Misplaced Pages

#865134

57-650: The aims of the organization are to protect and advance the aboriginal and treaty rights and interests of First Nations in Canada, including health, education, culture and language. It represents primarily status Indians . The Métis and non-status Indians have organized in the same period as the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples (CAP). Reflecting changes in where Aboriginal peoples are living, it represents primarily urban Indians, including off-reserve status Indians and Inuit . Indigenous peoples of North America have created

114-622: A certificate of Indian status or secure certificate of Indian status. It is often called a "status card". The Red Paper The Red Paper , also titled "Citizens Plus," is a policy proposal put forward by the Indian Association of Alberta (IAA) in 1970 under the leadership of Cree political leader Harold Cardinal . The Red Paper was a counter-proposal to the White Paper , a policy put forward by Pierre Trudeau 's Minister of Indian Affairs , Jean Chrétien . The White Paper

171-613: A distinct group reflecting Indigenous peoples history in North America. Supported by a churches, labour, and other citizen groups, the NIB mounted massive opposition to the government plan. On June 3, 1970, the NIB presented the response by Harold Cardinal and the Indian Chiefs of Alberta (entitled "Citizens Plus" but commonly known as " The Red Paper ") to Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and ministers of his Cabinet. Startled by

228-579: A meeting with the federal government. Based on the findings of the Hawthorn report, in conjunction with the various discussions that they federal government had with Indigenous Nations, the White Paper was written. These historical backgrounds played a key role in advising the policies and the advocacies outlined in the Red Paper. The 1970 Citizens Plus document, or "The Red Paper", put forward by

285-484: A need for it. While the Red Paper believed there to be issues with the Indian Affairs Branch, they argue that it should be changed in accordance to the needs of Indigenous peoples, providing direct access to the federal government. An appointment of a sole commissioner is also rejected. The White Paper's proposal of this commissioner states that the appointment would happen by the government alone, and it

342-707: A variety of political organizations. Examples preceding European contact include the Iroquois Confederacy , or Haudenosaunee , the Blackfoot Confederacy , and Powhatan Confederacy in three different regions. There were other confederacies in New England, New York, and in the Southeast British colonies. Other groups formed later to enter into treaties with colonial governments led by ethnic French, Spanish and English. During

399-403: A whole plethora of negative impacts on communities. Some of the negative impacts experienced by the children forced into the system included "harsh discipline, malnutrition, poor healthcare, physical, emotional and sexual abuse, neglection, and the deliberate suppression of their cultures and languages". In Canada's history, there were a total of 130 residential schools, which were responsible for

456-533: Is also titled 1969 Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy. On January 22, 1970, the Indian Chiefs of Alberta sent a letter of concern addressed to Pierre Trudeau, in which they stated they had a first draft of a Red Paper counter-proposal and plan to complete the final draft in the near future, for presentation to the federal government. In June 1970, the Red Paper was published. The White Paper suggested multiple policy changes such as: removal of

513-709: Is held by the Indian Registrar. The discriminatory reasons for revoking status were: Since 1956 the Canadian federal government has issued an identity document to individuals who are registered under the Indian Act . Traditionally these documents have been used by First Nations people in Canada to cross the border between Canada and the United States under the Jay Treaty . The document is called

570-535: Is there that the Red Paper takes issue. Because this appointment would happen without any consultation whatsoever, the proposal is rejected. Subsequently intertwined within the many rejections of the White Paper, the Citizen's Plus (1970) also lists a plethora of ideas and recommendations intended to help effect productive change in Canadian Indian Policy. In its essence, while the Red Paper rejects

627-511: The Indian Act in Canada, called status Indians or registered Indians . People registered under the Indian Act have rights and benefits that are not granted to other First Nations people, Inuit , or Métis , the chief benefits of which include the granting of reserves and of rights associated with them, an extended hunting season , easier access to firearms, an exemption from federal and provincial taxes on reserve, and more freedom in

SECTION 10

#1732765841866

684-658: The British North America Act (1867) handed the authority of these reserves to the federal government. According to the authors of the Red Paper, the treaty negotiations were made from a position of strength, as the Crown was under the impression that Indigenous groups were in weak bargaining positions. Due to the ceding of the land, benefits were promised to Indigenous Peoples, which were meant to be in perpetuity. While promises were made to Indigenous groups verbally, these promises were not always reflected in

741-433: The Congress of Aboriginal Peoples (CAP), representing urban and off-reserve Métis, non-status and status Indians. It also represents some Inuit. The National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) was a national political body made up of the leadership of the various provincial and territorial organizations (PTOs); it lobbied for changes to federal and provincial policies to support Indigenous rights and sovereignty. The following year,

798-472: The Indian Association of Alberta . The Métis and non-status Indians set up a separate organization in 1971, known as the Native Council of Canada (NCC). It originally was made up of regional and provincial associations of these peoples. By the late 20th century, an increasing number of Aboriginal peoples were living in urban areas. With further development and led by Jim Sinclair , in 1993 it became

855-543: The Indian Chiefs of Alberta expresses significant frustration with the federal government 's White Paper proposal, believing that "it offers despair instead of hope". As such, it included counter-policy in which certain policies presented in the White Paper were either rejected outright, or with some type of alternative. The first to be addressed is the White Paper's proposal to remove Indian status . The Citizens Plus document rejects this, stating that "[r]etaining

912-662: The United Nations Economic and Social Council in 1974, until such time as an international Indigenous organization could be formed. When the World Council of Indigenous Peoples was formed on Nuu-chah-nulth territory the following year, under the leadership of George Manuel, it took the place of the NIB at the United Nations . The NIB began to have its own tensions. Individual chiefs and regional groupings begin to chafe because their only access to

969-543: The AFN. In early 2013, the press reported that documents revealed that the AFN had been operating together with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) to provide information and conduct surveillance on members of First Nations communities. This was in response to their joint concerns over disruptions due to mass protests over issues of sovereignty, land claims, and related tensions. Reporters acquired

1026-467: The Citizens Plus document simply rejects this, believing that the promise of "enriched services" are merely bribes by the federal government to accept the rest of the policy which will result in further division of Indigenous people. The Red Paper also rejects what was presented regarding Indigenous land . While they agree with the intent behind giving control of "Indian lands" to "Indian people",

1083-502: The Crown". The proposal put forward by the White Paper to repeal the Indian Act is also rejected. While they believe it essential to review the Indian Act , the Red Paper argues that it provides the legal framework for Indian people that federal or provincial governments would to other Canadians. Furthermore, the Red Paper rejects the proposal to abolish the Indian Affairs Branch , stating that there will always be

1140-566: The Indian people. These proposals were all set forth, in effort by the Canadian government, to implement what it considered equal status for Indian people among Canadian society. The Red Paper response was the counter-proposal to each of these projects. The alternate policies requested the Canadian government to, in the same order: retain legal Indian status; preserve Indian culture through status, rights, lands and traditions; accept legislative responsibility for Indians; help all tribes rather than just

1197-487: The NIB launched its first major campaign, which opposed the assimilationist proposals of the 1969 White Paper . In that, the Minister of Indian Affairs , Jean Chrétien , had proposed abolition of the Indian Act , rejection of Aboriginal land claims , and assimilation of First Nations people into the Canadian population, with the status of other ethnic minorities, who were largely descendants of immigrants, rather than as

SECTION 20

#1732765841866

1254-481: The Red Paper advocates for a change in perspective when observing Indigenous presence in Canada. As mentioned in Section B.2 Unique Indian Culture and Contribution, the Red Paper strives to encourage the Canadian ideal of 'Pluralism' as all inclusive, compelling readers to understand ancestral historical Indian as "old colourful roots in that Canadian fabric of Diversity." In this section the Red Paper also advocates for

1311-635: The Red Paper goes back to when the Crown established treaties with the Indigenous Peoples. The historical events that this sub section looks at are broad main events that have influenced the grievances listed in the Red Paper. With plans and ambitions for westward expansion, the Dominion of Canada entered negotiations with the Indigenous peoples who would tend for the land. The Crown sought to cede these lands; as expressed by Joseph Howe ,

1368-756: The Red Paper, along with much criticism across Canada, resulted in the retraction of the White Paper by Pierre Trudeau. On June 3, 1970, leaders from the National Indian Brotherhood gathered in Ottawa to endorse the Red Paper as the official response to the Canadian government's White Paper. On June 4, the Indian Brotherhood met with the full cabinet in the Railway Committee Room in Parliament where they presented

1425-584: The Treaty and aboriginal rights that had been guaranteed by the Imperial Crown, if Canada took over its own governance. They believed that strong national leadership from the Chiefs was essential. The Chiefs formalized their governance structure, compromised by incorporating a "Confederacy" composed largely of the NIB leadership, and made the NIB, an incorporated body, its administrative secretariat. They used

1482-611: The Tribe. The Red Paper rests this claim on the notion that Local Governments have been successful in the small-scale municipal realm and advocate for the Canadian Government to place increased responsibility on these systems of Governance as Citizen's Plus states such local governments are ready for the challenge. Also, as a means of increasing Economic Development, the Red Paper advocates for increased Government Support to Private Industry. In order to make Indigenous communities

1539-714: The United Nations General Assembly as a model in conceiving how the new Assembly of First Nations would be structured and operate. The Chiefs held their first assembly as "the Assembly of First Nations" (AFN) in Penticton, British Columbia , in April 1982. The new structure gave membership and voting rights directly to individual chiefs representing First Nations, rather than to representatives of their provincial/territorial organizations. This structure

1596-563: The United States of America brought the subjugation of minorities to the forefront of public consciousness. Based on these movements, the Canadian federal government started to examine the socio-economic barriers faced by Indigenous Peoples. This led to the government commissioning Harry B. Hawthorn to conduct research on Indigenous communities across Canada. These findings had culminated in the Hawthorn report. Based on his findings, Hawthorn concluded that Indigenous Peoples were "citizens minus" and cited various failures in governance as reasons for

1653-549: The centre of increased economic prosperity and benefit, it is the Red Paper's suggestion that "The most effective way to encourage new enterprise in reserve communities is through tax incentives, training incentives, and labour guarantees." Because of the increase of Private Industry in these communities to create profitable work opportunities for the community, the Red Paper insists on Federal assistance in Private Industry investment in these communities in order to make up

1710-410: The deaths of an estimated 6000 children. It must be noted that while the White Paper was written, residential schools in their entirety, hadn't been closed down. When looking at the historical background of the White Paper, one must understand the trauma and the subjugation inflicted on generations of Indigenous Peoples, and how this history was still on-going at the time. The civil rights movements in

1767-468: The definition of "Indian" in the Constitution and of the special legal status of Indians; recognizing and giving credit to Indian cultural contribution to Canadian society; shifting Indian services to flow from the same channels as other Canadians; helping the reserves who are "furthest behind" first through economic development; recognizing the Crown's lawful obligations and transferring Crown lands to

Assembly of First Nations - Misplaced Pages Continue

1824-418: The document is against any change that would allow individual ownership of the land with the rights to sell. The Indian Chiefs of Alberta go on to correct what they state is an assumption made by the government that control of land can only take place if said land is owned in the same fashion as ordinary property. The Red Paper concludes this section by stating that "Indian lands...must be held forever in trust of

1881-447: The document states that there are two important errors made by the federal government. The first of which, the document states, is that the government "thinks that Indian Reserve lands are owned by the Crown". The Red Paper corrects this, stating that such lands are held in trust, rather than owned, by the Crown . The significance of this correction is explained further, as land held in trust can therefore not be sold or broken up. As such,

1938-514: The documents through access to information requests. The Star reported that heads of the RCMP, and of the Ontario and Quebec provincial police met in the summer of 2007 with AFN national chief Phil Fontaine to "facilitate a consistent and effective approach to managing Aboriginal protests and occupations." Status Indian The Indian Register is the official record of people registered under

1995-412: The economic systems in place on reserves and Indian Land holdings. The Red paper suggests the best way to advocate for proper economic development that would directly benefit Indigenous peoples has to do with the increased trust and implementation of Local Governments in the municipal Tribal Government System - where municipal law and politics are subject to be handled according to the system that best suits

2052-555: The federal government is legislatively responsible for "Indians and Indian lands" as per the British North America Act, 1867. They argue that their people have paid for these services by surrendering their land and the federal government is therefore required to provide services related to health , welfare , and education. The White Paper also proposes what it calls "enriched services" for those who are "furthest behind" and require additional help. The response in

2109-449: The history of Indigenous Peoples in Canada, as one must approach this study from the idea that the past informs the present. These schools started in the 17th century, to being shut down in the 1990s. These schools were mainly run by the churches, and the federal government played a key role in funding these schools. The schools were initially set up to assimilate Indigenous Youth with what was considered mainstream culture, however, they had

2166-583: The issue of Indigenous education in Canada. Their work contributed to the government's ending the Canadian Residential School System , which had been long opposed by Indigenous people. It was also a first step in the push for Indigenous self-governance. In 1973, the Calder case decision was issued. "You have more rights than I thought you did," Prime Minister Trudeau told the NIB leaders. The NIB gained consultative status with

2223-561: The late 19th and early 20th centuries, a number of regional Indigenous organizations were formed in Canada, such as the Grand Indian Council of Ontario and Quebec, and the Allied Tribes of B.C. After World War II, additional provincial and territorial organizations were founded and continued to expand their memberships in an effort to assert their rights to land and to protect their cultures. Indigenous activists under

2280-597: The leadership of controversial lawyer William Wuttunee from Red Pheasant First Nation founded the National Indian Council (NIC) in 1961 to represent their peoples of Canada, including treaty/status Indians, non-status Indians, and the Métis , though not the Inuit , who took a different path. This organization, however, collapsed in 1967 as the three groups failed to achieve consensus on their positions. At

2337-449: The legal status of Indians is necessary if Indians are to be treated justly. Justice requires that the special history, rights, and circumstances of Indian People be recognized." They believe that in order to preserve their culture, the recognition of Indian status must remain in place. The Red Paper goes on to reject the proposal of services provided to Indigenous people becoming the responsibility of provincial governments. They state that

Assembly of First Nations - Misplaced Pages Continue

2394-417: The management of gaming and tobacco franchises via less government interference and taxes. In 1851 the colonial governments of British North America began to keep records of Indians and bands entitled to benefits under treaty . For 100 years, individual Indian agents made lists of members who belonged to each band. In 1951, the current Indian Register was established by amendment of the Indian Act , and

2451-430: The many band lists were combined into one. In 1985, the Indian Act was amended again with the goal of restoring First Nations status to people who had lost it through discriminatory provisions of the act, and to their children. Over 100,000 people who had lost their status in this way were added to the register. The list is maintained by Indigenous Services Canada . Sole authority for determining who will be registered

2508-491: The most impoverished; modernize the treaties and recognize that land title belongs to Indian people held in trust by Crown, rather than belonging to the Crown itself. Where the White Paper proposed elimination of distinctive legal Indian citizenship, indicating "the full integration" of Indians into Canadian society, the Red Paper suggested a reformation, rather than abolition, of the current Indian policies, as well as several other suggestions. The historical background listed in

2565-713: The national scene was through their respective PTOs. The chiefs complained they were not being heard. In 1978, in an effort to enable more opinions to be heard, NIB President Noel Starblanket organized an "All Chiefs Conference" on Indian Self-Government . The Chiefs were delighted with the opportunity. At a second All Chief Conference, the Chiefs announced that the All Chief Conference would be "the one and only voice of Indian people in Canada." That same year Prime Minister Trudeau announced that Canada would patriate its constitution; essentially take over its governance. NIB and other groups questioned what would happen to

2622-602: The necessary sanctity of honouring the many Numbered Treaties beyond just written word, to actually embracing the promises of land-sharing instead of land-holding originally outlined in the Numbered Treaties of Alberta. Stated in the Red Paper are two distinct "Immediate Requirements" necessary of the Government of Canada: Appointing a Minister of Indian Affairs and Recognizing and Modernizing the Numbered Treaties. Next, Citizen's Plus advocates for better Economic Development for Indigenous Peoples, especially pertaining to

2679-549: The remaining high costs of investment for proper work opportunities. This Economic Development comes in part with the Local effort of Indian peoples - as the paper states the main source of effort and sacrifice must come first from the individual and their Tribe, however the Red Paper advocates for a coalition of effort between these communities and the Government, claiming that, "The objectives are group achievement, stability of family, and growth of community pride." The publication of

2736-554: The same time, other Indigenous activism was rising. Following the government's publication of its 1969 White Paper , George Manuel , Noel Doucette, Andrew Delisle, Omer Peters, Jack Sark, Dave Courchene, Roy Sam, Harold Sappier, Dave Ahenakew, Harold Cardinal, and Roy Daniels founded and incorporated the National Indian Brotherhood in 1970. It was intended as an umbrella organization for the various provincial and territorial organizations of status Indians, such as

2793-482: The strong opposition to the White Paper, the Prime Minister told the delegation that the White Paper recommendations would not be imposed against their will. In 1972, the NIB submitted their policy paper Indian Control of Indian Education to the federal government, which generally accepted this proposal to devolve control of Indigenous education to the bands and reserves. The NIB gained national recognition on

2850-463: The then Secretary of State of Canada, when he talked about the "necessity of arranging with the bands of Indians inhabiting the tract of the country between Thunder Bay and the Stone Fort, for the cession, subject to certain reserves such as they should select, of the lands occupied by them". While there was never a treaty allowing the cession of reserve land to the federal government, Section 91 of

2907-406: The two papers, Red and White, and symbolically rejected the White Paper by placing it on the table and handing the Red Paper to Pierre Trudeau. Trudeau acknowledged the White Paper as a failure and admitted "We had perhaps the prejudices of small "l" liberals and white men at that who thought that equality meant the same law for everybody." The White Paper was officially withdrawn in 1973 as marked by

SECTION 50

#1732765841866

2964-609: The unequal social conditions. His report additionally called for the shut down of any form of "forced assimilation programs". A main form of forced assimilation in Canada could be seen through the Residential Schools. Based on the report, the government decided to engage in consultation with various Indigenous Communities, and proceeded to amend the Indian Act. Following regional discussions, in 1969, various leaders of Indigenous nations had been called to Ottawa for

3021-622: The usefulness of Indigenous presence in Canada, clearly stating how "Everyone should recognize that Indians have contributed much to the Canadian community." The Red Paper assumes the position that Indian affairs in Canada have been forthright and honest, and that Indian people have continued to serve the Dominion of Canada loyally under the Queen of the United Kingdom since the conception of Treaties in Alberta. Further, Citizen's Plus explains

3078-462: The white-leaning narrative of the White Paper, it also advocates largely for the reformation of many standing Canadian policies in an attempt to more appropriately amplify the Indian voice in Canada. Listed below are the many corrections, additional programs, measures, and overall philosophies the paper employs as both recommendations and demands on behalf of Indigenous Canadians in rejection of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's White Paper (1969). Firstly,

3135-417: The written treaties themselves. These promises created a disparity between what was orally promised and what was transcribed in the treaties. While Treaty 6 said that Indigenous Peoples have the right to pursue hunting and fishing "subject to such regulations as may from time to time be made," in the negotiations, Lieutenant Governor Morris mentioned that "You are at liberty to hunt as before." This disparity

3192-510: Was adopted in July 1985, as part of the Charter of the Assembly of First Nations. The AFN depends upon the federal government for most of its funding. First Nations activists have sometimes accused it of being obsequious to the government as a result, and not sufficiently representative of the larger First Nations community. But there is also widespread Indigenous support for continued operation of

3249-497: Was also seen when Indigenous Peoples asked for the supply of medicine chests, and such requests were accounted for in treaties six and seven, however, it was not accounted for in Treaty 8. It must be noted that this medical care was promised, as stated on the commissioner's report on September 22, 1899. An important historical event to keep in mind while assessing the Red Paper is the legacy of Residential Schools in Canada. The residential schools play an important part in understanding

#865134