Defunct
70-483: Narodnaya Volya (Russian: Наро́дная во́ля , IPA: [nɐˈrodnəjə ˈvolʲə] , lit. 'People's Will') was a late 19th-century revolutionary socialist political organization operating in the Russian Empire , which conducted assassinations of government officials in an attempt to overthrow the autocratic Tsarist system . The organization declared itself to be a populist movement that succeeded
140-407: A database of words and their translations. Later attempts utilized common phrases , which resulted in better grammatical structure and the capture of idioms, but with many words left in the original language. For translating synthetic languages , a morphosyntactic analyzer and synthesizer are required. The best systems today use a combination of the above technologies and apply algorithms to correct
210-461: A derailment. A February 1880 attempt used a quantity of dynamite to attempt to blow up the Tsar in a palace dining room. The resulting explosion killed 11 guards and soldiers and wounded 56, but missed the Tsar, who was not in the dining hall as expected. A state of siege followed, during which the demoralized Tsar avoided public appearances amidst sensational rumors in the press of additional attacks in
280-473: A great deal of difference between a literal translation of a poetic work and a prose translation. A literal translation of poetry may be in prose rather than verse but also be error-free. Charles Singleton's 1975 translation of the Divine Comedy is regarded as a prose translation. The term literal translation implies that it is probably full of errors, since the translator has made no effort to (or
350-485: A handgun, firing a shot but missing, only to be hanged two days later. Repression was ratcheted upwards, with two Narodnaya Volya activists executed in Kiev the following month for the crime of distributing revolutionary leaflets. After the assassination of Alexander II, Narodnaya Volya went through a period of ideological and organizational crisis. The most significant attempts at reviving Narodnaya Volya are associated with
420-410: A joke which dates back to 1956 or 1958. Another joke in the genre transforms "out of sight, out of mind" to "blind idiot" or "invisible idiot". Slavophilia Slavophilia ( Russian : славянофильство ) was a movement originating from the 19th century that wanted the Russian Empire to be developed on the basis of values and institutions derived from Russia 's early history. Slavophiles opposed
490-404: A legitimate tactic to provoke a necessary revolution. Based upon a secret society apparatus of local, semi-independent cells co-ordinated by a self-selecting Executive Committee, Narodnaya Volya espoused acts of political violence in an attempt to destabilize the Russian Empire and spur insurrection against Tsarism, justified "as a means of exerting pressure on the government for reform, as
560-456: A literal translation in preparing his translation of Dante 's Inferno (1994), as he does not know Italian. Similarly, Richard Pevear worked from literal translations provided by his wife, Larissa Volokhonsky, in their translations of several Russian novels. Literal translation can also denote a translation that represents the precise meaning of the original text but does not attempt to convey its style, beauty, or poetry. There is, however,
630-480: A loose organizational structure, decentralized and localized, bound together by the personal familiarity of participants with one another. Efforts to propagandize revolutionary and socialist ideas among factory workers and peasants were quickly met with state repression, however, with the Tsarist secret police ( Okhrana ) identifying, arresting, and jailing agitators. In the spring of 1874 a mass movement of Going to
700-405: A new banner— Narodnaya Volya ("People's Freedom", frequently albeit imprecisely rendered into English as "People's Will"). During the first months after its formation, Narodnaya Volya founded or co-opted workers study circles in the major cities of St. Petersburg, Moscow, Odessa, Kiev, and Kharkov. The group also established cells within the military, among the army garrison at St. Petersburg and
770-496: A program which called for "complete freedom of conscience, speech, press, assembly, association, and electoral agitation". The group made the establishment of political freedom its top public objective, with the radical publicist N.K. Mikhailovsky (1842–1904) contributing two finely crafted "political letters" on the topic to two early issues of the party's official organ. The party declared its intention to lay down arms as soon as political concessions were made. There were no dreams of
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#1732765758995840-417: A radicalized émigré nobleman from Tver guberniia regarded as the father of collectivist anarchism . In practice, however, a significant percentage of Zemlya i Volya members (so-called Zemlevoltsy ), returned to the model of the study circle and concentrated their efforts upon the industrial workers of urban centers. Among these were the young Georgi Plekhanov (1856–1918), an individual later celebrated as
910-499: A result of "Polish intrigue" to separate them from Russians. Other Slavophiles, like Ivan Aksakov, recognized the right of Ukrainians to use the Ukrainian language but saw it as completely unnecessary and harmful. Aksakov, however, did see some practical use for the "Malorussian" language: it would be beneficial in the struggle against the "Polish civilizational element in the western provinces". Besides Ukrainians and Belarusians,
980-548: A sa voiture et sa voiture, ses serviettes et ses serviettes, sa bibliothèque et les siennes. " That does not make sense because it does not distinguish between "his" car and "hers". Often, first-generation immigrants create something of a literal translation in how they speak their parents' native language. This results in a mix of the two languages that is something of a pidgin . Many such mixes have specific names, e.g., Spanglish or Denglisch . For example, American children of German immigrants are heard using "rockingstool" from
1050-404: A serious problem for machine translation . The term "literal translation" often appeared in the titles of 19th-century English translations of the classical Bible and other texts. Word-for-word translations ("cribs", "ponies", or "trots") are sometimes prepared for writers who are translating a work written in a language they do not know. For example, Robert Pinsky is reported to have used
1120-638: A small skeleton organization remained, totals 2,200. The assassination of Tsar Alexander II on 13 March [ O.S. 1 March] 1881 marked the high-water mark of Narodnaya Volya as a factor in Russian politics. While the assassination did not end the Tsarist regime, the government ran scared in the aftermath of the bomb that killed him, with the formal coronation ceremony of Tsar Alexander III postponed for more than two years due to security concerns. The Tsar had been formally sentenced to death by
1190-491: A split was formalized on 15 August 1879, by a commission appointed to divide the organization's assets. During the latter part of 1879, those favoring study circles and propaganda to build a revolutionary movement from the ground up, exemplified by Plekhanov and his co-thinkers, launched independent activity as a new organization called Chërnyi Peredel ( Russian: Чёрный передел, "Black Repartition"). The unrepentantly violent wing re-established itself as well, this time under
1260-533: A view of history as circular, and Konstantin Leontiev . Danilevsky promoted autocracy and imperialistic expansion as part of Russian national interest. Leontiev believed in a police state to prevent European influences from reaching Russia. Later writers Fyodor Dostoyevsky , Konstantin Leontyev , and Nikolay Danilevsky developed a peculiar conservative version of Slavophilism, Pochvennichestvo (from
1330-456: Is a translation of a text done by translating each word separately without looking at how the words are used together in a phrase or sentence. In translation theory , another term for literal translation is metaphrase (as opposed to paraphrase for an analogous translation). It is to be distinguished from an interpretation (done, for example, by an interpreter ). Literal translation leads to mistranslation of idioms , which can be
1400-632: Is unable to) convey correct idioms or shades of meaning, for example, but it can also be a useful way of seeing how words are used to convey meaning in the source language. A literal English translation of the German phrase " Ich habe Hunger " would be "I have hunger" in English, but this is clearly not a phrase that would generally be used in English, even though its meaning might be clear. Literal translations in which individual components within words or compounds are translated to create new lexical items in
1470-716: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation , Dmitry Rogozin and Sergei Glazyev . The doctrines of Aleksey Khomyakov , Ivan Kireyevsky (1806–56), Konstantin Aksakov (1817–60) and other Slavophiles had a deep impact on Russian culture, including the Russian Revival school of architecture, The Five of Russian composers, the novelist Nikolai Gogol , the poet Fyodor Tyutchev and the lexicographer Vladimir Dahl . Their struggle for purity of
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#17327657589951540-513: The Kronstadt naval base. The organization established a party press and issued illegal newspapers in support of its efforts—five issues of the eponymous Narodnaya Volya and two issues of a newspaper targeted to industrial workers, Rabochaia Gazeta (The Workers' Newspaper). A series of illegal leaflets were produced, putting party proclamations and manifestos in the hands of potential supporters. Narodnaya Volya saw themselves as continuers of
1610-619: The Narodniks . Composed primarily of young revolutionary socialist intellectuals believing in the efficacy of direct action , Narodnaya Volya emerged in Autumn 1879 from the split of an earlier revolutionary organization called Zemlya i Volya ("Land and Liberty"). Similarly to predecessor groups which had already used the term "terror" positively, Narodnaya Volya proclaimed themselves as terrorists and venerated dead terrorists as "martyrs" and "heroes", justifying political violence as
1680-484: The Russian Orthodox Church was seen by them as more significant than the role of the state. Socialism was opposed by Slavophiles as an alien thought, and Russian mysticism was preferred over " Western rationalism ". Rural life was praised by the movement, which opposed industrialization and urban development, and protection of the " mir " was seen as an important measure to prevent the growth of
1750-554: The Russian language had something in common with ascetic views of Leo Tolstoy . The doctrine of sobornost , the term for organic unity, intregration, was coined by Kireyevsky and Khomyakov. It was to underline the need for cooperation between people, at the expense of individualism, on the basis that opposing groups focus on what is common between them. According to Khomyakov, the Orthodox Church organically combines in itself
1820-519: The Socialist Revolutionary Party , which revived many of the goals and methods of the former narodniki , including sponsoring peasant revolution. Vladimir Lenin 's elder brother, Aleksandr Ulyanov , was a member of a subsequent incarnation of Narodnaya Volya, and led a cell that plotted to assassinate Tsar Alexander III. Literal translation Literal translation , direct translation , or word-for-word translation
1890-555: The emancipation reform of 1861 . Press censorship , serfdom and capital punishment were viewed as baneful influences of Western Europe. Their political ideal was a parliamentary monarchy , as represented by the medieval Zemsky Sobors . After serfdom was abolished in Russia and the end of the uprising in Poland, new Slavophile thinkers appeared in the 1870s and 1880s, represented by scholars such as Nikolay Danilevsky , who expounded
1960-405: The intelligentsia , which sought to foster a modern and democratic society in Russia in place of the economic backwardness and political repression which marked the old regime. A set of "populist" values became commonplace among these radical intellectuals seeking change of the Russian economic and political form. The Russian peasantry, based as it was upon its historic village governing structure,
2030-563: The peasant commune ( obshchina or mir ), and its collective holding and periodic redistribution of farmland, was held to be inherently socialistic, or at least fundamentally amenable to socialist organization. It was further believed that this fact made possible a unique path for the modernization of Russia which bypassed the industrial poverty that was a feature of early capitalism in Western Europe—the region to which Russian intellectuals looked for inspiration and by which they measured
2100-461: The "agricultural working class", and transfer of all social functions to the village communes. This program warned "Our demands can be brought about only by means of violent revolution", and it prescribed "agitation...both by word and above all by deed—aimed at organizing the revolutionary forces and developing revolutionary feelings" as the vehicle for "disorganization of the state" and victory. These ideas were borrowed directly from Mikhail Bakunin ,
2170-535: The "natural" sound of the translation. In the end, though, professional translation firms that employ machine translation use it as a tool to create a rough translation that is then tweaked by a human, professional translator. Douglas Hofstadter gave an example of a failure of machine translation: the English sentence "In their house, everything comes in pairs. There's his car and her car, his towels and her towels, and his library and hers." might be translated into French as " Dans leur maison, tout vient en paires. Il y
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2240-417: The 1874 effort at "going to the people", revolutionary populism congealed around what would be the strongest such organization of the decade, Zemlya i Volya ("Land and Liberty"), the prototype of a new type of centralized political organization which attempted to muster and direct every potential aspect of urban and rural discontent. The nucleus of this new organization, which borrowed its name from radicals of
2310-470: The Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya on 25 August 1879, on the heels of the execution of former Zemlevolets Solomon Wittenberg, who had attempted to build a mine to sink a ship carrying the Tsar into Odessa harbor the previous year. An initial plan called for the use of dynamite to destroy a train carrying the Tsar, which ended with an explosion that destroyed a freight car and led to
2380-435: The German word Schaukelstuhl instead of "rocking chair". Literal translation of idioms is a source of translators' jokes. One such joke, often told about machine translation , translates "The spirit is willing, but the flesh is weak" (an allusion to Mark 14:38 ) into Russian and then back into English, getting "The vodka is good, but the meat is rotten". This is not an actual machine-translation error, but rather
2450-641: The Great and Catherine the Great , and some of them even adopted traditional pre-Petrine dress. Andrei Okara argues that the 19th-century classification of social thought into three groups, the Westernizers, the Slavophiles and the Conservatives, also fits well into the realities of the political and social situation in modern Russia. According to him, examples of modern-day Slavophiles include
2520-498: The People began, with young intellectuals taking jobs in rural villages as teachers, clerks, doctors, carpenters, masons, or common farm laborers, attempting to immerse themselves in the peasants' world so as to better inculcate them with socialist and revolutionary ideas. Fired with messianic zeal, perhaps 2,000 people left for rural posts in the spring; by the fall some 1,600 of these found themselves arrested and jailed, failing to make
2590-470: The Polish nation could not be russified . "After the struggle with Poles, Slavophiles expressed their belief, that notwithstanding the goal of conquering Constantinople, the future conflict would be between the " Teutonic race " (Germans), and "Slavs", and the movement turned into Germanophobia . Most Slavophiles were liberals and ardently supported the emancipation of serfs, which was finally realized in
2660-588: The Russian Empire also included Poles, whose country had disappeared after being partitioned by three neighboring states, including Russia, which after decisions of the Congress of Vienna expanded into more Polish-inhabited territories. Poles proved to be a problem for the ideology of Slavophilism. The very name Slavophiles indicated that the characteristics of the Slavs were based on their ethnicity, but at
2730-403: The Russian Empire and putting severe pressure on the organization elsewhere. The tension over the use of violence led to a division of the organization, with proto-Marxists who favored an end to the use of violent direct action to gain control over the official newspaper while the activist wing controlled a majority of the Executive Committee. Efforts to reconcile the two wings were unsuccessful and
2800-411: The Russian people, and the idea of cultural union of all Slavs was abandoned. With that Poland became firmly established to Slavophiles as symbol of Catholicism and Western Europe, that they detested, and as Poles were never assimilated within the Russian Empire, constantly resisting Russian occupation of their country, in the end, Slavophiles came to concede that annexation of Poland was a mistake since
2870-627: The Russian word for soil ). The teaching, as articulated by Konstantin Pobedonostsev ( Ober-Procurator of the Russian Orthodox Church ), was adopted as the official tsarist ideology during the reigns of Alexander III and Nicholas II . Even after the Russian Revolution of 1917 , it was further developed by the émigré religious philosophers like Ivan Ilyin (1883–1954). Many Slavophiles influenced prominent Cold War thinkers such as George F. Kennan , instilling in them
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2940-438: The comparatively backwards state of their own polity. Moreover, the radical intelligentsia believed it axiomatic that individuals and the nation had the power to control their own destiny and that it was the moral duty of enlightened civil society to transform the nation by leading the peasantry in mass revolt that would ultimately transform Russia to a socialist society. These ideas were regarded by most radical intellectuals of
3010-456: The demand for political freedom and a constitutional republic as its objective, the so-called Narodnovoltsy seem to have actually believed themselves to be pursuing a maximalist program in which violence and political assassination would "break the government itself" and end all vestiges of the Tsarist regime in Russia. The government was seen as weak and tottering, and chances for its revolutionary overthrow promising. Narodnaya Volya continued
3080-522: The era as nearly incontestable, the byproduct of decades of observation and thought dating back to the conservative Slavophiles and sketched out by such disparate writers as Alexander Herzen (1812–1870), Pyotr Lavrov (1823–1900), and Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876). Socialist study circles ( kruzhki ) began to emerge in Russia during the decade of the 1870s, populated primarily by idealistic students in major urban centers such as St. Petersburg , Moscow , Kiev , and Odessa . These initially tended to have
3150-560: The father of Russian Marxism . Whatever the practical activities of its local groups, the official position of the Zemlya i Volya organization endorsed the tactic of violent direct action, which the lead article in the first issue of the party's newspaper characterized as a "system of mob law and self-defense" put into action by a "protective detachment" of the liberation movement. The group also rationalized political assassination as "capital punishment" and "self-defense" for "crimes" against
3220-424: The group involved. Classical Slavophiles believed that "Slavdom", alleged by Slavophile movement common identity to all people of Slavic origin, was based on Eastern Orthodox religion. The Russian Empire, besides containing Russians, ruled over millions of Ukrainians, Poles and Belarusians, who had their own national identities, traditions and religions. Towards Ukrainians and Belarusians, the Slavophiles developed
3290-441: The influences of Western Europe in Russia. Depending on the historical context, the opposite of Slavophilia could be seen as Slavophobia (a fear of Slavic culture) or also what some Russian intellectuals (such as Ivan Aksakov ) called zapadnichestvo (westernism). Slavophilia, as an intellectual movement, was developed in 19th-century Russia . In a sense, there was not one but many Slavophile movements or many branches of
3360-439: The most important elements of the revolutionary situation in late 1879–1880. However, its preference for ineffective tactics of violence over other means of struggle, such as strikes and local political organizing, failed in the face of Tsarist oppression. At the turn of the century, however, as increasing numbers of former members of Narodnaya Volya were released from prison and exile, these veteran revolutionaries helped to form
3430-448: The names of German Lopatin (1884), Pyotr Yakubovich (1883–1884), Boris Orzhikh [ ru ] , Vladimir Bogoraz , Lev Sternberg (1885), and Sofia Ginsburg [ ru ] (1889). Organizations similar to Narodnaya Volya in the 1890s (in St. Petersburg and abroad) largely abandoned the revolutionary ideas of Narodnaya Volya. Narodnaya Volya's activity became one of
3500-518: The nation. The organization began to look at regicide as the highest manifestation of political action, culminating in a December 1879 assassination attempt on Tsar Alexander II by the Zemlevolets A. K. Soloviev (1846–1879). Accelerated state repression of Zemlya i Volya followed the hanging of attempted assassin Soloviev, with arrests nearly wiping out revolutionary cells in the west of
3570-573: The offing. One French diplomat likened the Tsar to a ghost—"pitiful, aged, played out, and choked by a fit of asthmatic coughing at every word". In response to the security crisis the Tsar established a new Supreme Commission for the Maintenance of State Order and Public Peace, under the command of Mikhail Loris-Melikov , a hero of the Russo-Turkish War . Just over a week later, a Narodnovolets attempted to assassinate Loris-Melikov with
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#17327657589953640-432: The organization and provided it with institutional memory , and Alexander Mikhailov (1855–1884), the leading representative of a new wave of participants and memoirist of the movement. This vanguard party , composed almost exclusively of intellectuals, continued in the tradition of idealizing traditional peasant organization as a pathway to broader social transformation. As Alexander Mikhailov wrote: The "rebels" idealize
3710-446: The organization forming the basis of a ruling party, with a fundamental hope maintained in the emergence of the self-governing village commune as the basis of a new socialist society. The Narodnaya Volya organization also began a violent revolutionary campaign, with the governing Executive Committee issuing a proclamation calling for the execution of Tsar Alexander II for his crimes against the Russian people. While giving lip service to
3780-474: The people. They hope that in the very first moments of freedom political forms will appear which correspond to their own conceptions based on the obshchina and on federation... The party's task is to widen the sphere of action of self-administration to all internal problems. An extensive program was drawn up in St. Petersburg in 1876 calling for the break up of the nations of the Russian Empire, granting of all land to
3850-444: The populist tradition of earlier years rather than marking a fresh break from the past, declaring in their press that while they would not keep the title Zemlevoltsy since they no longer represented the earlier party's entire tradition, they nevertheless intended to continue the principles established by the Zemlya i Volya organization and to continue to make "Land and Liberty" their "motto" and "slogan". The organization promulgated
3920-424: The preceding decade, was established in St. Petersburg late in 1876. As an underground political party marked by extreme secrecy in the face of secret police repression, few primary records originating from the group documenting its existence have survived. Zemlya i Volya is associated in particular with the names of M.A. Natanson (1851–1919), a committed activist from the first half of the decade who both founded
3990-537: The principles of freedom and unity, but the Catholic Church postulates unity without freedom, and in Protestantism, on the contrary, freedom exists without unity. In the Russian society of their time, the Slavophiles saw sobornost ideal in the peasant obshchina . The latter recognized the primacy of collectivity but guaranteed the integrity and the welfare of the individual within that collective. In
4060-611: The regime powerfully and precisely, minimising casualties. Much of the organization's philosophy was inspired by Sergey Nechayev and Carlo Pisacane , the proponent of " propaganda by the deed ". The group served as inspiration and forerunner for other revolutionary socialist and anarchist organizations, including in the Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party (PSR). Although they were socialist, they generally opposed Marxism in favour of an ideal of anarchist self-government. The emancipation of
4130-517: The same movement. Some were left-wing and noted that progressive ideas such as democracy were intrinsic to the Russian experience, as proved by what they considered to be the rough democracy of medieval Novgorod . Some were right-wing and pointed to the centuries-old tradition of the autocratic tsar as being the essence of the Russian nature. The Slavophiles were determined to protect what they believed were unique Russian traditions and culture. In doing so, they rejected individualism . The role of
4200-522: The same time, Slavophiles believed that Orthodoxy equaled Slavdom. This belief was belied by very existence of Poles within the Russian Empire, who, while having Slavic origins, were also deeply Roman Catholic , the Catholic faith forming one of the core values of Polish national identity. Also, while Slavophiles praised the leadership of Russia over other nations of Slavic origin, the Poles' very identity
4270-462: The serfs in 1861 did not suddenly end the state of grim rural poverty in the Russian Empire , and the autocracy headed by the Tsar of Russia and the nobles around him, as well as the privileged state bureaucracy , remained in firm control of the nation's economy from which it extracted pecuniary benefits. By the beginning of the 1870s, dissent regarding the established political and economic order had begun to take concrete form among many members of
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#17327657589954340-463: The slightest headway in fomenting agrarian revolution. The failure of this movement, marked by a rejection of political arguments by the peasantry and easy arrests of public speakers by local authorities and the Okhrana , deeply influenced the revolutionary movement in years to follow. The need for stealth and secrecy and more aggressive measures seemed to have been made clear. Following the failure of
4410-565: The spark that would ignite a vast peasant uprising, and as the inevitable response to the regime's use of violence against the revolutionaries". This culminated in the successful assassination of Tsar Alexander II in March 1881—the event for which the group is best remembered. The group developed ideas—such as the assassination of the "leaders of oppression"—that were to become the hallmark of future small anti-state groups, and were convinced that new technologies such as dynamite enabled them to strike
4480-535: The sphere of practical politics, Slavophilism manifested itself as a pan-Slavic movement for the unification of all Slavic people under leadership of the Russian tsar and for the independence of the Balkan Slavs from Ottoman rule. The Russo-Turkish War, 1877-78 , is usually considered a high point of this militant Slavophilism, as expounded by the charismatic commander Mikhail Skobelev . The attitude towards other nations with Slavic origins varied, depending on
4550-534: The target language (a process also known as "loan translation") are called calques , e.g., beer garden from German Biergarten . The literal translation of the Italian sentence, " So che questo non va bene " ("I know that this is not good"), produces "(I) know that this not (it) goes well", which has English words and Italian grammar . Early machine translations (as of 1962 at least) were notorious for this type of translation, as they simply employed
4620-725: The trend towards secret organization and centralized direction that had begun with Zemlya i Volya —principles held to tightly in the face of growing government repression of participants in the organization. Democratic control of the party apparatus was deemed impossible under existing political conditions and the organization was centrally directed by its self-selecting Executive Committee, which included, among others Alexander Mikhailov, Andrei Zhelyabov (1851–1881), Sophia Perovskaya (1853–1881), Vera Figner (1852–1942), Nikolai Morozov (1854–1946), Mikhail Frolenko (1848–1938), Aaron Zundelevich (1852–1923), Savely Zlatopolsky (1855–1885) and Lev Tikhomirov (1852–1923). The Executive Committee
4690-473: The view that they were part of the same "Great Russian" nation, Belarusians being the "White Russians" and Ukrainians "Little Russians". Slavophile thinkers such as Mikhail Katkov believed that both nations should be ruled under Russian leadership and were an essential part of the Russian state. At the same time, they denied the separate cultural identity of Ukrainian and Belarusian people, believing their national as well as language and literary aspirations were
4760-457: The working class. The movement originated in Moscow in the 1830s. Drawing on the works of Greek Church Fathers , the philosopher Aleksey Khomyakov (1804–60) and his devoutly Orthodox colleagues elaborated a traditionalistic doctrine that claimed Russia has its own distinct way, which should avoid imitating "Western" institutions. The Russian Slavophiles criticised the modernisation of Peter
4830-405: Was based on Western European culture and values, and resistance to Russia was seen by them as resistance to something representing an alien way of life. As a result, Slavophiles were particularly hostile to the Polish nation, often emotionally attacking it in their writings. When the Polish uprising of 1863 started, Slavophiles used anti-Polish sentiment to create feelings of national unity in
4900-472: Was in existence for six years, during which time it was populated by less than 50 people, including in its ranks both men and women. The official membership of the Narodnaya Volya organization during its existence has been estimated at 500, bolstered by an additional number of informal followers. A document listing the movement's participants, including those from the period from 1886 to 1896 when only
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