The Montoneras originally were known as the armed civilian, paramilitary groups who organized in the 19th century during the wars of independence from Spain in Hispanic America . They played an important role in the Argentine Civil War , as well as in other Hispanic-American countries during the 19th-century, generally operating in rural areas.
114-459: In the 20th century, the term was applied to some insurgent groups in countries of Central and South America. Generally, these were paramilitary groups composed of people from a locality who provided armed support to a particular cause or leader. In 1970, the left-wing Montoneros guerrillas in Argentina adopted their name from the 19th century militias. Several philologists think that montonera
228-460: A "subversive group". On 24 March 1976, the constitutional government was overthrown and an anti-Peronist civilian-military dictatorship was established, which imposed a totalitarian regime focused on eliminating its opponents. Montoneros established its leadership in Mexico and fought the dictatorship, inflicting serious casualties on the civil-military government and suffering heavy losses, including
342-749: A Portuguese merchant, and to María de la Ascensión Salas. He enrolled in the Real Colegio de San Carlos in 1803, and moved to the Real Universidad de San Felipe in the Captaincy General of Chile to continue his studies. He supported the early steps of the Chilean War of Independence in 1810, which led to the removal of the Spanish colonial authorities and the establishment of the first Chilean Government Junta . He moved to
456-626: A U.S. consular agent in the city of Córdoba, executing him two days later. That same day, they killed three policemen in another ambush by urban guerrillas in Buenos Aires, and an army conscript in Tucumán province was reported to have been killed in action. On 5 March 1975, a Montoneros bomb detonated in the underground parking at Plaza Colón of the Argentine Army High Command; a garbage truck driver (Alberto Blas García)
570-753: A Vietnam-style civil war. So far, the outcome is in doubt. But there is no doubt about the seriousness of the combat, which involves 2,000 or so leftist guerrillas and perhaps as many as 10,000 soldiers." While the ERP fought the army in Tucumán, the Montoneros were active in Buenos Aires. Montoneros' leadership dismissed the tactics of the ERP in Tucumán as "old fashioned" and "inappropriate" but still sent reinforcements. On 26 October 1975, five policemen (Pedro Dettle, Juan Ramón Costa, Carlos Livio Cejas, Cleofás Galeano, and Juan Fernández) were killed in Buenos Aires when Montoneros guerrillas ambushed their patrol cars near
684-427: A civilian airliner bound for Corrientes from Buenos Aires. The guerrillas redirected the plane to Formosa, and took over the provincial airport, killing policeman Neri Argentino Alegre in the process. With tactical support from a local militant group, the invaders attacked the barracks of the 29th Infantry Regiment with gunfire and hand grenades. They shot several soldiers who had been resting in their quarters. After
798-415: A faith full of hope in the triumph of the people, a definite and permanent necessity, and an existence dictated by our Christianity. With Camilo, we believe that revolution is the only efficient and meaningful way to achieve love for all. Richard Gillespie identifies Cristianismo y Revolución as the decisive factor behind the radicalization of Catholic students and the creation of Montoneros, along with
912-503: A federal system of government and criticized the qualified suffrage . However, the 1826 Constitution promoted a strong centralized government and qualified suffrage. Dorrego opposed the government of the unitarian Bernardino Rivadavia , who was appointed as the first president of Argentina , and voiced his criticism in the newspaper " El Tribuno ". Resisted by all the provinces, Rivadavia resigned as president, and vice president Vicente López y Planes resigned as well. No longer having
1026-638: A guerrilla a year ago. Camilo faithfully realized his personal road to revolution. Priest and sociologist, political fighter and agitator, student and mass leader, he satisfied his thirst for justice by joining the armed struggle when he understood that the oligarchy shuts all roads and confronts the people with its ultimate weapon—violence ... Camilo represents contradiction, scandal, probing, unity, sacrifice, action, violence, and commitment. We accept him and uphold him in his totality. We do not parcel him out or divide him according to where our fear takes us. We want to be with him in our Argentine reality, fighting with
1140-629: A large number of militants and fighters who disappeared. In 1979 and 1980 it attempted two counter-offensives that failed militarily and politically. When democracy was restored in December 1983, the Montoneros organisation no longer existed as a political-military structure and sought to insert itself into democratic political life, within Peronism, under the name of Juventud Peronista, under the leadership of Patricia Bullrich and Pablo Unamuno, without ever forming an autonomous political organisation. In
1254-547: A mine on the river's bed below the hull of a navy destroyer , the ARA Santísima Trinidad , as she remained docked at Rio Santiago before her commissioning. The explosion caused considerable damage to the ship's computer and electronic equipment. On 14 December 1975, using the same techniques, Montoneros frogmen placed explosives on the yacht Itati in an attempt to kill the Commander-in-Chief of
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#17327836362771368-534: A national head of state, the legislature appointed Dorrego as governor of the Buenos Aires province. He took measures to support the poor, promote a federal organization of the country, and ended the Argentine–Brazilian War . The Argentine troops were discontented with Dorrego because he accepted the conditions imposed by the British diplomacy despite their military victories in the conflict. Encouraged by
1482-479: A policy of state terrorism was unleashed by the right-wing para-police organisation known as the Triple A led by López Rega , who became the right-hand man of President María Estela Martínez de Perón . Two months later, Montoneros decided to go underground again and restart the armed struggle. On 8 September 1975, President María Estela Martínez de Perón issued Decree 2452/75 banning its activity and classifying it as
1596-435: A remote area in adjoining Santa Fe Province . The aircraft, a Boeing 737 , landed in a crop field not far from the city of Rafaela . The Peronist guerrillas fled to waiting cars on a highway nearby. The sophistication of the operation, and the getaway cars and hideouts they used to escape the military crackdown, suggest the involvement of several hundred guerrillas and civilian sympathisers in Montoneros' organisation. Under
1710-588: A right-wing Peronist labour leader in Rosario. He had sought refuge in a local business after being shot at while driving by a carload of masked gunmen. One of the gunmen who got out of the car shot him dead while he lay on the floor and also shot a woman, who screamed out, "Murderer." On 1 May 1974, Perón expelled the Montoneros from the Justicialist May Day rally after Montonero-organized youth chanted slogans against Perón's wife, Isabel. Despite
1824-732: A superior force to regroup later, historians have compared them to the guerrillas who fought in Spain during its war of independence, part of the Peninsular War , or guerrillas in other areas. The Spanish historian Manuel Ovilo y Otero noted they operated similarly to those guerrillas fighting in Spain against Napoleon's troops from 1808 to 1814. The English officer William Miller , who served in Wellington 's army during his campaign in Spain and then in South America, said that
1938-569: A traitor to the homeland, for having shot 27 people to suppress the 1956 Valle uprising , and to recover the body of Eva Perón that Aramburu had kidnapped and made disappear. Montoneros was the armed nucleus of a set of non-military social organisations ("mass fronts") known as the Tendencia Revolucionaria del Peronismo , or simply "La Tendencia", which included the Juventud Peronista Regionales (JP),
2052-499: A truly Catholic way of seizing power, idealized Camilo Torres and Che Guevara as examples of anti-imperialist martyrs, and vindicated Peronism as the "revolutionary key of national construction of socialism". Most influential in regards to Montoneros was Elorrio's article from March 1967, which connected Camilo Torres' struggle to Peronism: We are all in the same war; the question is on which side? There are no third ways—clerical meditations or company truces. And there should not be. This
2166-424: Is beginning will call into question not only capitalist society but also industrial society. The consumer society must die a violent death. The alienated society [sic] must disappear from history. We are trying a new and original world. The imagination has taken power." Amongst the list of the political mentors of the Montoneros, Richard Gillespie names Camilo Torres as the most important inspiration, as evidenced by
2280-410: Is derived from montón (crowd) because the men marched in a disorderly fashion. Others think it derives from montes (mountains), as the men used the backcountry as their defensive bases. Others said that the first fighters were montados (mounted) on horseback. As Montoneras appeared spontaneously in towns that revolted, attacking isolated Royalist garrisons and quickly dispersed when confronted by
2394-425: Is good and what is evil and then goes back to his study to read Saint Augustine, but as a genuine participant, with them not for them, in their misery, their failings, their violence... Either I fought or I was a phony." Catholic influence remained strong for the entirety of Montoneros existence - Martha Crenshaw remarked that its members "were regular church attenders right up to the moment of going underground", and
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#17327836362772508-461: Is necessary for national liberation of Argentina. They continued to proclaim national liberation and construction of socialism as their main goals, which they defined as liberation from imperialist domination and suppression of private ownership of the means of production, and a planned economy "in accordance with the particularities of the national productive structure". Montoneros praised Peronism as "the main, richest and most generalised experience of
2622-514: Is now impossible to ignore the fact that civil war has broken out in Argentina." Montoneros were inspired by the Italian and British wartime commando raids on warships, and on 1 November 1974, Montoneros successfully blew up General Commissioner Alberto Villar, the chief of the Argentine federal police in his yacht. His wife was also killed on the spot. On 22 August 1975, their frogmen planted
2736-434: Is the challenge which reaction has thrown at us. From national frustration we must now move rapidly to confrontation. The government has already announced that the escalation phase has begun. This statement hides the only reality: official violence against the rebellion of the people. We are in the thick of violence and cannot be on the sidelines... As martyr and symbol of the demand ‘liberation or death’, Camilo Torres died as
2850-405: Is to be a revolutionary" and that "The Catholic who is not a revolutionary is living in mortal sin". The movement also glorified Eva Perón , naming her as one of the inspirations behind the Montoneros and used the slogan Si Evita viviera, sería Montonera ("If Evita were alive she would be a Montonero"), which became one of the best-known mottos of the group. In January 1975, the official organ of
2964-546: The FAR into its ranks, and in 1974 Peronist Armed Forces also joined Montoneros. As Perón returned to Argentina in July 1973 and was welcomed by large groups and overjoyed demonstrations, Montoneros were reported to be ‘winning the street’, with chants such as ‘long live the Montoneros who killed Aramburu’ being popular Peronist slogans. However, Perón's return marked increasing conflict between various Peronist wings, determined to gain
3078-718: The Gendarmerie , killing five and wounding 40, one of whom later died of his injuries. The network of Montoneros militants had been largely uprooted by the government in the capital of Tucumán province. In August 1975, several hundred Montoneros militants took to the streets in Córdoba, to divert attention from the military operations being waged in the mountains of Tucumán. They shot and killed five policemen (Sergeant Juan Carlos Román, Corporal Rosario del Carmen Moyano and Agents Luis Rodolfo López, Jorge Natividad Luna and Juan Antonio Diaz) after attacking their headquarters and bombed
3192-736: The Movement of Priests for the Third World . The journal made emotional appeals for sympathy for the oppressed and made radical Catholics identify themselves with the 'national liberation' struggles of the Third World, with Perón and Guevara named as main examples. It also glorified militians, paid homages to them and portrayed their deaths as ultimate sacrifice in the name of love for the downtrodden. Cristianismo y Revolución also defused dislike towards Peronism amongst Catholic and mainstream socialist circles - Elorrio regarded Catholic and socialist opposition to Peronism as mistake, which resonated with
3306-679: The Revolucion Libertadora , the military revolt that had ended Juan Perón's first term as president on 16 September 1955. Targets included three Ford showrooms; Peugeot and IKA- Renault showrooms; Goodyear and Firestone tyre distributors, the pharmaceutical manufacturers Riker and Eli Lilly, the Union Carbide Battery Company, the Bank of Boston, Chase Manhattan Bank, the Xerox Corporation, and
3420-682: The United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (modern Argentina), and joined the Army of the North , under the command of Manuel Belgrano . He fought in the battles of Tucumán and Salta , being injured in both. He was sanctioned by Belgrano for promoting a duel. As a result, he did not take part in the battles of Vilcapugio and Ayohuma , two defeats of the Army of the North, and Belgrano regretted later
3534-591: The civil wars in Peru , and later against the occupation by Chile during the War of the Pacific . In Ecuador , the "Montoneras" were an unorganized military phenomenon that emerged after independence in the coastal agricultural zone. They comprised an armed wing - a cavalry - of a popular opposition movement against violence committed by landowners or authorities of the new republican power. Their members included laborers on
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3648-423: The 1960s Catholic revolutionary guerilla Comando Camilo Torres as a "national liberation movement", and became a convergence of revolutionary Peronism, Guevarism, and the revolutionary Catholicism of Juan García Elorrio shaped by Camilism . They fought for the return of Juan Perón to Argentina and the establishment of "Christian national socialism", based on 'indigenous' Argentinian and Catholic socialism, seen as
3762-530: The 1970s during the " Argentine Revolution " dictatorship. Its name was a reference to the 19th-century cavalry militias called Montoneras , which fought for the Federalist Party in the Argentine civil wars . Radicalized by the political repression of anti-Peronist regimes, the influence of Cuban Revolution and socialist worker-priests committed to liberation theology , the Montoneros emerged from
3876-423: The 19th century advanced, the increased number of fighters had to rely on less expensive weapons; they used spears combined with sabers, and failing that, the most primitive weapons, including indigenous bolas . In Santiago del Estero Province , the insurgent leader Juan Felipe Ibarra used a defense of a "scorched earth" policy. As the borders of the province were particularly difficult to control, each time
3990-558: The 3rd Army Corps' Intelligence Service, was killed when resisting a kidnap attempt by the Mariano Pojadas and Susana Lesgart platoons of the Montoneros. On 17 October 1972, a powerful bomb detonated inside the Sheraton Hotel in Buenos Aires, with nearly 700 guests at the time, killing a Canadian woman (Lois Crozier, travel agent from West Vancouver) and gravely wounding her husband Gerry as he slept. The Montoneros and
4104-426: The Argentine interior in the 19th century. The ideology behind armed struggle was influenced by Foquismo of Che Guevara, together with the theory of urban guerrilla warfare written by Peronist Abraham Guillén and Marxist-Leninist Tupamaros . Alongside radicalized Catholic priests, John William Cooke became the second great influence on the Montoneros. Named the "personal delegate" by Perón during his exile, Cooke
4218-399: The Argentine navy, Admiral Emilio Massera. While Massera was not injured, the yacht was badly damaged by the explosives. Manuel Dorrego Manuel Dorrego (11 June 1787 – 13 December 1828) was an Argentine statesman and soldier. He was governor of Buenos Aires in 1820, and then again from 1827 to 1828. Dorrego was born in Buenos Aires on 11 June 1787 to José Antonio do Rego,
4332-418: The Argentine working class and national sectors to achieve the objective of national and social liberation", and called their ideology "Authentic Peronism" from September 1974. The organization also stressed that it is not abandoning the justicalist movement, but proposes its reconstruction, as it finds it necessary to depose "reactionary elements" that have infiltrated Peronism. The new government of Isabel Perón
4446-515: The CIA, and just 49 days later he had to resign after the Ezeiza massacre . After Cámpora's resignation as president on 12 July 1973, the Montoneros began to lose power and became progressively isolated, a situation that worsened after the assassination of trade union leader José Ignacio Rucci on 25 September 1973 - attributed to the organisation - and above all after Perón's death, on 1 July 1974, when
4560-631: The Justicalist Movement on May Day 1974, which insulted the Peronist Left. Despite this, Montoneros never abandoned Perón and glorified him after his death. His last major speech from 12 June 1974, in which Perón denounced an "imperialist plot", was interpreted as proof that Perón was "to a great extent taking up the orientations and many of the criticisms which we were formulating" by the Montoneros. Ronaldo Munck argues that Perón did not desire to abandon Montoneros and his June speech
4674-875: The Juventud Universitaria Peronista (JUP), the Juventud Trabajadora Peronista (JTP), the Unión de Estudiantes Secundarios (UES), the Agrupación Evita and the Movimiento Villero Peronista. In 1972 it merged with Descamisados and in 1973 with the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR), with which it had been acting together. Its actions contributed to the military dictatorship calling free elections in 1973 , in which
Montoneras - Misplaced Pages Continue
4788-480: The May Day confrontation with Perón, when Perón threatened to resign on 12 June, Montoneros responded by calling for the defense of Perón and his government. Perón himself did not desire to abandon the Montoneros and sought to restore his trust in his last speech from June 1974, where he denounced "the oligarchy and the pressures exerted by imperialism upon his government", which was considered an implication that he
4902-504: The Montoneros and FAR. However, Perón was heartbroken by the assassination of trade union leader José Ignacio Rucci , for which the Montoneros claimed responsibility. Rucci's assassination marked the first time Perón cried in public. Perón went into state of depression, and declared at his death: "They killed my son. They cut off my legs". The death of Rucci made Perón cold towards Montoneros, culminating in Perón demanding their expulsion from
5016-509: The Montoneros even took the name Evita Montonera . Montoneros are considered the ideological staple of Revolutionary Peronism , which combined "radical Catholic principles of justice, Peronist populism, and leftist nationalism." Montoneros remained committed to liberation theology throughout their entire existence, and the notion of Catholic martyrdom was a strong element in the Montonero imaginary and political practice. Other figures that
5130-417: The Montoneros sent assistance to the hard-pressed Compañía de Monte Ramón Rosa Jiménez fighting in Tucumán province, in the form of a company of their elite "Jungle Troops", while the ERP backed them up with a company of their guerrillas from Cordoba. The Baltimore Sun reported at the time, "In the jungle-covered mountains of Tucuman, long known as "Argentina's garden," Argentines are fighting Argentines in
5244-423: The Montoneros were influenced by included Juan José Hernández Arregui who considered Peronism "the vehicle of the nation doing battle with imperialism", historian José María Rosa who defined Peronism as revolutionary anti-imperialism, dissident communist Rodolfo Puiggrós who promoted 'Peronist Marxism', and Arturo Jauretche who founded left-wing nationalist FORJA in 1935 and became a Peronist in 1940s. In
5358-480: The Peronist movement for the victory of the working class, for the realization of socialism in our national experience. Under the banner of Camilo, we hereby declare total war on exploitation, on imperialism, on under-development, and on all people who betray our country from within or without. We also hereby affirm our declaration of revolutionary faith, revolutionary necessity, and revolutionary existence. We affirm
5472-456: The Plaza de San Isidro in Buenos Aires, which injured three policemen and killed one fireman (Carlos Adrián Ayala), who died of wounds two days later. That same day, a policeman (Agent Ramón González) is shot dead after intercepting a vehicle when the two male and two female MPM guerrillas inside draw their guns and open fire on the police vehicle. In April 1973, Colonel Héctor Irabarren, head of
5586-406: The Revolutionary Armed Forces later claimed responsibility for the attack. On 11 March 1973, Argentina held general elections for the first time in ten years. Perón loyalist Héctor Cámpora became president and Perón returned from Spain. In a controversial move, he released all left-wing guerrillas held in prison at the time in Argentina. On 21 February 1974, the Montoneros killed Teodoro Ponce,
5700-472: The San Isidro Cathedral. Two of the captured policemen were reported to have been executed in this operation under the orders of the Montoneros commander Eduardo Pereyra Rossi (nom de guerre Carlon). In December 1975, Montoneros raided an armaments factory in the capital's Munro neighbourhood, fleeing with 250 assault rifles and sub-machine guns. That same month, a Montoneros bomb exploded at
5814-743: The School of the Americas. In 1970, as retribution for the June 1956 León Suárez massacre and Juan José Valle 's execution, the Montoneros kidnapped and executed former dictator Pedro Eugenio Aramburu (1955–1958) and other collaborators. In November 1971, in solidarity with militant car workers, Montoneros took over the FIAT car manufacturing plant in Caseros , sprayed 38 new-brand cars with petrol, and set them afire. On 26 July 1972, they set off explosives in
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#17327836362775928-518: The Third World, arguing that Peronists must align themselves "with movements of national and social liberation", which Perón listed as Castroist Cuba and Allende's Chile, among others. That year, the Peronist October Front described Peronism as "the national expression of the socialism, to the extent that it represents, expresses and develops in action the aspirations of the popular masses and the Argentine working class" and popularized
6042-656: The absence of Dorrego from them. Dorrego opposed the Luso-Brazilian invasion of the Banda Oriental , encouraged by Juan Martín de Pueyrredón to counter the influence of José Gervasio Artigas . He was exiled by Pueyrredón, and stayed some time in Baltimore ( United States ). He studied federalism in the United States , and thought that each state of a country should have some autonomy, rejecting
6156-551: The action of rural militias to defense against the Indians. During the war against the Northern Coalition, the superiority of the Buenos Aires professional army decided the fight. They defeated the army of General Juan Lavalle , who tried to organize popular montoneras. During the period called the "National Organization", after the enactment of the 1853 Constitution of Argentina , the struggle between political groups
6270-435: The advantage of being on their home turf. They were associated with the concept of local rural militias. Forces designated and authorized as "militias" supported the provincial government, while montoneras were insurgents against it. When montoneras succeeded in overthrowing a provincial government to one they supported, they became classified as "rural militias". Similarly, many rural militias became montoneras when they lost
6384-502: The and Peronist left-wing nationalism promoted by John William Cooke . The initial mentor of the group was also Carlos Mugica who saw Peronism as Argentinian version of Catholic socialism, but rejected armed struggle and revolution, stating: "I am prepared to be killed but I am not prepared to kill". This led radicalized youth that would then form the Montoneros to embrace more radical beliefs of Camilo Torres and García Elorrio instead, with Torres arguing that "The duty of every Catholic
6498-459: The best’. Cooke and Perón formulated the idea of "national socialism" that would become the defining ideology of both the Montoneros and broader Peronist movement. The concept was based on combining social revolution with national liberation; Cooke wrote: "The struggle for liberation starts from the definition of the real enemy, imperialism that acts through the native oligarchy and the political, economic, and cultural mechanisms at its service . . .
6612-417: The capital of the Córdoba province, three policemen (Pedro Ramón Enrico, Carlos Alberto Galíndez and corporal Luis Francisco Rodríguez) were killed by guerrillas. On 25 July 1975 four policemen were wounded in guerrilla attacks using bazookas and firebombs. On 26 August 1975, 26-year-old Fernando Haymal was killed by fellow Montoneros for allegedly cooperating with government forces. The Montoneros' leadership
6726-466: The city, and the stable appointment as governor was given to Martín Rodríguez instead. He was banished again, and moved to Upper Peru . He met Simón Bolívar in Quito , and supported his ideas of unifying all the continent into a giant federation. Dorrego returned to Buenos Aires a short time afterwards and worked in the legislature of Buenos Aires in the 1826 Constituent Assembly. He strongly supported
6840-608: The death of Camilo Torres, a revolutionary Catholic priest who joined the Marxist-Leninist National Liberation Army and was killed during one of the organization's operations. Six months after his death, first issue of Catholic socialist journal Cristianismo y Revolución , directed by García Elorrio, was published. The journal promoted post-conciliar reforms in the Catholic Church as a turn towards Marxism, encouraged armed struggle as
6954-456: The doctrine was defined by its creator, General Perón, as deeply national, humanist and Christian, respectful of the human person above all things. Montoneros had a complicated relationship with Juan Perón himself. In February 1971, Perón sent a letter to Montoneros, agreeing with their declaration that "the only possible road for the people to seize power and install national socialism is total, national, and prolonged revolutionary war" and praised
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#17327836362777068-509: The estates, smallholders and independent workers. Over time, they became the shock troops of the Liberal Party, led by Eloy Alfaro , in the 1880s ( see: Liberal Revolution of 1895 ). Notes Citations Sources Further reading Montoneros Montoneros (Spanish: Movimiento Peronista Montonero , MPM ) was an Argentine far-left Peronist and Catholic revolutionary guerrilla organization, which emerged in
7182-484: The following years, several Montoneros adherents occupied important political posts in democratic governments. The main political currents that shaped the Montoneros was the far-left liberation theology of Camilo Torres Restrepo , "Christian national socialism" of Juan Perón and Marxist-Leninist Guevarism of Che Guevara , along with the option for the poor and anti-imperialism propagated by Juan García Elorrio in his journal Cristianismo y Revolución , as well as
7296-464: The headquarters of the Argentine army in Buenos Aires, injuring at least six soldiers. By the end of 1975, a total of 137 army officers, NCOs and conscripts and policemen had been killed that year and approximately 3,000 wounded by left wing terrorism. U.S. journalist Paul Hoeffel in an article written for the Boston Globe concluded that, "Although there is widespread reluctance to use the term, it
7410-418: The hitherto anti-Peronist middle class who was now disillusioned with authoritarianism and corruption of post-Perón Argentinian governments. Because of this, former anti-Peronists "now embraced Peronism with the zeal of reformed sinners". Elorrio also pushed his readers towards action and revolution, writing: "I had to fight with the slaves, the people, as they fought, not as an elitist teacher who tells them what
7524-438: The infantry always determined the results. The last of the federalist warlords, Ricardo López Jordán , was beaten repeatedly because the montaneras were superior. The last Unitarian caudillo , the former President Bartolomé Mitre , was defeated by the superiority of the regular infantry against his montoneras. At that time, the word "montonera" was applied only to Federalists. The organization of troops who supported Mitre in 1874
7638-464: The late 1960s, Jauretche and Arregui held regular discussions with the Montonero leadership, refining their ideology and rhetoric. Montoneros were also influenced by the polemic between their political mentors and inspirations - in 1969 Perón expressed his interest in Elorrio's Cristianismo y Revolución and wrote a letter to Elorrio that was later published in the journal, stating: "The revolution that
7752-416: The main enemy army. Estanislao López , the leader of the province of Santa Fe , is often quoted for his strategies of attrition. He maintained the autonomy of his province from the enemy armies, defeating such military leaders as Juan Ramón Balcarce , Manuel Dorrego , Juan Lavalle and José María Paz . He ultimately achieved victory over his former ally Francisco Ramírez . In Argentina's historiography,
7866-621: The montaneras as authentic defenders of provincial federalism against the centralism of Buenos Aires Province . In the last third of the 20th century, the name was adopted by the Montoneros , a leftist guerrilla movement in Argentina. Their ideology, on the left of Peronistas before they were expelled from the party, and methodology had little in common with the montoneras of the 19th century. The rural men used weapons at hand, often nothing more than lances, before they gained guns. When they gained firearms, they adapted their combat tactics. As
7980-621: The montoneras in Peru served an invaluable function as an auxiliary force. Their value was similar to that of guerillas in the Peninsular War. In the history of Argentina , "montoneras" were usually military units from rural areas, generally cavalry, led by local caudillos . They participated in the Argentine Civil Wars of the nineteenth century. The montoneras units were relatively unorganized, based in rural areas and generally operated in rural areas, where they had
8094-435: The movement and initiated crackdowns on other Peronist factions. After the death of Juan Perón in July 1974 and Isabel's rise to power, Montoneros claimed to have the "social revolutionary vision of authentic Peronism" and started guerrilla operations against the government. The more radically orthodoxy peronist and right-wing factions quickly took control of the government; Isabel Perón , president since Juan Perón's death,
8208-472: The movement and initiated crackdowns on other Peronist factions. Following the death of Perón, Montoneros declared war on the government of Isabel Perón, denouncing it as ‘neither popular nor Peronist’ and comparing it to the military dictatorship that ruled Argentina prior to March 1973. Montoneros presented themselves as the successors of the Perón's original program, considering it an essential part of their far-left outlook and arguing that its reconstruction
8322-450: The multi-party electoral front of which it was a member (Frejuli) won, with the presidential candidacy of Peronist Héctor José Cámpora , a man close to Montoneros, as well as several governors, parliamentarians, ministers and high-ranking government officials. Cámpora's government and its relationship with the Montoneros came under heavy pressure from the outset, from right-wing sectors and the Italian anti-communist lodge Propaganda Due and
8436-568: The name of the Camilo Torres Commando , which was created in 1967 and was a precursor of the Montoneros, defining their ideology as "Peronism, socialism, Catholic liberationism, and armed struggle", and having "Latin American and Third World liberation" for its goal. Despite its far-left ideology, Montoneros originated from middle-class and upper-middle-class Catholic and nationalist backgrounds. The core of Montonero ideology
8550-407: The national question and the social question are indissolubly joined." Cooke also referred to the Peronist concept of justicalism, arguing that the essence of it was anti-imperialism and social revolution. This was complemented by Perón redefining his "Third Position" in 1972, clarifying that it is not a centrist position nor a third way between capitalism and communism, but rather Peronist embrace of
8664-511: The new government's neoliberal economic policies, but also because of suppression of the spheres of political and cultural participation, such as universities and political parties. Michael Goebel argues that government's actions made academics friendly to Perón, which was a side effect of the mass exodus of intellectuals caused by university purges. The academic staff was replaced by professors and priests from Catholic universities, who were now friendly towards Perón. In 1967, Camilo Torres Commando
8778-480: The organization established its own Catholic “chaplaincy” after resuming its clandestine resistance in September 1974. Montoneros' liberation theology also included a Cuban-inspired cult of martyrdom of its fallen members - guerrillero heroico . The arrival of Onganía to power in Argentina through the 1966 coup d'état resulted in the group openly embracing the concepts of revolutionary struggle, not only because of
8892-599: The organization for adapting Peronist doctrine to the difficult conditions created by the military dictatorship. Interpreted as Perón endorsement of Montoneros, the organization was soon joined by several other Peronist organizations - shortly after Perón's response, the Descamisado Political-Military Organization under the leadership of Horacio Mendizabal and Norberto Habegger merged with Montoneros, in October 1973 Montoneros welcomed
9006-433: The pejorative term used by the 19th-century elite to discredit the mounted followers of the popular caudillos ." Montonera referred to the raiding parties composed by Native Americans in Argentina, and the spear in the Montoneros seal refers to this inspiration. The Montoneros initiated a campaign to destabilise by force the regime supported by the U.S., which had trained Argentinian and other Latin American dictators via
9120-469: The people's war for the seizure of power and the implementation of national socialism in which they become a reality our three flags: economic independence, social justice and political sovereignty." In the Cuban newspaper Granma, Montoneros further elaborated: We are Peronists even though we come from different origins and trainings. Peronism has a doctrine created in 1945 that was reworked and updated during
9234-647: The police radio communications centre. As a result, the elite 4th Airborne Infantry Brigade, which had been ordered to assist operations in Tucumán province, was kept in Córdoba for the rest of the year. On 5 October 1975, the Montoneros carried out a complex operation against a regiment of the 5th Brigade. During this attack named Operation Primicia ("Operation Scoop") a Montoneros force numbering an estimated several hundred guerrillas and underground supporters, set in motion an assault on an army barracks in Formosa province . On 5 October 1975, Montoneros members hijacked
9348-806: The poor. Under López Rega's orders, the Triple A began kidnapping, and killing members of Montoneros and the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), as well as other leftist militant groups. They expanded their attacks to anyone considered a leftist subversive or sympathiser, such as these groups' deputies or lawyers. The Montoneros and the ERP in turn attacked business and political figures throughout Argentina, and raided military bases for weapons and explosives. The Montoneros killed executives from General Motors , Ford , and Chrysler . On 16 September 1974, about 40 Montoneros bombs exploded throughout Argentina. They targeted both foreign companies and commemorative ceremonies of
9462-547: The poor. And in Argentina the majority of the poor are Peronists." Around 1964 Mugica contacted former members of a 1950s Peronist resistance organization known as the Tacuaristas, and introduced them to his pupils. Mugica praised Peronism as effective realization of Catholicism, arguing that Peronism and Catholicism were united in their goals of "love for the poor, for those persecuted for defending justice and for fighting against injustice". Further radicalization came from
9576-489: The presence of his wife in the suburb of San Isidro in Buenos Aires. On 22 February 1975, in an ambush in the Lomas de Zamora suburb of Buenos Aires, three policemen (First Sergeant Nicolás Cardozo, Corporal Roberto Roque Fredes and Constables Eugenio Rodriguez and Abel Pascuzzi) were killed after their patrol car came under fire from Montoneros guerrillas. On 26 February 1975, the Montoneros kidnapped 62-year-old John Patrick Egan,
9690-534: The presidency of Nestor Kirchner , the families of all the Montoneros killed in the attack were each later compensated with the payment of around US$ 200,000. On 26 October 1975, a Catholic youth leader, Juan Ignacio Isla Casares, with the help of the Montoneros commander Eduardo Pereira Rossi (nom de guerre "El Carlón") was the mastermind behind the ambush and killing of five policemen (Pedro Dettle, Juan Ramón Costa, Carlos Livio Cejas, Cleofás Galeano, and Juan Fernández) near San Isidro Cathedral. During February 1976,
9804-544: The province was invaded, he let the enemies occupy the provincial capital. Then his forces deprived them of food and water, forcing the invaders to leave the province. From 1828 onward, some provinces started to have formal armies, especially Buenos Aires and, to a lesser extent, Córdoba. General José María Paz led the formal military of the latter province. After his fall, rural militias of Cordoba returned to their preferred montonera style of organization. Buenos Aires Province preferred to organize professional armies, limiting
9918-465: The proximity of waterways or mountains of trees could give them an advantage. However, when they were mounted troops, they chose more open areas for confrontation with government forces. Generally, the troops were eager to contact the enemy and fight them in melee . Their leaders preferred to pursue a guerrilla strategy of quick attacks and withdrawals. They could wear down the regular troops and hinder their maneuvers, defeating any group that strayed from
10032-507: The royalists dead, were interspersed with patriotic uniforms. To this must be added romper pants, other set, with hood and fur runs knives, short shorts, sandals, and shoes, but they were all in uniform in a garment. Each individual had a poncho he wore in the usual way, or tied around the waist, as a belt or shoulder hung fantastically, nor had any carry him to stop his tie. Their weapons were equally diverse: rifles, carbines, pistols, swords, bayonets, swords, large knives and spears or pikes, were
10146-519: The same province a few years later, commanded by Francisco Ramírez , were said to have had remarkable discipline, organization and command. They repeatedly overcome superior forces of regular "line" troops. The montoneras often used rudimentary combat tactics, but they adapted to the conditions on the frontiers of Argentina. They often had to travel long distances through the unpopulated country between towns and cities, and to fight in places dictated by natural geographical features, choosing locations where
10260-402: The soft drink companies, Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola. The Peronist guerrillas also held up at gunpoint two trains in a Buenos Aires suburb on 16 September. The Montoneros discouraged foreign investment more directly by blowing up the homes of company executives. For example, in 1975 the homes of five executives of Lazar Laboratories were bombed in the suburb of La Plata in Buenos Aires. The violence
10374-541: The soldiers and NCOs got over their initial surprise, they mounted stiff resistance to the attacking Montoneros. In total, a second lieutenant (Ricardo Massaferro), sergeant (Víctor Sanabria) and ten conscripts (Antonio Arrieta, Heriberto Avalos, José Coronel, Dante Salvatierra, Ismael Sánchez, Tomás Sánchez, Edmundo Roberto Sosa, Marcelino Torales, Alberto Villalba and Hermindo Luna) were killed and several wounded. The Montoneros lost 16 killed in total. Two policemen later died of their wounds. The Montoneros escaped by air into
10488-530: The strong centralization into a single government sought by Pueyrredón. During this time he wrote the Cartas apologéticas , criticizing the support of Pueyrredón to the Luso-Brazilian invasion. He returned to Buenos Aires in 1819, following the departure of Pueyrredón. He was appointed as interim governor, and fought against the armies of Alvear, Carrera and Estanislao López . Still, he was resisted in
10602-404: The subsequent 25 years. This doctrine is synthesized in the three flags of the movement: Economic Independence, Social Justice and Political Sovereignty. These three flags in 1970 are expressed through the need to achieve independent economic development and a fair distribution of wealth, within the framework of a socialist system that respects our history and our national culture. On the other hand,
10716-623: The support of the provincial government. The capitals of the most populous provinces, especially Buenos Aires and, to a lesser extent, Córdoba , had major urban militia forces. These defended only the cities. The degree of organization of the montoneras depended on the circumstances. For example, the montoneras organized by Blas Basualdo in Entre Ríos Province in 1814 from historic accounts appear to have been mobs of men without discipline. They achieved some success thanks only to his courage and boldness. Those who were organized in
10830-415: The term montonera is often used in a derogatory sense, especially by historians identifying with the central governments. At one time, historians avoided using the term montoneras to describe the fighters who defended the north of the country during the war of independence . But, like the later Federalist leaders, Martín Miguel de Güemes used irregular cavalry. Revisionist historians have sometimes praised
10944-519: The term of "indigenous socialism" that justicalismo was to represent. In their program published in Cristianismo y Revolucíon on behalf of Elorrio, Montoneros stayed loyal to the Perón's vision of “Christian national socialism”, introducing themselves as the "armed wing of Peronism", and stating: "we set ourselves the objective of constituting with other organizations the Peronist armed movement, which together with other armed groups will develop
11058-619: The time, became a spiritual advisor of the Catholic students' organization at the National University of Central Buenos Aires , coming in contact with students that would become leading members of the Montoneros. Mugica promoted Peronism, arguing that he was "absolutely convinced that the liberation of my people will be through the Peronist movement. I know from the Gospel, from Christ’s attitude, that I must see human history through
11172-509: The two brothers of the Bunge and Born family business. Some 20 urban guerrillas dressed as policemen shot dead a bodyguard and chauffeur and diverted traffic in this well-orchestrated ambush. Some 30 militants and sympathisers among the civilian population provided safe houses to the guerrillas and a means to escape. They demanded and received a ransom of $ 60 million in cash, as well as $ 1.2 million worth of food and clothing to be given to
11286-436: The ultimate conclusion of Peronist doctrine. Its first public action took place on 29 May 1970, with the kidnapping, subsequent revolutionary trial and assassination of the anti-Peronist ex-dictator Pedro Eugenio Aramburu , one of the leaders of the 1955 coup that had overthrown the constitutional government led by President Juan Domingo Perón. Montoneros kidnapped the ex-dictator to put him on "revolutionary trial" for being
11400-466: The upper hand. According to Perón biographer Jill Hedges, Perón was alarmed by the fact that his return did not reduce political violence in Argentina, but rather invited further clashes between the left and right wings of his movement. Perón also believed that some guerrilla and right-wing groups did not genuinely support him, but rather planned his assassination. In September 1973, Perón attempted to maintain unity in his movement, and met with leaders of
11514-422: The weapons with which chance had armed and one, and another of them, but which managed to combat with terrible effect. The commander of them, Captain ..., who had been appointed to consider their particular feats, was armed with a pistol, a rifle and a long straight sword he had taken a Spanish colonel, who was killed in single combat. The term "montoneras" was used also to refer to irregular forces who fought during
11628-645: The world's exploited". Perón embraced Cooke's ideas, praising the Cuban Revolution and making comparisons between himself and Castro. Although Guevara came from an Argentine anti-Peronist family, he visited Perón in Madrid and was deeply impressed by his political thought, praising Peronism as "indigenous Latin American socialism with which the Cuban Revolution could side". Perón confirmed this political alliance, galvanizing left-wing Peronists; upon Guevara's death in 1967, Perón praised him as ‘one of ours, perhaps
11742-425: Was Argentinian nationalism and Political Catholicism, which were later extended into Peronism and socialism. This connection was made possible by the influence of post-Vatican II Catholicism, as third-worldist and liberation theology Argentinian priests, also known as the worker-priests, would radicalize Catholic students into embracing these political currents. Priest Carlos Mugica, known for his work in shantytowns at
11856-423: Was being manipulated by the Peronist right. In response, Montoneros praised Perón for "realizing his May Day mistake", and continued to identify him as their mentor. However, Perón died shortly after, and the Montoneros went underground on 6 September 1974 and organized resistance against the regime of Isabel Perón , as Isabel's government was dominated by right-wing figures who sought to centralize their control of
11970-535: Was decried as not only not Peronist, but also "anti-Peronist, anti-popular, repressive and pro-monopoly". Montoneros doubled down on their glorification of Eva Perón, adding the organization of "the Peronist militias that Evita imagined, so that all the people can actively participate in all the forms of confrontation" to its goals. The Montoneros formed around 1970 out of a confluence of Roman Catholic groups, university students in social sciences, and leftist supporters of Juan Perón . "The Montoneros took their name from
12084-464: Was essentially a figurehead under the influence of López Rega. On 15 July 1974, Montoneros assassinated Arturo Mor Roig , a former foreign minister. On 17 July, they murdered David Kraiselburd , journalist and editor-in-chief of El Día newspaper, in the Manuel B. Gonnet suburb of Buenos Aires after an exchange of fire with police. In September, in order to finance their operations, they kidnapped
12198-467: Was expressed in fighting between regular troops and montoneras. After the Battle of Pavón , the montoneras were more often defeated by the increasingly modern weapons and distance tactics of the line infantry. Ángel Vicente Peñaloza led the first war against the national government, and was defeated by the better training and equipment of the regular national cavalry. In these struggles, the superiority of
12312-478: Was formed, which became the armed precursor of the Montoneros. Donald C. Hodges notes that the ideology of Camilo Torres Commando was identical to that of Montoneros, representing "a fusion of Camilist, Guevarist, and Cookist themes combined with the cult of Evita Peron". In 1970, the Commando officially became the Montoneros, named after "montoneras", irregular popular troops that followed the federal caudillos of
12426-448: Was intended to restore their trust after the May Day confrontation. Montoneros praised Perón for realizing his "May Day mistake" shortly before his death, and continued to identify him as their mentor. However, after Perón's death the Montoneros went underground on 6 September 1974 and organized resistance against the regime of Isabel Perón , as Isabel's government was dominated by right-wing figures who sought to centralize their control of
12540-555: Was keen to learn from the ERP's Compañía de Monte Ramón Rosa Jiménez operating in the province of Tucumán. In 1975 they sent "observers" to spend a few months with the ERP platoons operating against the 5th Infantry Brigade, then consisting of the 19th, 20th and 29th Mountain Infantry Regiments. On 28 August 1975 the Montoneros planted a bomb in a culvert at the Tucumán air base airstrip. The blast destroyed an air force C-130 transport carrying 116 anti-guerrilla commandos of
12654-522: Was killed and 28 others were wounded, including four colonels and 18 other ranks. In early June 1975, Montoneros guerrillas murdered executives David Bargut and Raul Amelong of the Acindar steel firm in Rosario, in reprisal for alleged repression against striking employees. On 10 June 1975, guerrillas in Santa Fe shot and killed Juan Enrique Pelayes, a trade union leader. On 12 June 1975, in an ambush in
12768-566: Was montonera. In Peru the name "montoneras" is generally applied to different bodies of guerrillas who fought against the Spanish forces during the independence wars . Some units joined the Royalists . According to General Miller: Some were mounted on mules, others on horses, some wearing bearskin hats, others helmets and many hats were downcast vicuña wool : some had feathers, but most had no feathers. Their costumes were no less varied; hussar jackets, coats infantry, and ingrown furs, removed
12882-571: Was tasked with leading the Peronist resistance in Argentina, and spent several years in Cuba afterwards, adopting the Castro's anti-imperialism and becoming the main thinker of Revolutionary Peronism, describing Peronism as a leftist movement that would lead an anti-imperialist revolution of "national liberation" in Argentina. Heavily inspired by the Cuban Revolution, Cooke defined Peronism as "antibureaucratic, socialist, profoundly national, and sister to all
12996-522: Was widespread. On 7 February, four carloads of Montoneros intercepted the car driven by Antonio Muscat, a manager of the Bunge y Born firm, and shot him dead in the presence of his daughter. On 14 February 1975, Montoneros killed Hipólito Acuña, a politician, as he parked his car outside his home in the city of Santa Fe. On 18 February, Montoneros gunmen killed Félix Villafañe of the FITAM S.A. workers union, in
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