The Majority Social Democratic Party of Germany (German: Mehrheitssozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands , MSPD) was the name officially used by the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) between April 1917 and September 1922. The name differentiated it from the Independent Social Democratic Party ( Unabhängige Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands , USPD), which split from the SPD as a result of the party majority's support of the government during the First World War .
94-653: Governments led by the MSPD steered Germany through the German Revolution of 1918–1919 and the first years of the Weimar Republic . They followed a moderate course towards a parliamentary system and often used military force against the radical left groups that wanted a soviet style government. The MSPD introduced important social reforms such as the eight-hour workday and early forms of unemployment and health insurance. The party won more votes than any other in
188-480: A dictatorship of the proletariat , he said to his staff officers on 1 October: I have asked His Majesty to bring into the government those circles to whom we mainly owe it that we have come this far. ... Let them now make the peace that must be made. They should eat the soup they have served up to us! His statement marked the birth of the " stab-in-the-back myth " ( Dolchstoßlegende ), according to which revolutionary socialists and republican politicians had betrayed
282-534: A parliamentary monarchy . The chancellor and his ministers were made dependent on the confidence of the parliamentary majority rather than the emperor, and peace treaties and declarations of war required the Reichstag's approval. Because the chancellor was also responsible for the emperor's acts under the constitution, the emperor's military right of command ( Kommandogewalt ) became the chancellor's responsibility and thus subject to parliamentary control. As far as
376-632: A decree was passed providing relief for the unemployed. Communities were to be responsible for 33% of unemployment relief (without fixing a monetary amount) and the national government would contribute 50%. Responsibility for job placement was first transferred from the Demobilization Office to the minister of Labour and then to the National Employment Exchange Office, which was created in January 1920. In
470-711: A greater degree – the Right. The fractures in the German Left that had become permanent during the revolution made Adolf Hitler 's rise to power in 1933 easier than it might have been if the Left had been more united. When World War I started, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) was the one socialist political party of any significance in the German Empire and as such played a major role in
564-474: A group of 100 Revolutionary Stewards from the larger Berlin factories occupied the Reichstag. Led by their spokesmen Richard Müller and Emil Barth , they formed a revolutionary parliament. Most of the participating stewards had been leaders during the strikes earlier in the year. They did not trust the SPD leadership and had planned a coup for 11 November independently of the sailors' revolt, but were unprepared for
658-504: A protest march by the sailors towards the prison in Kiel where the mutineers were being held. The soldiers opened fire and killed at least nine protestors. The following day, workers in Kiel declared a general strike in support of the protest, and sailors from the barracks at Wik, north of Kiel, joined the march, as did many of the soldiers sent to help control the protests. Faced with the rapidly escalating situation, Admiral Wilhelm Souchon ,
752-572: A week, workers' and soldiers' councils were in control of government and military institutions across most of the Reich. On 9 November, Germany was declared a republic . By the end of the month, all of the ruling monarchs , including Emperor Wilhelm II , had been forced to abdicate. On 10 November, the Council of the People's Deputies was formed by members of Germany's two main socialist parties. Under
846-481: A working group on 14 July 1922, and at a united party congress in Nuremberg on 24 September, the parties reunited. German Revolution of 1918%E2%80%931919 Weimar Republic victory 1918: [REDACTED] German Empire 1918–1919: [REDACTED] German Republic [REDACTED] Revolutionaries: Soviet Republics: The German revolution of 1918–1919 , also known as
940-475: Is generally set at 11 August 1919, the day the Weimar Constitution was adopted; however, the revolution remained in many ways incomplete. A large number of its opponents had been left in positions of power, and it failed to resolve the fracture in the Left between moderate socialists and communists. The Weimar Republic as a result was beset from the beginning by opponents from both the Left and – to
1034-575: Is to last, it must be realised with democratic means. ... Therefore we must draw a thick, visible dividing line between ourselves and the Bolsheviks." On 3 March 1918, the newly established Soviet government signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany to end Russia's involvement in the war. It arguably contained harsher terms for the Russians than the later Treaty of Versailles would demand of
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#17327767581911128-533: The Imperial Fleet for a last battle against the British Royal Navy in the southern North Sea. The naval order of 24 October 1918 and the preparations to sail triggered a mutiny among the sailors involved. They had no intention of risking their lives so close to the end of the war and were convinced that the credibility of the new government, engaged as it was in seeking an armistice with
1222-586: The January 1919 election for the Weimar National Assembly , which was tasked with writing a new constitution, the MSPD captured 37.9% of the vote and 163 seats, almost twice as many as the second place finisher; the USPD gained 7.6% of the vote and 22 seats. The outcome of the 1920 election to the first Weimar Reichstag was quite different. The MSPD's share slipped to 21.9% and 103 seats, while
1316-607: The Majority Social Democrats (SPD), calmed the immediate situation with a promise of amnesty, but by then Kiel was already in the hands of a workers' and soldiers' council , and groups of sailors had gone to nearby cities to spread the uprising. Within days the revolution had encompassed the western part of Germany. By 7 November, the revolution had taken control in all large coastal cities – Lübeck , Bremen , Hamburg – and spread to Braunschweig , Cologne and as far south as Munich . There, Kurt Eisner of
1410-469: The November Revolution ( German : Novemberrevolution ), was an uprising started by workers and soldiers in the final days of World War I . It quickly and almost bloodlessly brought down the German Empire , then, in its more violent second stage, the supporters of a parliamentary republic were victorious over those who wanted a Soviet-style council republic . The defeat of the forces of
1504-591: The October Revolution in Russia. Only a minority of the active revolutionary soldiers' and workers' councils who supported the revolution, however, had the example of the Russian Bolsheviks in mind. The majority of them were striving primarily for an end to the war and military rule. With that goal in mind, they backed the MSPD leadership, whom they trusted, and called for the reunification of
1598-596: The Reichstag building , the SPD deputy chairman Philipp Scheidemann learned that Karl Liebknecht of the Spartacus League planned to proclaim a socialist republic. Scheidemann did not want to leave the initiative to the Spartacists and stepped to a window of the Reichstag building where he proclaimed a republic before the mass of demonstrators gathered there. Ebert, who believed that the decision about
1692-491: The Spartacists from having control of the strike's leadership, but its participation soured the SPD's relationship with the other parties in the Reichstag. The strike was put down by the military after a week. Because of the increasing intra-party conflicts centering around the opponents of the war, the leadership of the SPD under Friedrich Ebert expelled them from the party in January 1917. The Spartacists, who had formed
1786-668: The Supreme Army Command (OHL) introduced the Auxiliary Services Act in December 1916. It proposed full mobilisation and deployment of the workforce, including women, and the "militarisation" of labour relations. It met with such strong criticism that the OHL had to agree to participation by trade unions and the Reichstag parties in the act's implementation. It accepted their demands for arbitration committees,
1880-662: The Wittlesbach throne. By the end of the month, the dynastic rulers of all the other German states had abdicated without bloodshed. There was little to no resistance to the establishment of the councils. Soldiers by simple acclamation often elected their most respected comrades; workers generally chose members of the local executive committees of the SPD or USPD. With the support of local citizens, they freed political prisoners and occupied city halls, military facilities and train stations. The military authorities surrendered or fled, and civic officials accepted that they were under
1974-574: The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in June 1914, the SPD, like other socialist parties in Europe, organised anti-war demonstrations during the July Crisis that led up to the war's outbreak. In contrast to the widespread enthusiasm for the war among the educated classes (the " Spirit of 1914 "), the majority of SPD newspapers were strongly anti-war, although some supported it by pointing out
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#17327767581912068-461: The de facto leadership of Friedrich Ebert of the moderate Majority Social Democratic Party (MSPD), the Council acted as a provisional government that held the powers of the emperor, chancellor and legislature. Most of the old imperial officer corps, administration and judiciary remained in place. The Council needed their expertise to resolve the crises of the moment and thought that handling them
2162-400: The war bonds requested by the imperial government. Fourteen deputies, headed by party co-leader Hugo Haase , and including Karl Liebknecht , spoke out against the bonds but nevertheless followed party discipline and voted in favour. The support was based primarily on the belief, actively fostered by the government, that Germany was fighting a defensive war. Haase explained the decision that
2256-544: The Bismarckian Anti-Socialist Laws in 1890, the majority of the party in its practical politics had come to accept and support parliamentarism . After the death in 1913 of party chairman August Bebel , who had stood as a figure who could integrate the party's two wings, Friedrich Ebert was elected to the leadership of the party. His was a clearly moderate voice that continued to champion the reformist course. Internal party differences between
2350-612: The Council of the People's Deputies was attacked during the Spartacist uprising in January 1919, they decided to trust to the troops led by the old imperial officers and leaders of the newly constituted Freikorps . The bloody suppression of the Spartacist uprising and the Bavarian Soviet Republic by right-wing nationalist Freikorps units recruited by Gustav Noske (MSPD) at the turn of the year 1918/19 left
2444-586: The Emperor does not abdicate, the social revolution is unavoidable. But I do not want it, indeed I hate it like sin." Wilhelm II, still at his headquarters in Spa, was considering returning to Germany at the head of the army to quell any unrest in Berlin. Even when General Groener told him that the army no longer supported him, he did not abdicate. The Chancellor planned to travel to Spa to convince Wilhelm personally of
2538-460: The Entente, would be compromised by a naval attack at such a crucial point in the negotiations. The mutiny began on a small number of ships anchored off Wilhelmshaven. Faced with the sailors' disobedience, naval command called off the offensive during the night of 29–30 October, arrested several hundred of the mutineers and had the ships return to port. On 3 November, police and soldiers confronted
2632-655: The Germans. On 29 September 1918, the Supreme Army Command informed Emperor Wilhelm II and Chancellor Georg von Hertling that the military situation was hopeless in the face of the enemy's overwhelming advantage in manpower and equipment. General Ludendorff said that a request for an immediate ceasefire should be sent to the Entente powers. In hopes of more favourable peace terms, he also recommended accepting American president Woodrow Wilson 's demand that
2726-596: The MSPD had betrayed the revolution and thus, to a large extent, its own supporters. The Spartacus League and other left-wing revolutionary groups founded the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) on 1 January 1919. It marked the final separation between the revolutionary and reformist wings of social democracy. The new government faced a social crisis in Germany following the end of the First World War, with
2820-548: The MSPD in reasonably firm control by mid-1919. Noske, who later became the Weimar Republic 's first Reichswehr minister, was politically responsible for the murders by Freikorps units of many revolutionaries, including Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht on 15 January 1919. The actions taken by Ebert, Noske and Scheidemann during the months of the November Revolution led to the accusation by both parliamentary and non-parliamentary left-wing parties and groups that
2914-562: The MSPD, Centre Party and Progressive People's Party formed a Reichstag Intergroup Committee ( Interfraktioneller Ausschuss ) in a tentative step towards the parliamentarization of the German Empire. Its primary achievement was the German constitutional reforms of October 1918 , which made the chancellor responsible to the Reichstag rather than to the emperor and required parliamentary approval for declarations of war and peace. Since
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3008-584: The Majority SPD with the Independent SPD. The MSPD leadership then offered to form a Council of the People's Deputies with the USPD as the new government. The resulting revolutionary government, with three members each from the MSPD and USPD under the leadership of Ebert and Haase, saw itself as a provisional government for the revolutionary upheaval phase and committed itself to a constituent body that would be created through general elections. At
3102-408: The Reichstag. Initially the party yielded more to the pressure of events than act on specific plans to run a revolutionary government. Ebert's early considerations to refrain from abolishing the monarchy in order to prevent a civil war, for example, proved illusory. The Spartacus League and parts of the USPD advocated the formation of a soviet republic such as the one proclaimed a year earlier during
3196-546: The SPD and formed a new party, the Independent Social Democrats (USPD) – from which the Communist Party of Germany broke off shortly after the end of the war. The SPD and USPD tried to work together during the early days of the revolution, but their differing goals – parliamentary versus council republics – proved irreconcilable. After the fall of the German monarchy, the increasing antagonism between
3290-494: The SPD's far left wing, joined with revisionists such as Eduard Bernstein and centrist Marxists such as Karl Kautsky to found the anti-war Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) under the leadership of Hugo Haase on 6 April 1917. After that point, the SPD was officially named the Majority Social Democratic Party of Germany (MSPD), although it was still generally referred to as
3384-479: The SPD. The USPD called for an immediate end to the war and a further democratisation of Germany but did not have a unified agenda for social policies. Both the USPD and the Spartacists continued their anti-war propaganda in factories, especially in armament plants. In April 1917, the German government facilitated Vladimir Lenin 's return to Russia from his exile in Switzerland in the hope that he would weaken
3478-687: The Social Democrats were concerned, the October Constitution met all the party's important constitutional objectives. Ebert regarded the formation of the Baden government as the birthday of German democracy. Since the Emperor had voluntarily ceded power, he considered a revolution unnecessary. On 5 November, the Entente Powers agreed to take up negotiations for a truce. After the third note, many soldiers had come to expect
3572-523: The Social Democrats. By 1915/1916, members of the Marxist wing and moderate leftists and reformists such as Hugo Haase and Eduard Bernstein opposed the war. In 1917 the anti-war faction within the party had grown to 45 members. In March the majority of the SPD parliamentary membership, led by Ebert and Philipp Scheidemann , voted to expel the opponents of the war. At a conference from 6–8 April 1917 in Gotha ,
3666-607: The USPD voted to join the KPD. The remnant of the USPD lost membership and money trying to steer a course between the KPD and MSPD. The assassination of Foreign Minister Walther Rathenau by members of the ultra-nationalist paramilitary Organisation Consul in June 1922 and the growth of the extreme Right led both the MSPD and the USPD to the view that saving the Republic was more important than their already shrinking political differences. The two parties' Reichstag memberships joined to form
3760-539: The USPD's jumped to 17.6% and 83 seats, putting it in second place; the Communist Party of Germany received 2.1% of the vote and 4 seats. The MSPD's losses were due primarily to the effects of the government's handling of the Kapp Putsch and the ensuing Ruhr uprising . It had distanced itself from its initial call for a general strike to oppose the putsch because the move had angered the military on which it
3854-469: The anti-reformists and reformists were exacerbated by the outbreak of the First World War , in particular the issue of Burgfriedenspolitik , an agreement among the parties in the Reichstag that subordinated party interests to war policy and national interest. The trade unions refrained from striking, all parties supported war credits and agreed not to criticize the government and its handling of
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3948-515: The cessation of submarine activities and (implicitly) the Emperor's abdication. Following the third note of 24 October, which emphasised the danger to international peace inherent in the power of the "King of Prussia" and the "military authorities of the Empire", General Ludendorff resigned and was replaced as First General Quartermaster by General Wilhelm Groener . On 28 October, the Reichstag passed constitutional reforms that changed Germany into
4042-622: The constitutional reforms would not be enough to bring the war to a quick end without the Emperor's abdication. The German revolution was triggered by a sailors' mutiny centered on the North Sea ports of Kiel and Wilhelmshaven in late October 1918. While the war-weary troops and general population of Germany awaited the end of the war, the Imperial Naval Command in Kiel under Admiral Franz von Hipper and Admiral Reinhard Scheer planned without authorization to dispatch
4136-413: The control of the councils rather than the military and carried on with their work. Little changed in the factories except for the removal of the military discipline that had prevailed during the war. Private property was not touched. The sociologist Max Weber was part of the workers' council of Heidelberg and was pleasantly surprised that most members were moderate German liberals. The councils took over
4230-610: The country threatened by hunger and chaos. The return of soldiers into civilian life was for the most part orderly, and efforts were made to combat the threat of starvation. The government of the Council of the People's Deputies raised wage levels and introduced universal proportional representation for both national and state parliaments. A series of regulations on unemployment benefits, job creation and protection, health insurance and pensions introduced important political and social reforms. In February 1918, workers had made an agreement with employers which secured them freedom of association,
4324-518: The danger posed by the Russian Empire , which they saw as the most reactionary and anti-socialist power in Europe. Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg turned down plans by high-ranking military officials to dissolve the SPD at the start of the war and exploited the party's anti-Russian stance to gain its approval for it. After Germany declared war on Russia on 1 August 1914, 96 SPD deputies, among them Friedrich Ebert , agreed to approve
4418-426: The demands of the 9 November demonstrators for the unity of the labour parties. He offered the USPD equal participation in the government and was ready to accept Karl Liebknecht as a minister. The USPD, at Liebknecht's insistence, demanded that elected representatives of the unions and soldiers have full executive, legislative and judicial control. The SPD refused, and negotiations got no further that day. Around 8 pm,
4512-516: The distribution of food, the police force and the accommodation and provisions of the front-line soldiers who were gradually returning home. The workers' and soldiers' councils were made up almost entirely of SPD and USPD members. Their program called for an end to the war and to the authoritarian monarchical state. Apart from the dynastic families, they deprived only the military commands of their power and privilege. There were hardly any confiscations of property or occupations of factories. The duties of
4606-538: The end of 1918, the coalition between the MSPD and USPD collapsed due to a dispute about the use of the military against the rebellious sailors of the People's Navy Division ( Volksmarinedivision ) during the Christmas crisis . The MSPD, which from that point on formed the government alone, attempted unsuccessfully to establish a democratic people's army or to rely on MSPD volunteer organisations for armed support. When
4700-493: The expansion of trade union powers and a repeal of the act at the end of the war. After the outbreak of the Russian February Revolution in 1917, the wartime's first organised strikes erupted in German armament factories in January 1918. 400,000 workers went on strike in Berlin and around a million nationwide. Their primary demand was an end to the war. The SPD took part in the strike in order to keep
4794-402: The far Left Spartacists founded the Communist Party of Germany . A few days later, protests resulting from the violence at the end of December led to mass demonstrations in Berlin that quickly turned into the Spartacist uprising , an attempt to create a dictatorship of the proletariat . It was quashed by government and Freikorps troops with the loss of 150 to 200 lives. In the aftermath of
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#17327767581914888-436: The far left cleared the way for the establishment of the Weimar Republic . The key factors leading to the revolution were the extreme burdens suffered by the German people during the war, the economic and psychological impacts of the Empire's defeat, and the social tensions between the general populace and the aristocratic and bourgeois elite. The revolution began in late October 1918 with a sailors' mutiny at Kiel . Within
4982-452: The first two national elections. The breakaway USPD was considerably weakened after the Spartacus League , its revolutionary wing, joined with other communist groups to form the Communist Party of Germany in January 1919. In 1922 the majority of the remaining USPD members united with the MSPD, and the party returned to its original SPD name. Significant disputes over the direction of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) began with
5076-416: The form of the new government was still in dispute. Once the monarchy had collapsed under the pressure of the workers' and soldiers' councils, it was up to the leadership of the socialist parties in Berlin to quickly establish the new order and address the many critical problems the defeated nation faced. From the beginning, the moderates of the SPD held the leading position. They had the broadest support from
5170-575: The former left-wing anti-revisionists of the Lensch-Cunow-Haenisch group , who were close to the German-Russian journalist Alexander Parvus , influenced the theoretical debates instead of Kautsky and Bernstein from 1915 onwards. Their aim was to utilise the hoped-for German victory in the First World War to implement a socialist order in Europe and liberate the peoples of Eastern Europe from the "yoke of tsarism ". In June 1917,
5264-459: The former members founded the USPD, with the Spartacus group around Luxemburg, Liebknecht and Clara Zetkin as its left wing. To distinguish itself from the USPD, the remaining part of the SPD was renamed the Majority SPD, or MSPD. Karl Kautsky , the long-time editor of the journal Die Neue Zeit , and leading theorists of the reform wing also moved to the USPD. In the remaining Majority SPD,
5358-565: The future form of the government of Germany belonged to a national assembly of the people's democratically elected representatives, stormed angrily at Scheidemann for his spontaneous decision to announce a republic. A few hours later, in the Berlin Lustgarten , Liebknecht proclaimed a socialist republic, which he reaffirmed from a balcony of the Berlin Palace to an assembled crowd at around 4 pm. The Emperor had fallen, but
5452-409: The imperial civilian administration and office holders such as police, municipal administrations and courts were not curtailed or interfered with. In order to create an executive committed to the revolution and to the future of the new government, the councils for the moment left government officials in place and took over only their supervision from the military commands that had been put in place during
5546-623: The imperial government be democratised. His aim was to protect the reputation of the Imperial Army by placing the responsibility for the capitulation and its consequences at the feet of the democratic parties and the Reichstag. In a veiled reference to the workers who had struck the armaments plants, the Social Democrats who had helped pass the Reichstag Peace Resolution in July 1917 and the radical Spartacists who wanted
5640-453: The kind of bloody civil war that was occurring in Russia could also break out in Germany. The moderate SPD leadership consequently shifted away from the party's official stance as revolutionary socialists. Otto Braun clarified the SPD's position in an article titled "The Bolsheviks and Us" ( Die Bolschewiki und Wir ) in the party newspaper Vorwärts of 15 February 1918: "Socialism cannot be erected on bayonets and machine guns. If it
5734-494: The legal guarantee of an eight-hour workday and the extension of wage agreements to all branches of trade and industry. The Council of the People's Deputies made the changes legally binding. In addition, the MSPD-steered provisional government introduced binding state arbitration of labour conflicts, created worker's councils in large industrial firms, and opened the path to the unionization of rural labourers. In December 1918,
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#17327767581915828-467: The naval commander in Kiel, released the imprisoned sailors and asked the protestors to send a delegation to meet with him and two representatives of the Baden government who had arrived from Berlin. The sailors had a list of fourteen demands, including less harsh military punishment and full freedom of speech and the press in the Empire. One of the representatives from the Reich government, Gustav Noske of
5922-403: The necessity, but his plans were overtaken by the rapidly deteriorating situation in Berlin. Instead of going to Spa to meet with the Emperor in person, Chancellor von Baden telephoned him on the morning of 9 November and tried to convince him to hand the throne over to a regent who would constitutionally name Ebert chancellor. After his efforts failed, Baden, without authorization, proclaimed to
6016-532: The new imperial chancellor on 3 October. The Prince was considered a liberal and at the same time was a representative of the royal family. Most of the men in his cabinet were independents, but there were also two members of the SPD. The following day, the new government offered the Allies the truce that Ludendorff had insisted on, and on the fifth the German public was informed of the dismal situation that it faced. Even up to that late point, government propaganda and
6110-486: The parties of the centre and Right, and its members were often disparaged as "journeymen without a fatherland" ( Vaterlandslose Gesellen ) because their class antagonism was seen to transcend national boundaries. The SPD had attended the congresses of the Second International beginning in 1889, where they had agreed to resolutions asking for combined action by socialists in the event of a war. Following
6204-441: The party had made with the words: "We will not abandon our Fatherland in its hour of danger!" Many SPD members were eager to show their patriotism, in part to free themselves from the charge of being "journeymen without a fatherland". Since the SPD was the only party whose position was in any real doubt, its unanimous vote for the war bonds was greeted with great enthusiasm as a sign of Germany's national unity. The Emperor welcomed
6298-417: The political truce ( Burgfriedenspolitik ) among the Reichstag's parties in which they agreed not to criticise the government's handling of the war and to keep their disagreements out of public view. He declared: "I no longer know parties, I know only Germans!" As the war dragged on and the death toll rose, more SPD members began to question the party's support for the war. The dissatisfaction increased when
6392-428: The press had led the people to believe that the war would still be won. The shock of the impending defeat caused a "paralytic bitterness and deep resignation" which eased the way for those who wanted an immediate ceasefire. During October, President Wilson responded to the request for a truce with three diplomatic notes. As a precondition for negotiations, he demanded the retreat of Germany from all occupied territories,
6486-519: The public that the Emperor and the Crown Prince had renounced the German and Prussian thrones. Immediately thereafter, following a short meeting of the cabinet, the Prince transferred the chancellorship to Friedrich Ebert, a move that was not allowed under the constitution. Ebert quickly released a statement announcing the formation of a new "people's government" whose immediate tasks were to end
6580-410: The radical Independent Social Democrats (USPD) was elected president of the Bavarian Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Council, and on 8 November he proclaimed the People's State of Bavaria . King Ludwig III and his family fled Munich for Austria, where in the 12 November Anif declaration he relieved all civil servants and military personnel from their oath of loyalty to him, effectively abdicating
6674-422: The reforms were adopted only on 28 October 1918, they were quickly overtaken by the collapse of the Empire at the end of World War I. On 9 September 1918, in the early days of the German Revolution of 1918–1919 that followed Germany's defeat, Prince Maximilian von Baden , the last chancellor of the German Empire, handed the government over to Friedrich Ebert as head of the party with the largest number of seats in
6768-402: The resolutions of the revolutionary parliament, since they intended to replace Ebert's function as chancellor. On the evening of the ninth, the SPD leadership learned of the plans for the elections and the councils' meeting. Since they could not be prevented, Otto Wels used the party apparatus to influence the voting in the soldiers' councils and won most of them over to the SPD. By morning it
6862-410: The revisionist debate triggered by Eduard Bernstein . He and his supporters sought to achieve socialism not through revolution, the original goal of the SPD, but through reforms and democratic majorities legitimised in general elections. The reformist wing of the party – or "revisionist" in the party's internal parlance at the time – gradually gained acceptance within the SPD. By the time of the repeal of
6956-427: The revolution also wanted to nationalise key industries, democratise the military and set up a council republic, but the MSPD had control of most of the workers' and soldiers' councils and blocked any substantial movement towards their goals. The split between the moderate and radical socialists erupted into violence in the last days of 1918, sparked by a dispute over sailors' pay that left 67 dead. On 1 January 1919,
7050-516: The revolution. It had been banned from 1878–1890 and in 1914 continued to adhere to the tenets of class conflict . It had international ties to other countries' socialist parties, all of which were ideologically anti-war. Patriotism nevertheless proved the stronger force when the war broke out, and the SPD threw its support behind the Fatherland. By 1917, some on the left of the party had become so outspokenly anti-war that they were expelled from
7144-404: The revolutionary events since Kiel. In order to take the initiative from Ebert, they decided to announce elections for the following day, a Sunday. Every Berlin factory was to elect workers' councils and every regiment soldiers' councils that were then to elect a revolutionary government from members of the two labour parties (SPD and USPD) in the evening. The government would be empowered to execute
7238-417: The state, Ebert wanted to win over the middle class parties that had cooperated with the SPD in the Reichstag in 1917 as well as the old elites of the German Empire. He wanted to avoid the spectre of radicalisation of the revolution along Russian lines and was also worried that the precarious food supply situation could break down, leading to the takeover of the administration by inexperienced revolutionaries. He
7332-419: The system that had led to the long years of hardship and privation for the people at home and to the impending defeat in the war, the conviction spread that he would have to abdicate. Historian Eberhard Kolb saw a vast "paralysis of the will" in the state's power to preserve order and a corresponding desire among the people for a more complete transformation of the political and social order. The German populace
7426-502: The three principal protagonists: Paul Lensch , Heinrich Cunow and Konrad Haenisch . They followed the initiative of Parvus in advocating a German victory as a positive step for international social democracy . They mobilised Marxist arguments behind the war effort. In 1907 Parvus had been a critic of German imperialism , publishing Colonial Policy and the Breakdown during the 1907 German federal election , often referred to as
7520-410: The three socialist parties drove the violence of the revolution's second stage. By 1912, the Social Democrats had grown into the largest political party in Germany, with 35% of the national vote and 110 seats in the last imperial Reichstag . In spite of its predominance, the party had no role in the imperial government. Its official espousal of Marxist revolutionary socialism aroused the distrust of
7614-475: The tsarist regime and its conduct of the war. After the 1917 October Revolution that put Lenin and the Bolsheviks in power, many in both Russia and Germany expected that soviet Russia would in return help foment a communist revolution in Germany. For Germany's far Left, it provided hope for its own success, and for the moderate socialists, along with the middle and upper classes, it was a source of fear that
7708-402: The undefeated army and turned an almost certain victory into a defeat. Although shocked by Ludendorff's report and the news of the certain defeat, the majority parties in the Reichstag, especially the SPD, were willing to take on the responsibility of government. Chancellor Hertling objected to introducing a parliamentary system and resigned. Emperor Wilhelm II appointed Prince Max of Baden as
7802-548: The uprising, the Spartacist leaders Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were murdered by the Freikorps . Into the spring, there were additional violently suppressed efforts to push the revolution further in the direction of a council republic, as well as short-lived local soviet republics, notably in Bavaria ( Munich ), Bremen and Würzburg . They too were put down with considerable loss of life. The revolution's end date
7896-476: The war as quickly as possible and to ensure a sufficient supply of food for the German people, who were still suffering under the impact of the Allied blockade . The statement ended with "Leave the streets! Keep order and peace!" The premature news of the abdication came too late to make any impression on the demonstrators who had filled the streets of Berlin. Nobody heeded the public appeals. While having lunch in
7990-483: The war to end and were anxious to return home. They had little willingness to fight more battles, and desertions were increasing. The sociologist Max Weber attributed the collapse of the Empire to the "hollowing out" of Germany's traditional standards during the war. The expansion of black markets also revealed the economic and monetary failures of the Wilhelmine system. Since it was Emperor Wilhelm who embodied
8084-529: The war. Notably, revolutionary sentiment did not affect the eastern parts of Germany to any considerable extent, apart from isolated instances of agitation at Breslau in Silesia and Königsberg in East Prussia . Friedrich Ebert, the leader of the SPD, agreed with the chancellor, Prince Max of Baden, that a social revolution had to be prevented and order upheld at all costs. In the restructuring of
8178-665: The war. The majority of the SPD Reichstag party membership under the leadership of Ebert and Hugo Haase , who later moved to the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD), supported Burgfriedenspolitik and the war policy of the German Empire . At the end of 1914, Karl Liebknecht of the SPD was the first member of the Reichstag to vote against war credits. He was expelled from the party in 1916 for his opposition to its leadership. The SPD's left-wing revolutionary International Group , which
8272-423: The working class and the at least grudging backing of the imperial bureaucracy, most of which remained in place. When Ebert showed himself willing to use the military and Freikorps against opposing members of the socialist Left, it quickly led to fractures between the SPD and USPD and then to street battles with the Spartacists and communists. Ebert wanted to take the sting out of the revolutionary mood and to meet
8366-401: Was already war weary when the request for a ceasefire came like a thunderbolt. From that point, they wanted only peace. Wilson's Fourteen Points fed the belief that Germany would get a just peace if it democratised, and so the desire for peace led to demands for democracy. The revolutionary groups that had been weak and disorganized were emboldened, and even the middle class began to fear that
8460-494: Was certain that the SPD would be able to implement its reform plans in the future due to its parliamentary majorities. Ebert did his best to act in agreement with the old powers and intended to save the monarchy. In hopes that the Emperor's departure and the establishment of a regency would save the constitutional monarchy that had been established on 28 October, the SPD called for Wilhelm's abdication on 7 November. According to notes taken by Prince Max of Baden, Ebert told him, "If
8554-416: Was clear that the SPD would have the majority of the delegates on its side at the councils' meeting that evening. Lensch-Cunow-Haenisch group The Lensch-Cunow-Haenisch group was a political faction within the Social Democratic Party of Germany founded in 1915 by anti-revisionist Marxists who despite previously opposing participation in the First World War now supported it. Its name comes from
8648-466: Was founded by Rosa Luxemburg and renamed the Spartacus Group in 1916 and the Spartacus League in 1918, had also agitated against the war from the outset. Over time, the deadlocked course of the war, with tens of thousands of fallen soldiers and growing hardship among the German population, led to increasing doubts about its justifications among both the general population and in the ranks of
8742-406: Was more important than ousting many key government figures to ensure that the new democracy was firmly anchored against its opponents. The Council of the People's Deputies' immediately removed some of the Empire's harsh restrictions, such as on freedom of expression, and promised an eight-hour workday and elections that would give women the right to vote for the first time. Those on the left wing of
8836-506: Was relying, and the Ruhr uprising was harshly and bloodily suppressed by the military and Freikorps. Most of the voters the MSPD lost went to the USPD and KPD. In the new republic's first presidential election in August 1919, Friedrich Ebert defeated Arthur von Posadowsky-Wehner of the conservative German National People's Party by 73% to 13%. In 1920, a little over half of the members of
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