Public housing in France ( French : logement social , also called Habitations à loyer modéré , or HLM ) is a central, local or social program designed to provide subsidized assistance for low-income and poor people.
69-575: Ni Putes Ni Soumises (which roughly translates as Neither Whores nor Submissives ) is a French feminist movement, founded in 2002, which has secured the recognition of the French press and the National Assembly of France . It is generally dependent on public funding. It is also the name of a book written by Fadela Amara , one of the leaders of the movement, with the help of Le Monde journalist Sylvia Zappi. In 2005 this movement inspired
138-561: A feminist existentialism which prescribes a moral revolution. As an existentialist , de Beauvoir accepted Jean-Paul Sartre's precept that existence precedes essence ; hence "one is not born a woman, but becomes one". Her analysis focuses on the social construction of Woman as the Other , this de Beauvoir identifies as fundamental to women's oppression. She argues that women have historically been considered deviant and abnormal, and contends that even Mary Wollstonecraft considered men to be
207-469: A consistent way but divide themselves, as men, according to social classes. Olga Petit , born Scheina Lea-Balachowsky and also referred to as Sonia Olga Balachowsky-Petit, became the first female lawyer in France on 6 December 1900. Marital power (puissance maritale) was abolished in 1938. However, the legal repeal of the specific doctrine of marital power does not necessarily grant married women
276-478: A difficult and dangerous venture to publicize opinions promoting the advancement of women's rights. Among these newspapers, the most notable is Marguerite Durand's La Fronde , run entirely by women. Some women organized a feminist movement during the Commune, following up on earlier attempts in 1789 and 1848. Nathalie Lemel , a socialist bookbinder, and Élisabeth Dmitrieff , a young Russian exile and member of
345-428: A huge construction plan, including the creation of new towns ("villes nouvelles") and new suburbs with HLM (Habitation à Loyer Modéré, "low-rent housing"). The state had the money and the legal means to acquire the land and could provide some advantages to the companies that built the huge housing complexes of hundreds of apartments. Quality was also effectively regulated, resulting in decent or even top-quality housing for
414-682: A low profile during the Fourth and Fifth Republic . In 1949, Jeanne-Paule Sicard was the first female chief of staff, but was called "Mr. Pleven 's (then Minister of Defence ) secretary." Marie-France Garaud , who entered Jean Foyer 's office at the Ministry of Cooperation and would later become President Georges Pompidou's main counsellor, along with Pierre Juillet , was given the same title. The leftist newspaper Libération , founded in 1973 by Jean-Paul Sartre , would depict Marie-France Garaud as yet another figure of female spin-doctors. However,
483-526: A mild form of separatism , refusing to allow others (males or whites) to speak in their names. A few women held public office in the 1930s, although they kept a low profile. In 1936, the new Prime Minister, Léon Blum , included three women in the Popular Front government: Cécile Brunschvicg , Suzanne Lacore and Irène Joliot-Curie . The inclusion of women in the Popular Front government
552-514: A new leadership team, with Stéphanie Rameau, a long-serving member and activist in the movement, voted president. In May 2017 Ni Putes Ni Soumises moved into its new premises at 80 rue de Paris in Montreuil , a largely working-class suburb of Paris. Ni Putes Ni Soumises has been criticized by various French feminists and left-wing authors (Sylvie Tissot, Elsa Dorlin, Étienne Balibar , Houria Bouteldja, etc.), who claimed that it overshadowed
621-553: A result of the Naquet Laws —practicing gender role-defying jobs, and profoundly influencing societal ideologies regarding femininity through writings. Feminist newspapers quickly became more widespread and took a role in transforming both the view of women and their rights. As this era held promise of equality, proceeding after the French Revolution, women still had yet to gain the title of equal citizens, making it
690-535: A satirical journal with the caption: « Who got those 343 whores pregnant? » ); the women were admitting to have had illegal abortions, and therefore exposing themselves to judicial actions and prison sentences. The Manifesto had been published in Le Nouvel Observateur on 5 April 1971. The Manifesto was the inspiration for a 3 February 1973, manifesto by 331 doctors declaring their support for abortion rights: We want freedom of abortion. It
759-780: A sort of "feminist section of the Enragés ", they participated in the fall of the Girondins. Lacombe advocated giving weapons to women. However, the Society was outlawed by the revolutionary government in the following year. The feminist movement expanded again in Socialist movements of the Romantic generation, in particular among Parisian Saint Simonians . Women freely adopted new lifestyles, inciting indignation in public opinion . They claimed equality of rights and participated in
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#1732790096565828-400: Is entirely the woman's decision. We reject any entity that forces her to defend herself, perpetuates an atmosphere of guilt, and allows underground abortions to persist .... Choisir had transformed into a clearly reformist body in 1972, and their campaign greatly influenced the passing of the law allowing contraception and abortion carried through by Simone Veil in 1975. The Veil Act was at
897-566: Is not specific to immigrant populations, French culture itself not being devoid of sexism, and second, that the focus on mediatic and violent acts passes under silence the precarization of women. Sylvie Tissot writes that Amara collaborated with the Cercle de l'Oratoire , and Mohammed Abdi, the current president of the NGO, is a member of this think-tank. French feminist Feminism in France
966-562: Is the history of feminist thought and movements in France . Feminism in France can be roughly divided into three waves: First-wave feminism from the French Revolution through the Third Republic which was concerned chiefly with suffrage and civic rights for women. Significant contributions came from revolutionary movements of the French Revolution of 1848 and Paris Commune , culminating in 1944 when women gained
1035-800: The Comité de vigilance de Montmartre , along with Louise Michel and Paule Minck, as well as of the Russian section of the First International . Victorine Brocher , close to the IWA activists and founder of a cooperative bakery in 1867, also fought during the Commune and the Bloody Week. Famous figures such as Louise Michel , the "Red Virgin of Montmartre" who joined the National Guard and would later be sent to New Caledonia , symbolize
1104-624: The École nationale d'administration (ENA) elite administrative school (from which a lot of French politicians graduate) became gender-mixed in 1945, only 18 women graduated from it between 1946 and 1956 (compared to 706 men). Of the first eleven cabinets of the Fifth Republic , four did not count any women. In May 1968, the cabinet was exclusively male. This low representation of women was not, however, specific to France: West Germany 's government did not include any women in any office from 1949 to 1961, and in 1974–1975, only 12 countries in
1173-439: The 2004 law on secularity and conspicuous religious symbols in schools , mainly targeted against the hijab , under this light. They claimed that Ni Putes Ni Soumises overshadowed the work of other feminist NGOs. After the nomination of its leader Fadela Amara to the government by Nicolas Sarkozy , Sylvie Tissot denounced a "state feminism" (an instrumentalization of feminism by state authorities) while Bouteldja qualified
1242-664: The July Monarchy restricted the political rights of the majority of the population, the feminist struggle rejoined the Republican and Socialist struggle for a "Democratic and Social Republic," leading to the 1848 Revolution and the proclamation of the Second Republic . The 1848 Revolution became the occasion of a public expression of the feminist movement, who organized itself in various associations. Women's political activities led several of them to be proscribed as
1311-692: The Women's Petition was addressed to the National Assembly but not discussed. Although various feminist movements emerged during the Revolution, most politicians followed Rousseau 's theories as outlined in Emile , which confined women to the roles of mother and spouse. The philosopher Condorcet was a notable exception who advocated equal rights for both sexes. The Société fraternelle de l'un et l'autre sexe ("Fraternal Society of Both Sexes")
1380-439: The abundant literary activity , such as Claire Démar 's Appel au peuple sur l'affranchissement de la femme (1833), a feminist pamphlet . On the other hand, Charles Fourier 's Utopian Socialist theory of passions advocated " free love ." His architectural model of the phalanstery community explicitly took into account women's emancipation. The Bourbon Restoration re-established the prohibition of divorce in 1816. When
1449-596: The public housing against ghettoes and for equality). Representatives of Ni Putes Ni Soumises were received by French Prime Minister Jean Pierre Raffarin . Their message was also incorporated into the official celebrations of Bastille Day 2003 in Paris, when 14 giant posters each of a modern woman dressed as Marianne , the symbol of the French Republic, were hung on the columns of the Palais Bourbon ,
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#17327900965651518-484: The racist stigmatization of immigrant populations, whose cultures are depicted as inherently sexist. They underline that sexism is not a specificity of immigrant populations, as if French culture itself were devoid of sexism, and that the focus on media-friendly and violent acts (such as the burning of Sohane Benziane ) silences the precarization of women. They frame the debate among the French Left concerning
1587-427: The 1950s and 1960s. HLM construction was also a major source of political financing, and building companies were sometimes made to pay back the political party of the mayor who launched an HLM program. That resulted in corruption scandals in the Paris region and elsewhere. In 2000, a law required every town in France to have at least 20% HLM. The social housing programs in France have an obvious positive effect on
1656-501: The 1980s onwards the work of the artist and psychoanalyst Bracha Ettinger has influenced literary criticism, art history and film theory. Through American academics contriving their own concept of French feminism, it separated and ignored the already marginalized self-identifying feminists, while focusing on the women theorists associated with Psych et po and other academics who did not always identify as feminists themselves. This division ultimately ended up placing more importance on
1725-580: The Bloody Week on the barricades. On the other hand, Paule Minck opened a free school in the Church of Saint Pierre de Montmartre , and animated the Club Saint-Sulpice on the Left Bank. The Russian Anne Jaclard , who declined to marry Dostoievsky and finally became the wife of Blanquist activist Victor Jaclard , founded with André Léo the newspaper La Sociale . She was also a member of
1794-516: The French tradition. In the 1970s, French writers approached feminism with the concept of écriture féminine (which translates as female, or feminine writing). Hélène Cixous argues that writing and philosophy are phallocentric and along with other French feminists such as Luce Irigaray emphasize "writing from the body" as a subversive exercise. The work of psychoanalyst and philosopher Julia Kristeva has influenced feminist theory in general and feminist literary criticism in particular. From
1863-592: The NGO as an Ideological State Apparatus (AIE). In January 2007, the collective of the Féministes indigènes launched a manifesto in honour of the Mulatress Solitude . Solitude was a maroon heroine who fought with Louis Delgrès against the re-establishment of slavery (abolished during the French Revolution ) by Napoleon . The manifesto stated that "Western Feminism did not have the monopoly of resistance against masculine domination" and supported
1932-717: The Russian section of the First International (IWA), created the Union des femmes pour la défense de Paris et les soins aux blessés ("Women's Union for the Defense of Paris and Care of the Injured") on 11 April 1871. The feminist writer André Léo , a friend of Paule Minck , was also active in the Women's Union. The association demanded gender equality , wage equality, right of divorce for women, and right to secular and professional education for girls. They also demanded suppression of
2001-670: The Third Republic declined to grant them voting rights, mainly because of fear of the influence of clericalism among them, echoing the conservative vote of rural areas for Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte during the Second Republic . After the 1936 Popular Front victory, although he had defended voting rights for women (a proposition included in the program of the French Section of the Workers' International party since 1906), left-wing Prime Minister Léon Blum did not implement
2070-478: The access of women to legislative and executive offices. The suffragettes , however, did honour the achievements of foreign women in power by bringing attention to legislation passed under their influence concerning alcohol (such as Prohibition in the United States ), regulation of prostitution , and protection of children's rights . Despite this campaign and the new role of women following World War I,
2139-626: The active participation of a small number of women in the insurrectionary events. A female battalion from the National Guard defended the Place Blanche during the repression. In 1909, French noblewoman and feminist Jeanne-Elizabeth Schmahl founded the French Union for Women's Suffrage to advocate for women's right to vote in France. Despite some cultural changes following World War I , which had resulted in women replacing
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2208-511: The aftermath of May 1968 , with the creation of the Mouvement de libération des femmes (Women's Liberation Movement, MLF), allegedly by Antoinette Fouque , Monique Wittig and Josiane Chanel in 1968. The name itself was given by the press, in reference to the US Women's Lib movement. In the frame of the cultural and social changes that occurred during the Fifth Republic , they advocated
2277-453: The arrest of Danielle Casanova and Marcelle Barjonet. and Simone Bertrand in the zone libre . Women were not allowed to become judges in France until 1946. During the baby boom period, feminism became a minor movement, despite forerunners such as Simone de Beauvoir , who published The Second Sex in 1949. The Second Sex is a detailed analysis of women's oppression and a foundational tract of contemporary feminism. It sets out
2346-651: The creation of the similarly named Varken Hora eller Kuvad [ sv ] movement in Sweden . Fadela Amara was appointed as junior minister for urban policy in François Fillon 's first government in May 2007. She left the government in 2010, and was named France's inspector general for social affairs in January 2011. NPNS was set up by a group of young French women, including Samira Bellil , in response to
2415-430: The culture of the banlieues , organised gang-rapes are referred to as tournantes , or "pass-arounds". In her book, Bellil recounts her life as a girl under la loi des cités (the law of the ghetto) where she was gang raped on more than one occasion, the first time at age 13, afraid to speak out, and ultimately seen only as a sexual object, alienated and shunned by her family and some of her friends. The second case
2484-525: The cycle of sexism. In this way, the movement was able to reach out to 950 students in 2016. The slogan used by the movement is meant both to shock and mobilise. Members particularly protest against changes of attitudes toward women, claiming there is an increased influence of Islamic extremism in those French suburbs with large immigrant populations. A particular concern is the treatment of Muslim women . Members claim that they may be pressured into wearing veils , leaving school, and marrying early. However,
2553-588: The deletion of the word "Mademoiselle" in all official documents. On 26 December 2012, the Council of State approved the deletion. In 1971, the feminist lawyer Gisèle Halimi founded the group Choisir ("To Choose"), to protect the women who had signed "Le Manifeste des 343 Salopes" (in English " Manifesto of the 343 Sluts " or alternately "Manifesto of the 343 Bitches"), written by Simone de Beauvoir . This provocative title became popular after Cabu's drawing on
2622-462: The distinction between married women and concubines , between legitimate and natural children, the abolition of prostitution in closing the maisons de tolérance , or legal official brothels . The Women's Union also participated in several municipal commissions and organized cooperative workshops. Along with Eugène Varlin , Nathalie Le Mel created the cooperative restaurant La Marmite , which served free food for indigents, and then fought during
2691-779: The former President Nicolas Sarkozy , would mark the culmination of this current. Of the 27 cabinets formed during the Fourth Republic , only four included women, and never more than one at a time. SFIO member Andrée Viénot , widow of a Resistant, was nominated in June 1946 by the Christian democrat Georges Bidault of the Popular Republican Movement as undersecretary of Youth and Sports. However, she remained in office for only seven months. The next woman to hold government office, Germaine Poinso-Chapuis ,
2760-566: The government as undersecretary in charge of Algeria from 1959 till the end of the war in 1962 . Marie-Madeleine Dienesch , who evolved from Christian-Democracy to Gaullism (in 1966), occupied various offices as undersecretary between 1968 and 1974. Finally, Suzanne Ploux was undersecretary for the Minister of National Education in 1973 and 1974. In total, only seven women acceded to governmental offices between 1946 and 1974, and only one as minister. Historians explain this rarity by underlining
2829-453: The grassroots Resistance committees created by Danielle Casanova . These women's committees gradually took shape at local levels, then at the regional and inter-regional level. They were regrouped within the Union des femmes françaises in the zone occupée and the Union des femmes de France in the zone libre . The leaders were Josette Dumeix , then Maria Rabaté for the northern zone, after
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2898-417: The guarantee of increased bodily autonomy for women via increased access to abortion and birth control . Third-wave feminism since the 2000s continues the legacy of the second wave while adding elements of postcolonial feminism , approaching women's rights in tandem with other ongoing discourses, particularly those surrounding racism . In November 1789, at the very beginning of the French Revolution,
2967-543: The home of the Assemblée nationale (the lower house of the French parliament). The following five propositions were accepted by the French government: The inauguration of the Maison de la Mixitié, the movement's premises in Paris' 20th arrondissement , took place in 2006. Then-President Jacques Chirac and then-future-President François Hollande both attended the event. In November 2016 Ni Putes Ni Soumises elected
3036-427: The ideal toward which women should aspire. De Beauvoir argues that for feminism to move forward, this attitude must be set aside. Married French women obtained the right to work without their husband's consent in 1965. The Neuwirth Law legalized birth control in 1967, but the relative executive decrees were blocked for a couple years by the conservative government. A strong feminist movement would only emerge in
3105-500: The male workers who had gone to the front, they were known as the Années folles and their exuberance was restricted to a very small group of female elites. Victor Margueritte 's La Garçonne (The Flapper, 1922), depicting an emancipated woman, was seen as scandalous and caused him to lose his Legion of Honour . During the Third Republic , the suffragettes movement championed the right to vote for women, but did not insist on
3174-841: The measure, because of the fear of the Radical-Socialist Party . Women obtained the right to vote only after the Provisional Government of the French Republic (GPRF) confirmed, on 5 October 1944, the ordinance of 21 April 1944 of the French Committee of National Liberation . Following the November 1946 elections , the first in which women were permitted to vote, sociologist Robert Verdier refuted any voting gender gap : in May 1947 in Le Populaire , he showed that women do not vote in
3243-436: The movement represents women of all faiths and ethnic origins, all of whom may find themselves trapped by poverty and the ghettoisation of the cités . A translation of the key points of NPNS's national appeal on its official website: Two high-profile cases gave a particular impetus to NPNS during 2003. The first was that of Samira Bellil , who published a book called Dans l'enfer des tournantes ("In Gang Rape Hell"). In
3312-701: The new role granted to the President of the Republic in the semi-presidential regime of the Fifth Republic after the 1962 referendum on the election of the President at direct universal suffrage , led to a greater role of the "First Lady of France". Although Charles de Gaulle 's wife Yvonne remained out of the public sphere, the image of Claude Pompidou would interest the media more and more. The media frenzy surrounding Cécilia Sarkozy , former wife of
3381-585: The other Forty-Eighters . During the culturally thriving times of the Belle Époque , especially in the late nineteenth century, feminism and the view of femininity experienced substantial shifts evident through acts by women of boldness and rejection of previous stigmas. The most defining characteristic of this period shown by these actions is the power of choice women began to take hold of. Such acts included these women partaking in nonstandard ways of marriage—as divorce during this time had been legally reinstalled as
3450-629: The other hand, a " third wave " of the feminist movement arose, combining the issues of sexism and racism , protesting the perceived Islamophobic instrumentalization of feminism by the French Right. After Ni Putes Ni Soumises activists were received by Prime Minister Jean Pierre Raffarin and their message incorporated into the official celebrations of Bastille Day 2003 in Paris, various left-wing authors (Sylvie Tissot, Elsa Dorlin, Étienne Balibar , Houria Bouteldja, etc.) as well as NGOs such as Les Blédardes (led by Bouteldja), criticized
3519-431: The population increased at a rate previously unknown, the rural exodus increased and war damage had reduced the number of houses in many cities. Rental prices dramatically rose so the government passed a rent control law in 1949. That effectively ended the economic benefits of housing investment. Also, construction was strictly regulated, which made building very difficult without political support. The government launched
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#17327900965653588-557: The provisional emancipation of some, individual, women, but post-war periods signalled the return to conservative roles. For instance, Lucie Aubrac , who was active in the French Resistance —a role highlighted by Gaullist myths—returned to private life after the war. Thirty-three women were elected at the Liberation, but none entered the government, and the euphoria of the Liberation was quickly halted. Women retained
3657-579: The rebuilding of their lives after the fact. Its support team is made up of lawyers, psychologists, an educational specialist and a legal counsel. Ni Putes Ni Soumises also supports the White Ribbon Campaign , which runs from 25 November to 6 December every year, and uses this as an opportunity to promote 3919, the national domestic violence helpline. Ni Putes Ni Soumises also carries out awareness-raising seminars in schools in order to encourage students to think about gender equality and break
3726-664: The repealing of the decree, and finally, Schuman's cabinet was overturned after failing a confidence motion on the subject. Germaine Poinso-Chapuis did not pursue her political career, encouraged to abandon it by Pope Pius XII . The third woman to hold government office would be the Radical-Socialist Jacqueline Thome-Patenôtre , appointed undersecretary of Reconstruction and Lodging in Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury 's cabinet in 1957. Nafissa Sid Cara then participated in
3795-542: The right of autonomy from their husbands, and the rights to contraception and to abortion . The paternal authority of a man over his family in France was ended in 1970 (before that parental responsibilities belonged solely to the father who made all legal decisions concerning the children). From 1970, the procedures for the use of the title " Mademoiselle " were challenged in France, particularly by feminist groups who wanted it banned. A circular from François Fillon , then Prime Minister , dated 21 February 2012, called for
3864-479: The right to vote. Second-wave feminism began in the 1940s as a reevaluation of women's role in society, reconciling the inferior treatment of women in society despite their ostensibly equal political status to men. Pioneered by theorists such as Simone de Beauvoir , second wave feminism was an important current within the social turmoil leading up to and following the May 1968 events in France . Political goals included
3933-563: The same legal rights as their husbands (or as unmarried women) as was notably the case in France, where the legal subordination of the wife (primarily coming from the Napoleonic Code ) was gradually abolished with women obtaining full equality in marriage only in the 1980s. The Union des femmes françaises had its origins in France during the Second World War . Women's committees of the French Resistance were born of
4002-532: The specific context of the Trente Glorieuses (Thirty Glorious Years) and of the baby boom, leading to a strengthening of familialism and patriarchy . Even left-wing cabinets abstained from nominating women: Pierre Mendès-France (advised by Colette Baudry ) did not include any woman in his cabinet, neither did Guy Mollet , the secretary general of the SFIO, nor the centrist Antoine Pinay . Although
4071-613: The term " French feminism " refers to a branch of theories and philosophies by and about women that emerged in the 1970s to the 1990s. These ideas have run parallel to and sometimes in contradistinction to the political feminist movement in France but is often referred to as "French feminist theory," distinguished by an approach which is more philosophical and literary. Its writings tend to be effusive and metaphorical being less concerned with political doctrine and generally focused on theories of "the body". The term includes writers who are not French, but who have worked substantially in France and
4140-490: The theories of the French feminists than the political agenda and goals that groups such as radical feminists and the MLF had at the time. In the 2000s, some feminist groups such as Ni putes, ni soumises (Neither Whores, Nor Submissives) denounced an increased influence of Islamic extremism in poor suburbs of large immigrant population, claiming they may be pressured into wearing veils , leaving school, and marrying early. On
4209-527: The time hotly contested by Veil's own party, the conservative Union for French Democracy (UDF). In 1974, Françoise d'Eaubonne coined the term " ecofeminism ." A new reform in France in 1985 abolished the stipulation that the father had the sole power to administer the children's property. In 1999, Florence Montreynaud launched the Chiennes de garde NGO. In the English-speaking world,
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#17327900965654278-540: The violence being directed at them in the predominantly Muslim immigrant suburbs ( banlieues ) and public housing ( cités ) of cities such as Paris , Lyon and Toulouse , where organised gang-rapes are referred to as tournantes , or "pass-arounds". Ni Putes Ni Soumises fights against violence targeting women, including domestic violence and gang rape , as well as social pressures. The movement's platform for victims of domestic violence helps women and their children escape dangerous situations and supports them in
4347-498: The work of other feminist NGOs and that it supported an Islamophobic instrumentalization of feminism by the French Right. Houria Bouteldja qualified Ni Putes ni Soumises as an Ideological State Apparatus (AIE). The debate among the French Left concerning the 2004 law on secularity and conspicuous religious symbols in schools , mainly targeted against the Hijab , is to be seen under this light. They underline that, first, sexism
4416-639: The world had female ministers. The British government had exclusively male ministers. Public housing in France France has a long tradition of social and state intervention in the provision of housing. In 1775, the Royal Saltworks at Arc-et-Senans was built with a part dedicated to house workers. In the 19th century the cités ouvrières (company towns) appeared, inspired by the Phalanstère of Charles Fourier . After World War II
4485-401: Was guillotined two years later, days after the execution of the Girondins . In February 1793, Pauline Léon and Claire Lacombe created the exclusively-female Société des républicaines révolutionnaires (Society of Revolutionary Republicans—the final e in républicaines explicitly denoting Republican Women), which boasted two hundred members. Viewed by the historian Daniel Guérin as
4554-495: Was founded in 1790 by Claude Dansart . It included prominent individuals such as Etta Palm d'Aelders , Jacques Hébert , Louise-Félicité de Kéralio , Pauline Léon , Théroigne de Méricourt , Madame Roland , Thérésa Cabarrús , and Merlin de Thionville . The following year, Olympe de Gouges published the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the Female Citizen . This was a letter addressed to Queen Marie Antoinette which requested actions in favour of women's rights . Gouges
4623-418: Was health and education minister from 24 November 1947 to 19 July 1948 in Robert Schuman 's cabinet. Remaining one year in office, her name remained attached to a decree financing private education . Published in the Journal officiel on 22 May 1948 with her signature, the decree had been drafted in her absence at the Council of Ministers of France . The Communist and the Radical-Socialist Party called for
4692-472: Was that of 17-year-old Sohanne Benziane , who was burned alive by an alleged small-time gang leader. In the wake of these events, members of Ni Putes Ni Soumises staged a march through France, which started in February 2003 and passed through over 20 cities before culminating in a 30,000-strong demonstration in Paris on 8 March 2003. The march was officially called la Marche des femmes des quartiers contre les ghettos et pour l'égalité (The March of Women from
4761-416: Was unanimously appreciated: even the far-right candidate Xavier Vallat addressed his "congratulations" to Blum for this measure while the conservative newspaper Le Temps wrote, on 1 June 1936, that women could be ministers without previous authorizations from their husbands. Cécile Brunschvicg and Irène Joliot-Curie were both legally "under-age" as women. Wars (both World War I and World War II) had seen
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