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46-580: The Maracucho Spanish (also called maracaibero , marabino or zuliano ) is the variety of Spanish generally spoken in the Zulia state in the northwest of Venezuela and the west of the Falcón state ( Mauroa Municipality ). Unlike the varieties from Caracas , Venezuelan Llanos or the Venezuelan Andean region , the maracucho is typically voseante . Preserves for this combination the shape of

92-518: A diphthong. Central to Eckert's sociolinguistic theoretical framework is the concept of community of practice . The notion of community of practice was formulated by Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger both of whom Eckert met in 1989 while working at the Institute for Research on Learning in Palo Alto . A community of practice is a group of people who, through interaction and shared context, define

138-424: A more ethnographic approach. Finally, the third wave built upon the first two waves by articulating how these social structures are interpreted in a local context. Eckert's focus on language in adolescence and preadolescence began in the early eighties with Jocks and Burnouts , an ethnographic project set in suburban Detroit high schools. Eckert's work highlighted social categories as cultures that structured

184-526: A primarily poor and ethnically diverse student population. Adopting a communities of practice approach, Eckert studied the stylistic development of a heterosexual marketplace or field of gender difference among fifth and sixth graders. In particular, Eckert examined the role of linguistic variation in this development, including nasal variation in /ae/, emotional expression via pitch range, and indexicality of /o/, /ay/, and /ow/ fronting. Eckert researches language in discourse communities as well as recognizing

230-520: A role in establishing vowel shifts throughout the state. Californians view their dialect as similar and identifiable to most states, excluding locations with distinct accents such as Chicago and New York. California English is known for the linguistic and paralinguistic features that articulate vowels "o" and "u", pronounced "eeuw". Popular California vernacular is known for transitional words like "oh", said like "oeeuw" and phrases consisting of, "I'm like" and "she's like", "I'm all" and "he's all", alongside

276-596: A scholarly standpoint. Eckert has mainly collaborated with Sally McConnell-Ginet , a Professor Emeritis at Cornell University . The two started working together in 1990, have given talks together, and worked on one of her most well known works, Language and Gender . Her early work focused on phonological variation in Gascon . During this period she specialized in the spread of sound change across geographical regions, specifically in Southern France. She studied

322-494: A set of practices based upon language style, values, belief systems, dynamics of power, and performance. Examples of communities of practice could be mechanics working at a shop, regular members of a religious congregation, faculty members in a specific department, and members of a sports team that practice and play regularly together. The community of practice is defined by the context of the environment and social dynamics which include age, gender, sex, sexuality, and social class of

368-471: A single regional lect or standardized variety. Dialect and register may thus be thought of as different dimensions of linguistic variation . For example, Trudgill suggests the following sentence as an example of a nonstandard dialect that is used with the technical register of physical geography: There was two eskers what we saw in them U-shaped valleys. Most speakers command a range of registers, which they use in different situations. The choice of register

414-546: A speech community of one individual. Penelope Eckert Penelope " Penny " Eckert (born 1942) is Albert Ray Lang Professor Emerita of Linguistics at Stanford University . She specializes in variationist sociolinguistics and is the author of several scholarly works on language and gender . She served as the president of the Linguistic Society of America in 2018. Eckert received her PhD in linguistics in 1978 from Columbia University , where she

460-462: Is a member of various committees. Eckert's research shows that adolescents are the "movers and shakers of linguistic change," which explains her focus on this demographic in much of her research, specifically the creation of adolescence in the United States. Eckert became interested in her field of work through her own experience, dissatisfied with the way that it was being approached from

506-594: Is addressed and concentrates on adolescents since they are the "movers and shakers in linguistic change". She does this through the use of "in-depth ethnographic fieldwork focusing on the relation between variation, linguistic style, social identity and social practice." Eckert developed three waves of analytic practice to facilitate the study of sociolinguistics and how it varies within communities. The first wave focuses on how linguistic variations relate to different demographic communities in highly populated American cities. The second wave deconstructed social structures with

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552-414: Is affected by the setting and topic of speech, as well as the relationship that exists between the speakers. The appropriate form of language may also change during the course of a communicative event as the relationship between speakers changes, or different social facts become relevant. Speakers may shift styles, as their perception of an event in progress changes. Consider the following telephone call to

598-486: Is called a regional dialect (regiolect, geolect ); some regional varieties are called regionalects or topolects, especially to discuss varieties of Chinese . In addition, there are varieties associated with particular ethnic groups (sometimes called ethnolects ), socioeconomic classes (sometimes called sociolects ), or other social or cultural groups. Dialectology is the study of dialects and their geographic or social distribution. Traditionally, dialectologists study

644-484: Is one of the newer states as well as an ethnically diverse state. The pre-conceived notion that California speech is based solely on Hollywood is false and the cultural and linguistic diversity throughout the state is sizable. Eckert's work employs ethnographic research and follows preadolescents' linguistic development throughout elementary and middle school years. Eckert notes that pitch is in relation to gender when referring to women and their tonality. She explains that

690-455: Is something in common with Venezuelan and other Caribbean dialects, more obviously aspiration of [x] and syllable-final /s/. An interesting fact is that the demonyms of Maracaibo are due to the type of speech used by the people of Municipality . The maracuchos are characterized (in other states of Venezuela) for being foul-mouthed and sometimes cracked, but this depends on which part of the region they are in. The maracuchos are distinguished by

736-558: Is used in many western cultures to talk to small children or as a joking register used in teasing or playing The Dozens . There are also registers associated with particular professions or interest groups; jargon refers specifically to the vocabulary associated with such registers. Unlike dialects, which are used by particular speech communities and associated with geographical settings or social groupings, registers are associated with particular communicative situations, purposes, or levels of formality, and can constitute divisions within

782-577: The Embassy of Cuba in Washington, DC . Caller: ¿Es la embajada de Cuba? ( Is this the Cuban embassy? ) Receptionist: Sí. Dígame. ( Yes, may I help you? ) Caller: Es Rosa. ( It's Rosa. ) Receptionist: ¡Ah Rosa! ¿Cóma anda eso? ( Oh, Rosa! How's it going? ) At first, the receptionist uses a relatively formal register, as befits her professional role. After the caller identifies herself,

828-408: The lexicon , such as slang and argot , is often considered in relation to particular styles or levels of formality (also called registers ), but such uses are sometimes discussed as varieties as well. O'Grady et al. define dialect : "A regional or social variety of a language characterized by its own phonological , syntactic , and lexical properties." A variety spoken in a particular region

874-506: The best possible constellation of linguistic features available. It is general social acceptance that gives us a workable arbitrary standard, not any inherent superiority of the characteristics it specifies." Sociolinguists generally recognize the standard variety of a language as one of the dialects of that language. In some cases, an authoritative regulatory body , such as the Académie Française , maintains and codifies

920-402: The case of multilinguals , various languages. For scholars who view language from the perspective of linguistic competence , essentially the knowledge of language and grammar that exists in the mind of an individual language user, the idiolect, is a way of referring to the specific knowledge. For scholars who regard language as a shared social practice, the idiolect is more like a dialect with

966-492: The cliché surfer and skateboarder slang that California English dialect includes. In the Californian vernacular, vowels are either merged or form a diphthong. Words like "dawn" and "don" are pronounced similarly; different vowels that are pronounced with the same sound. A common word like "mom" can sound like "mawm". Diphthong is the combined sound of two vowels in one syllable. Words like "coin" and "house" are examples of

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1012-568: The concept of the community of practice , a group of people who develop shared knowledge and shared norms of interaction, as the social group within which dialects develop and change. Sociolinguists Penelope Eckert and Sally McConnell-Ginet explain: "Some communities of practice may develop more distinctive ways of speaking than others. Thus, it is within communities of practice that linguistic influence may spread within and among speech communities." The words dialect and accent are often used synonymously in everyday speech, but linguists define

1058-555: The contextual limits of making generalizations from those studies. She also highlights that studies of gender and language ought to not solely focus on linguistic differences but also examine overlaps in language use. Eckert points out that gender is not solitary, but socially constructed through multi-modal factors such as class, sexuality, age, ethnicity, and sex. For example, tag questions and rising intonations are typically attributed to be common markers of ' women's language '. Historically, tags and intonation have been thought of as

1104-495: The dichotomy, instead locating themselves as "In-betweens." Eckert examined the extreme backing and lowering of (uh), a step in the Northern Cities Chain Shift , among jocks, in-betweens, and burnouts, as well as the effect of parents' socioeconomic status on the backing and lowering (uh), finding no correlation; this would indicate that parents' socioeconomic status had no substantial effect. Rather, it

1150-474: The elderly population, who were the first generation to learn French as a second language after their regional language. She returned to Gascon in 2005 to continue her work there, focusing on the diversity of isoglosses in the area. Her more recent work focuses on the social meaning of linguistic variables, particularly in English. Eckert's research aims to address shifts in linguistic patterns in how gender

1196-492: The greatest focus of Eckert's work has been the construction of gender within communities of practice. Eckert is cautious of many sociolinguistic studies that draw conclusions about language and gender without taking multiple contextual factors and the variety of community of practices into consideration. While praising William Labov 's 1966's department store study and Robin Lakoff 's work on gender and language, Eckert points out

1242-419: The language of subordination in mixed-gender settings. Eckert, however, points out that in all-female communities, tags and intonation are used to assert dominance and power. Eckert emphasizes that under a community of practice paradigm, language and gender must avoid generalizations, must be seen as active, must be viewed under an intersectional lens, and that ethnographic studies are central to understanding

1288-415: The language. Since the selection is an arbitrary standard , standard forms are the "correct" varieties only in the sense that they are tacitly valued by higher socio-economic strata and promoted by public influencers on matters of language use , such as writers, publishers, critics, language teachers, and self-appointed language guardians. As Ralph Harold Fasold puts it, "The standard language may not even be

1334-468: The linguistic and ethnic dialects that continue to grow. She not only studies the change in children's and teenagers' vernacular in California, but she also analyses how the language and vowels are pronounced. Both Eckert and her graduate students from Stanford University created a study called "Voices of California", which examines English language variation in different parts of California. California

1380-420: The linguistics community, through a panel entitled "Our Linguistics Community: Addressing Bias, Power Dynamics, Harassment," as well as developing an open dialogue among the ethics, status of women in linguistics, and ethnic diversity in linguistics committees. Eckert is a professor of linguistics at Stanford University where she is an active affiliate of the feminist, gender, and sexuality studies program, and

1426-424: The other hand, embody working-class cultures, resisting the corporate norms of education in preparation to enter the blue-collar workforce; burnouts' social networks extend across age groups and local and urban environments. Rather than restrict students to the two categories, Eckert emphasizes the hegemonic nature of the dichotomy that structures students' self-identification. In other words, few students exist outside

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1472-474: The participants. One's identity is thus shaped by one's membership and participation in a variety of communities of practice. While originally based on sociological research on 'newcomers' and 'old-timers' in a place of employment, communities of practice, according to Eckert, have a legitimate role in shaping identity through language. Eckert expanded upon Lave and Wenger's concept by focusing on language use within communities of practice. Through commonalities in

1518-489: The receptionist recognizes that she is speaking to a friend, and she shifts to an informal register of colloquial Cuban Spanish . The shift is similar to metaphorical code-switching , but since it involves styles or registers, it is considered an example of style-shifting. An idiolect is defined as "the language use typical of an individual person". An individual's idiolect may be affected by contact with various regional or social dialects, professional registers and, in

1564-464: The second person plural familiar ( vosotros ), without apocope or syncope , which distinguishes it from the Chilean and Rioplatense voseo, respectively. Besides, the maracucho is characterized by the use of many words and expressions different from the particular Spanish from Venezuela and an accent markedly different from those of other regions of the country. But in terms of pronunciation, there

1610-406: The size, color, odor and other characteristics of what they refer to, example; " Vergación de grande es tu casa " or " vergación, que molleja de calor hay " usually it is used by the maracaiberos as these expressions are seen as rude or vulgar. This Spanish language -related article is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Linguistic variety Variation at the level of

1656-417: The social classification that exists within and between communities of practice. Furthermore, Eckert posits language style as a mechanism by which one establishes identity within communities of practice. For example, Eckert provides examples of early adolescent girls' use of profanity in a variety of communities of practice. She points out that generalizations about the use of profanity are problematic because

1702-461: The tone of a woman's voice displays theatrical appeal and variability in language. Valley girl-speak stereotypes are known to be a distinctive Californian cultured dialect. California women are known for valley-girl language, whereas California men are known for their pitch rising throughout their sentences following a plateau. Uptalk also occurs later in their phrases and Eckert is known to analyze uptalk in detail. The California dialects also play

1748-585: The two terms differently. Accent generally refers to differences in pronunciation , especially those that are associated with geographic or social differences, whereas dialect refers to differences in grammar and vocabulary as well. Many languages have a standard variety , some lect that is selected and promoted prescriptively by either quasi-legal authorities or other social institutions, such as schools or media. Standard varieties are accorded more sociolinguistic prestige than other, nonstandard lects and are generally thought of as "correct" by speakers of

1794-503: The usage norms for a standard variety. More often, though, standards are understood in an implicit, practice-based way. Writing about Standard English, John Algeo suggests that the standard variety "is simply what English speakers agree to regard as good". A register (sometimes called a style ) is a variety of language used in a particular social setting. Settings may be defined in terms of greater or lesser formality, or in terms of socially recognized events, such as baby talk , which

1840-399: The use of language, identities are constructed and co-constructed. In each community, membership is negotiated through language use. Phoneme variation, topics of interest, vocabulary use, discursive practices, and avoidance or uptake of standardized English are all language variables in which one negotiates identity, relationships, and power within and across communities of practice. Perhaps

1886-416: The use of phonological variables within the high school setting. Jocks, embodying middle-class values, profit from the corporate organization of education which simulates expectations and norms of the corporate workplace, one in which personal values coincide with those of the organization; their social networks are restricted to those within the school environment and within similar age groups. Burnouts, on

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1932-492: The use of unique phrases in Venezuela , and the use of colloquial language, some examples of which are: ¡Que molleja! , ¡A la vaina! , ¡A la verga! that indicate astonishment, Mollejúo to mean something big. Also used are expressions such as " Mialma " and " Vergación ", for example " ¡Mialma, no sabía esa verga! " and the " Vergación " when something seems surprising them also to emphasize that if in

1978-422: The variety of language used within a particular speech community , a group of people who share a set of norms or conventions for language use. In order to sidestep the vexing problem of distinguishing dialect from language , some linguists have been using the term communalect – defined as "a neutral term for any speech tradition tied to a specific community". More recently, sociolinguists have adopted

2024-653: Was a student of William Labov . She is the author or co-author of three books on sociolinguistics, the co-editor of three collections, and author of numerous scholarly papers in the field. She attended Oberlin College in 1963 as an undergraduate. Eckert served as the president of the International Gender and Language Association from 2000 until 2003. She was elected as a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2011. In 2012, she

2070-483: Was inducted as a Fellow of the Linguistic Society of America , where she had previously served on a number of committees, including the ethics, ethnic diversity in linguistics, nominating, and status of women in linguistics, where she served as committee chair from 1990 to 1991. In 2016, she was elected president of the LSA. As president of the organization, Eckert worked to combat workplace harassment and power dynamics in

2116-466: Was students' jock/burnout identities and social network clusters that showed the stronger correlation, wherein burnouts exhibited the highest frequency of (uh) backing and lowering. In the late nineties, Eckert conducted ethnographic work at two elementary schools in San Jose, California ; one school served a predominantly working-class and middle-class Anglo-American population, while the other served

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