the new Statute to subordinate the Executive Committee to the wider body of the Central Committee, no real change appears to have occurred [...] although there was an indication, made in a brief aside at the Fifth [Session] in October 1966, that attempts had been made earlier to invigorate

27300-423: The title Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Until 1948, informal norms often trumped formal decision-making institutions, which remained weak and underdeveloped. For instance, Josip Broz Tito was elected to the politburo in 1934 and was later elected to the central committee. According to party statutes, only central committee members could serve in the politburo. The politburo

27475-405: The work of the presidency and, with the presidency's secretary, set the agenda and organised its sessions. The post-Tito system of collective leadership succeeded in spreading power, though it was widely argued these reforms weakened the federal party organs at the expense of those of the LCY's branches. Following the 1989 fall of communism in most of Eastern Europe and heightened conflict within

27650-475: Was abolished and replaced with a one-term limit. None of the executive secretaries elected in 1974 were re-elected. According to the new statute, executive secretaries worked under the presidency's leadership by abolishing the executive committee. Not long after the 11th Congress, on 19 October 1978, the presidency adopted the Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Working Method of the Presidency to institute and protect collective leadership . It established

27825-425: Was abolished in the 1966 reforms, and the office of President of the LCY Central Committee was established. The president led the presidency's work until Tito's death on 4 May 1980. At the 2nd Conference , which was held from 25 to 27 January 1972, the office of Secretary of the Executive Bureau of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee was established with Stane Dolanc as its first incumbent. On 19 October 1978,

28000-426: Was absent from meetings of the presidency, the secretary and chairman had to maintain contact with the chairman to inform him about important questions and the results of the meetings. These responsibilities were formerly assigned to the secretary of the presidency, who was formerly the secretary of the executive committee. The chairmanship was limited to a one-year term and the office rotated in an eight-year cycle among

28175-501: Was also formally held accountable to the party's central committee but from October 1940 to 12 April 1948, the Central Committee of the 4th Congress did not convene; during this period, the politburo ran the party in the name of the central committee. In late 1936, the office of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was established, and it chaired the politburo and central committee meetings. As general secretary, Tito had considerable influence over

28350-436: Was also to empowered to reject suggestions to convene an extraordinary congress as they did in 1987–88. Rather than calling an extraordinary congress, the LCY opted to convene the 1st LCY Conference on 29–31 May 1988. The LCY Central Committee convened the conference between two congresses when it thought it necessary to get insight from members of basic organisations on specific policy questions. The LCY Central Committee had

28525-413: Was based on the results of previous consultations that were conducted by specially elected commissions appointed by the presidency. These commissions were composed of the president of the presidency, the secretary of the presidency; and the presidents of the republican, autonomous provincial, and army branches. The party statute regulated the number of members in the presidency. As an example, the statute of

28700-415: Was given the right to communicate and participate directly in the affairs of the republican organisations and direct communication with mass organisations. The new statute also further clarified the right of the branches of republican, autonomous provinces and the LCY organisation in the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA) to elect and dismiss members of the presidency. The two-term limit for executive secretaries

28875-462: Was now deemed undemocratic and harmful to party development. Moreover, the position of "Candidate of the Central Committee", where the officeholder had "no right except an advisory vote", was abolished. If, by any chance, central committee vacancies were reduced to a third of those elected at the previous congress, an extraordinary congress was to be convened to elect members to fill the remaining spots. The 6th Congress also sought to democratise and make

29050-450: Was perceived to be the central committee's failure in holding its executive organs to account. This was now blamed on Ranković, who had stifled debate both at the federal level but also within the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia (LC Serbia), according to LCY and SKS Central Committee member Dragi Stamenković , "as soon as we get to the lobbies real discussion begins. We have often heard, or made jokes, about this. If

29225-584: Was re-organised and Petar Stambolić resigned as president of the Federal Executive Council —the Yugoslav government—and was replaced by Mika Špiljak . In the reshuffle, all but three presidency members—Tito, Špiljak and Rudi Kolak —lost their government positions. At the 10th LCY Congress in 1974, all nine members of the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia —the state presidency—were elected to

29400-413: Was regulated by the " Statute of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia " and, as stipulated by article 78 of the LCY statute, the " Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Working Method of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia ". As part of its mandate, the LCY Central Committee oversaw the work of the LCY as a whole and ensured that the guidelines and assignments adopted by

29575-414: Was responsible for communicating information to members of the LCY and the public, and reporting on current ideological-political issues and activities of the central committee, its own activities and those of the LCY. The presidency had the right to guide the activities of the party organisation in the YPA but had to report this to the party congress. It was also responsible for overseeing party activities in

29750-405: Was responsible. When vital issues arose, the LCY Central Committee reviewed them and defined the LCY's political objectives. It also assessed and evaluated the activities of LCY, defining the responsibilities of its organisations and organs in ideological-political activism and cadre development. Furthermore, the LCY Central Committee examined and evaluated the actions taken by the LCY in implementing

29925-414: Was the presidency, officially the "Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia". To be eligible for election to the LCY Presidency, one had to be a member of the LCY Central Committee. Changes in the composition of the presidency were determined through elections conducted within the republican and autonomous provincial branches and within the Committee of the Organisation of

30100-442: Was to be headed by the president while the executive committee was led by a secretary . The executive committee was to execute the presidency's policies and the presidency was to formulate policies. According to the CRFD–LCY, the reorganisation was intended to "put an end to, or at least to reduce to a minimum the danger of monopoly and concentration of competencies". Following the decentralisation of socio-economic life that began with

30275-466: Was to be held accountable to the presidency, while the presidency was given the right to convene central committee sessions, set the agenda for central committee sessions and review its work. Furthermore, stipulations were made to clarify that commissions of the LCY Central Committee worked independently and reported on their to the sessions of the central committee in a bid to weaken the executive committee's meddling in their affairs. Despite these changes,

30450-462: Was to be held accountable to the sessions of the LCY Central Committee. This organ was abolished by the 9th LCY Congress on 11–15 March 1969. The 2nd LCY Conference, which was held from 25 to 27 January 1972, re-established the office of the secretary and the executive committee. The 10th LCY Congress , which was held from 27 to 30 May 1974, instituted a system of a leading secretary and several executive secretaries. Each executive secretary represented

30625-529: Was to turn the individuals in question from presidency members who had come from a republic to "representatives of a republic in the central leadership". The 7th Session approved these changes, and by the 9th Congress on 11–15 March 1969, Tito, in his function as LCY president, was the only remnant of an independent party centre. Until the 9th Congress, important decisions were no longer made at federal meetings but through ad-hoc meetings of republican representatives and interpersonal visits. The 9th Congress adopted

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