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128-584: The early stage Irish persona arose in England in the context of the war between the Jacobites and Whig supporters of William of Orange at the end of the 17th century. Later, the stage Irish persona become more comic and less threatening. Irish writers also used the persona in a satirical way. The character of Teg in Robert Howard's play Committee (1662) has been said to be the first example of

256-460: A lower-class stereotype, associated with the emigrations of mid-century. Dion Boucicault 's successful plays The Colleen Bawn (1860) and The Shaughraun (1874) included several Stage Irish characters. Boucicault was a Dublin native, and in his melodramas, Irish characters were framed in a more positive light. While still depicted as drunks and rogues, they functioned as stereotypical comic relief characters and received more characterization. In

384-541: A political theology shared by Non-juring , Tory elements within the Church of England, and members of the Scottish Episcopal Church . These were the divine right of kings , their accountability to God, not man or Parliament; secondly, that monarchy was a divine institution; thirdly, legitimism , the crown's descent by indefeasible dynastic right, which could not be overturned or annulled; and lastly

512-422: A subarachnoid haemorrhage , but it was difficult to keep him quiet, and he resumed his daily work in the government building. He had been about to leave for his office shortly before 10 a.m. on 12 August 1922, when he paused to retie his shoelace and fell down unconscious. He regained consciousness but collapsed again with blood coming from his mouth. Three doctors rendered assistance but to no avail. Fr John Lee of

640-567: A broader conservative current in Enlightenment thought, appealing to those attracted to a monarchist solution to perceived modern decadence. Populist songs and tracts presented the Stuarts as capable of correcting a wide range of ills and restoring social harmony, as well as contrasting Dutch and Hanoverian "foreigners" with a man who even in exile continued to consume English beef and beer. While particularly calculated to appeal to Tories,

768-597: A by-election in North Leitrim , where the sitting MP, one Charles Dolan of Manorhamilton , County Leitrim , had defected to Sinn Féin. At this time Sinn Féin was being infiltrated by the Irish Republican Brotherhood , who saw it as a vehicle for their aims; it had several local Councillors (mostly in Dublin, including W. T. Cosgrave ) and contained a dissident wing grouped from 1910 around

896-505: A government prepared to offer similar concessions. The ongoing Stuart focus on England and regaining a united British throne led to tensions with their broader-based supporters in 1745, when the primary goal of most Scots Jacobites was ending the 1707 Union. This meant that following victory at Prestonpans in September, they preferred to negotiate, rather than invade England as Charles wanted. More generally, Jacobite theorists reflected

1024-441: A number that increased significantly after the establishment of the Scottish Episcopal Church in 1712. Episcopalian ministers, such as Professor James Garden of Aberdeen, presented the 1707 Union as one in a series of disasters to befall Scotland, provoked by "the sins [...] of rebellion, injustice, oppression, schism and perjury". Opposition was boosted by measures imposed by the post-1707 Parliament of Great Britain , including

1152-420: A piece which defended English Jew Matthew Nathan - "We do not know of one Nationalist Irishman who objects to Sir Matthew Nathan because of the religion he professes, or who holds the creed that an Irish Jew should be ineligible for any office he was competent to fill in an Irish government". Griffith was a close friend of Jewish solicitor Michael Noyk , who defended many IRA members in courts martial during

1280-527: A reigning monarch. For most of the period from 1690 to 1714, Parliament was either controlled by the Tories, or evenly split with the Whigs; when George I succeeded Anne, most hoped to reconcile with the new regime. The Earl of Mar , who led the 1715 rising, observed "Jacobitisme, which they used to brand the Tories with, is now I presum out of doors". However, George blamed the 1710-to-1714 Tory government for

1408-526: A separate Parliament until 1800, but the 1707 Union combined England and Scotland into the Kingdom of Great Britain . Anne viewed this as the unified Protestant kingdom which her predecessors had failed to achieve. The exiled Stuarts continued to agitate for a return to power, based on the support they retained within the three kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland. Doing so required external help, most consistently supplied by France, while Spain backed

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1536-567: A series of proclamations deprived Catholic gentry of the right to bear arms or hold public office. The Catholic Richard Talbot, 1st Earl of Tyrconnell , was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland in 1687, and began building a Catholic establishment that could survive James. Fearing a short reign, Tyrconnell moved at a speed that destabilised all three kingdoms. James dismissed the English and Scottish Parliaments when they refused to approve his measures of religious tolerance , which he enforced using

1664-537: Is about a naive Irishman who in the end triumphs over his English rival. Lucius O'Trigger in Richard Brinsley Sheridan 's The Rivals is an excessively quick-tempered individual. The character had to be rewritten because of complaints in Ireland that it was insultingly anti-Irish. All these characters were from the genteel social classes. By the 19th century, the stage Irishman became more of

1792-642: Is after 1691, for various reasons disarmed and disenfranchised Irish Jacobites looked to European allies or the return of the Wild Geese, rather than planning a domestic revolt. From the 1720s on, many upwardly mobile Catholics were willing to swear loyalty to the Hanoverian regime, but balked at the Oath of Abjuration , which required denouncing the authority of the Pope and the doctrines of Transubstantiation and

1920-705: Is another early example of the conventions. James Farewell's poem The Irish Hudibras (1689) was published in the wake of William's invasion of Ireland to suppress the Jacobite uprising. It is considered to be the principal origin of the stereotype. This takes the form of a parody of book VI of Virgil's Aeneid , in which Aeneas descends into the underworld. In the poem, this is replaced by Fingal in County Dublin, in which Irish costume, behaviour, and speech-patterns are parodied as if they were denizens of Hades. A companion piece, Hesperi-Neso-Grapica or A Description of

2048-987: Is shown by a "radical shift" in his journalism. Already in 1903, he had endorsed the Temperance–Labour Councillor Albert L. Altman , a Jew, for election to Dublin Corporation. In 1909, he wrote a favourable article in Sinn Féin on the Jewish contribution to European civilisation, and in Nationality in 1915, he railed against the Irish Parliamentary Party for saying that Jews should be barred from public office. Griffith's publication 'Scissors and Paste' published three separate articles sympathetic to Jewish victims of Eastern European pogroms and in 1915 his 'Nationality' published

2176-800: Is their wont, to crush the Christian who dares to block their path or to point them out for what they are — nine-tenths of them— usurers and parasites of industry. and excluded from this criticism was the Zionist minority of the Jews, who include those honest and patriotic Jews who desire the reestablishment of the Hebrew nation in Palestine. From 1904 until his death, Griffith wrote virtually nothing which could be construed as antisemitic. Historian Colum Kenny writes that Griffith's "thinking developed" which

2304-484: The 1719 Rising . While talks were also held at different times with Sweden , Prussia , and Russia , these never produced concrete results. Although the Stuarts were useful as a lever, their foreign backers generally had little interest in their restoration. Historian Frank McLynn identifies seven primary drivers in Jacobitism, noting that while the movement contained "sincere men [..] who aimed solely to restore

2432-890: The Acts of Union 1707 and divine right seriously undermined the 1745 rising . Jacobitism was strongest in Ireland, the Western Scottish Highlands , Perthshire , and Aberdeenshire . Pockets of support were also present in Wales , Northern England , the West Midlands and South West England , all areas strongly Royalist during the Wars of the Three Kingdoms . In addition, the Stuarts received intermittent backing from countries like France , usually dependent on their own strategic objectives. In addition to

2560-617: The Anglo-Irish relationship, namely that Ireland should become a separate kingdom alongside Great Britain, the two forming a dual monarchy with a shared monarch but separate governments, as it was thought this solution would be more palatable to the British. This was similar to the policy of Henry Grattan a century earlier. However, this idea was never really embraced by later separatist leaders, especially Michael Collins , and never came to anything, although Kevin O'Higgins toyed with

2688-496: The Boers in their campaign against British expansionism and was a supporter of Paul Kruger . In 1899, on returning to Dublin , Griffith co-founded the weekly United Irishman newspaper with his associate William Rooney , who died in 1901. On 24 November 1910, Griffith married Maud Sheehan, after a six-year engagement; they had a son and a daughter. Griffith's fierce criticism of the Irish Parliamentary Party 's alliance with

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2816-718: The Catholic Confederacy representing the Irish insurgents proclaimed allegiance to Charles, but the Stuarts were an unreliable ally, since concessions in Ireland cost them Protestant support in all three kingdoms. In addition, the Adventurers' Act , approved by Charles in March 1642, funded suppression of the revolt by confiscating land from Irish Catholics, much of it owned by members of the Confederacy. The result

2944-613: The Duke of Norfolk , head of the English Catholic community, sentenced to death for his role in 1715 but pardoned. Even so, sympathies were complex; Norfolk's agent Andrew Blood joined the Manchester Regiment , and he later employed another ex-officer, John Sanderson, as his master of horse. English Catholics continued to provide the exiles with financial support well into the 1770s. In 1689, around 2% of clergy in

3072-519: The Earl of Sunderland , his chief minister, felt only his removal could prevent it. Sunderland secretly co-ordinated an Invitation to William , assuring Mary and her husband, and James's nephew, William of Orange of English support for armed intervention. William landed in Brixham on 5 November with 14,000 men; as he advanced, James's army deserted and he went into exile on 23 December. In February 1689,

3200-544: The English Parliament appointed William and Mary joint monarchs of England, while the Scots followed suit in March. Most of Ireland was still controlled by Tyrconnell, where James landed on 12 March 1689 with 6,000 French troops. The 1689-to-1691 Williamite War in Ireland highlighted two recurring trends; for James and his successors, the main prize was England, with Ireland and Scotland secondary to that, while

3328-658: The French First Republic , Napoleon Bonaparte and Daniel O'Connell . Jacobite ideology has since influenced the Gaelic revival and much of traditional Irish nationalism . In England and Wales, Jacobitism was often associated with the Tories , many of whom supported James's right to the throne during the Exclusion Crisis . Tory ideology implied that neither "time nor statute law [...] could ameliorate

3456-645: The Irish Civil War . Griffith died suddenly in August 1922, two months after the outbreak of that war. Arthur Joseph Griffith was born at 61 Upper Dominick Street , Dublin on 31 March 1871, of distant Welsh lineage. His great-great-grandfather, William Griffith of Drws-y-coed Uchaf, Rhyd-ddu , Caernarvonshire (1719-1782), was a farmer and supporter of the Moravian Church cause. His great grandfather, Griffith Griffith (b. 1789), emigrated first to

3584-542: The Irish War of Independence , and served as an official in the First Dáil Department of Finance and as a Dáil Court judge during the war. Other Jewish Friends included Dr Edward Lipman, Jacob Elyan and Dr Bethel Solomons . Noyk and Solomons were among a group of friends who purchased a house for Griffith when he married. Griffith held racist views towards Black people; in a preface he authored for

3712-648: The Marist Fathers administered extreme unction , and Griffith died as the priest recited the concluding prayer. The cause of death, cerebral haemorrhage , was also reported as being due to heart failure. He died at the age of 51, ten days before Michael Collins ' death in an ambush in County Cork . He was buried in Glasnevin Cemetery four days later. The historian Diarmaid Ferriter considers that, though he had founded Sinn Féin, Griffith

3840-814: The Peace of Utrecht , which he viewed as damaging to his home state of Hanover . His isolation of former Tory ministers like Lord Bolingbroke and the Earl of Mar drove them first into opposition, then exile. Their exclusion from power between 1714 and 1742 led many Tories to remain in contact with the Jacobite court, which they saw as a potential tool for changing or pressuring the existing government. In 1715, there were co-ordinated celebrations on 29 May, Restoration Day , and 10 June, James Stuart's birthday, especially in Tory-dominated towns like Bristol , Oxford , Manchester and Norwich , although they remained quiet in

3968-572: The Proportional Representation Society of Ireland , believing that proportional representation would help to prevent animosity between unionists and nationalists in an independent Ireland. In 1916, rebels seized and took over a number of key locations in Dublin, in what became known as the Easter Rising . After its defeat, it was widely described both by British politicians and the Irish and British media as

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4096-544: The Real Presence as "base and idolatrous". After the effective demise of the Jacobite cause in the 1750s and '60s, many Catholic gentry withdrew support from the Stuarts. Instead, they created organisations like the Catholic Convention , which worked within the existing state for redress of Catholic grievances. When Charles died in 1788, Irish nationalists looked for alternative liberators, among them

4224-520: The Royal Prerogative . Doing so threatened to re-open disputes over religion, reward those who rebelled in 1685 and undermine his own supporters. It also ignored the impact of the 1685 Edict of Fontainebleau , which revoked tolerance for French Protestants and created an estimated 400,000 refugees, 40,000 of whom settled in London. Two events turned discontent into rebellion, the first being

4352-542: The Third English Civil War , and Ormond went into exile in 1650. Defeat in 1652 led to the mass confiscation of Catholic and Royalist land, and its re-distribution among English Parliamentary soldiers and Protestant settlers. The three kingdoms were combined into the Commonwealth of England , regaining their separate status when the monarchy was restored in 1660. Charles's reign was dominated by

4480-523: The Treason Act 1708 , the 1711 ruling that barred Scots peers with English or British peerages from their seats in the House of Lords , and tax increases. Despite their own preferences, the Stuarts tried to appeal to this group; in 1745, Charles issued declarations dissolving the "pretended Union", despite concerns this would alienate his English supporters. However, opposition to post-Union legislation

4608-720: The United States and then to Ireland, where some of his sisters had settled in Dublin among the Moravian community there. A Roman Catholic, Griffith was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers . He worked for a time as a printer before joining the Gaelic League , which was aimed at promoting the restoration of the Irish language . His father had been a printer on The Nation newspaper — Griffith

4736-514: The battle of Aughrim in 1691, and the Treaty of Limerick ended the war in Ireland; future risings on behalf of the exiled Stuarts were confined to England and Scotland. The Act of Settlement 1701 barred Catholics from the English throne, and when Anne became the last Stuart monarch in 1702, her heir was her Protestant cousin Sophia of Hanover , not her Catholic half-brother James. Ireland retained

4864-559: The "Cyclops" episode. In 1904, a piece in the paper voiced support for the Limerick boycott , a boycott of Jewish businesses in Limerick organised by a local priest, declaring that the Jew in Limerick has not been boycotted because he is a Jew, but because he is a usurer " and that " If Jews —as Jews— were boycotted, it would be outrageously unjust. Griffith was apparently unaware that

4992-463: The "Sinn Féin rebellion", even though Sinn Féin had very limited involvement. Griffith was detained, being released from Reading Gaol at the end of 1916. When in 1917, surviving leaders of the rebellion were released from gaol (or escaped) they joined Sinn Féin en masse , using it as a vehicle for the advancement of the republic. The result was a bitter clash between those original members who backed Griffith's concept of an Anglo-Irish dual monarchy and

5120-592: The 1689 Parliament were annulled, penal laws criminalized the practice of Catholicism and barred Catholics from public life, while the Act of Attainder was used to justify further land confiscations. 12,000 Jacobite soldiers went into exile in the diaspora known as the Flight of the Wild Geese , the majority of whom were later absorbed into the French Royal Army 's Irish Brigade . About 1,000 men were recruited for

5248-552: The 1689–1691 Williamite War in Ireland and Jacobite rising of 1689 in Scotland , there were serious revolts in 1715 , 1719 and 1745, French invasion attempts in 1708 and 1744 , and numerous unsuccessful plots. While the 1745 Rising briefly seemed to threaten the Hanoverian monarchy, its defeat in 1746 ended Jacobitism as a serious political movement. Jacobite ideology originated with James VI and I , who in 1603 became

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5376-468: The 1715 Rising. In the 1730s many 'Jacobite' demonstrations in Wales and elsewhere were driven by local tensions, especially hostility to Methodism , and featured attacks on Nonconformist chapels. Most English participants in 1715 came from traditionally Catholic areas in the northwest, such as Lancashire . By 1720 there were fewer than 115,000 in England and Wales, and most remained loyal in 1745, including

5504-528: The 17th century, the close connection between Scottish politics and religion meant regime changes were accompanied by the losers being expelled from the Church of Scotland . In 1690 , over 200 clergymen lost their parishes, mostly in Aberdeenshire and Banffshire , a strongly Episcopalian area since the 1620s. In 1745, around 25% of Jacobite recruits came from this part of the country. Episcopalianism

5632-771: The 1913 edition of John Mitchel's Jail Journal , Griffith argued that "no excuses were needed for an Irish Nationalist declining to hold the Negro his peer in right". However while in South Africa, he opposed the exploitation of blacks by whites and he expressed appreciation that the Russo-Japanese War which led to a Russian defeat had destroyed "the prestige of the white face" in India. Meanwhile Griffith's newspapers, United Irishman and Sinn Féin , both produced sympathetic coverage of Indian nationalists . Griffith

5760-536: The 1916 leader Éamon de Valera , becoming vice-president instead. Griffith was elected as an MP for East Cavan in a by-election in June 1918, and re-elected in the 1918 general election , when Sinn Féin won a huge electoral victory over the Irish Parliamentary Party and, refusing to take their seats at Westminster, set up their own constituent assembly, Dáil Éireann . In the Dáil, Griffith served as Minister for Home Affairs from 1919 to 1921, and Minister for Foreign Affairs from 1921 to 1922. In September 1921, he

5888-524: The Boyne in 1690, telling his supporters to "shift for themselves". This led some to depict him as ( Irish : "Séamus an chaca" , "James of the shit"), who had deserted his loyal followers. However, Gaelic scholar Breandán Ó Buachalla claims his reputation subsequently recovered as "the rightful king...destined to return' and upper-class Irish Jacobite writers like Charles O'Kelly and Nicholas Plunkett blamed "corrupt English and Scottish advisors" for his apparent desertion. After 1691, measures passed by

6016-429: The British Liberal Party was heavily influenced by the anti-Liberal rhetoric of Young Irelander John Mitchel . Griffith supported the Limerick boycott , advocating shunning Jewish-owned businesses in the city. Griffith also supported movements seeking national independence from the British Empire in Egypt and India , and wrote a highly-critical description of the British government action at Matabele . He opposed

6144-425: The British for rejecting their rightful king, although post 1710 this was blamed specifically on the Whigs . These views were not held by all Jacobites, while many Whigs argued the post 1688 succession was also "divinely ordained". After the 1701 Act of Settlement, Jacobite propagandists deemphasised the purely legitimist elements in their writing and by 1745, active promotion of hereditary and indefeasible right

6272-442: The British government (Griffith attended 41 of the 42 provisional government meetings held between 23 June and 30 July), and the work involved in establishing the Free State government, he entered St. Vincent's Nursing Home, Leeson Street , Dublin, during the first week of August 1922, following an acute attack of tonsillitis. He was confined to a room in St Vincent's by his doctors, who had observed signs of what they thought might be

6400-400: The Church of England refused to take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary; one list identifies a total of 584 clergy, schoolmasters and university dons as Non Jurors . This almost certainly understates their numbers, for many sympathisers remained within the Church of England, but Non Jurors were disproportionately represented in Jacobite risings and riots, and provided many "martyrs". By

6528-417: The Church of England, and ruling without Parliament led to a political crisis. Similar measures in Scotland caused the 1639–1640 Bishops' Wars , and installation of a Covenanter government. Organised by a small group of Catholic nobility, the October 1641 Irish Rebellion was the cumulative effect of land confiscation, loss of political control, anti-Catholic measures and economic decline. The Rebellion

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6656-404: The Dáil, which he lost by a vote of 60 to 58. Griffith then succeeded de Valera as President of Dáil Éireann. A second ratification of the Treaty by the House of Commons of Southern Ireland followed shortly afterwards. Griffith was, however, to a great extent merely a figurehead as President of the Second Dáil . Suffering from overwork and strain after the long and difficult negotiations with

6784-507: The Dáil; negotiations closed at 2.20 a.m. on 6 December 1921. Griffith was the member of the treaty delegation most supportive of its eventual outcome, a compromise based on dominion status, rather than a republic. Griffith was content for an independent Irish State to remain within the British Empire or British Commonwealth as it soon would become. The Treaty was ratified by the Dáil by 64 votes to 57 on 7 January 1922. On 9 January, de Valera stood down as president and sought re-election by

6912-598: The Electors of Hanover". While Jacobite agents continued in their attempts to recruit the disaffected, the most committed Jacobites were often linked by relatively small family networks, particularly in Scotland; Jacobite activities in areas like Perthshire and Aberdeenshire centred on a limited number of influential families heavily involved in 1715 and 1745. Some of the most powerful landowning families preserved their establishment loyalties, but maintained traditions of Stuart allegiance by permitting younger sons to become involved in active Jacobitism; in 1745, Lewis Gordon

7040-530: The English.' He therefore resisted measures that might "dissatisfy his Protestant subjects" in England and Scotland, complaining "he was fallen into the hands of a people who would ram many hard things down his throat". When it became clear Parliament would only vote war taxes if he met their minimum demands, James reluctantly gave his assent to Tyrconnell's land bill and passed a Bill of attainder , confiscating estates from 2,000 mostly Protestant "rebels". Although he also approved Parliament's resolution that Ireland

7168-416: The French and Spanish armies annually, many with a "tangible commitment to the Stuart cause". Elements of the French Irish Brigade participated in the Scottish Jacobite rising of 1745. Irish-language poets, especially in Munster , continued to champion the cause after James' death; in 1715, Eoin O Callanain described his son Prince James Francis Edward Stuart as " taoiseach na nGaoidheal " or "chieftain of

7296-419: The Gaels". As in England, throughout the 1720s, Prince James' birthday on 10 June was marked by celebrations in Dublin, and towns like Kilkenny and Galway . These were often accompanied by rioting, suggested as proof of popular pro-Jacobite sympathies. Others argue riots were common in 18th-century urban areas and see them as a "series of ritualised clashes". Combined with Jacobite rhetoric and symbolism in

7424-406: The IPP rubbished as unrealistic, although it would ultimately mean the defeat and dissolution of the IPP after the election in December 1918. In May 1918, along with Éamon de Valera and 72 other Sinn Féiners, Griffith was arrested on the pretext of involvement in the fictitious German Plot . Griffith spent ten months interned in HM Prison Gloucester , being released on 6 March 1919. Fr. O'Flanagan

7552-403: The IRB and the Irish Republican Army 's Director of Intelligence. During de Valera's absence in the United States (1919–21) Griffith served as Acting President and gave regular press interviews. He was arrested at his house at 3 am, on 26 November 1920, and later jailed, Fr. O'Flanagan again taking over as acting leader until de Valera returned from America on 23 December. Griffith was to spend

7680-507: The Irish as "ignorant but harmless drudges, given to drink and emotional excesses, loving a fight, and not above a lie or a bit of minor thievery". Stereotypes regarding Hiberno-English and Irish physiology were also perpetuated, being given a Simian or Ape-like appearance. Patriotic inversions of the stereotype appeared in Irish theatre, and Irish playwrights sometimes commented on the trope, as in Bernard Shaw in John Bull's Other Island and by John Millington Synge in The Playboy of

7808-414: The Jacobites in 1715, compared to 11,000 who joined the government army, and were the majority of the 9,000 to 14,000 who served in 1745. One reason was the persistence of feudalism in parts of rural Scotland, where tenants could be compelled to provide their landlords with military service. Many of the Highland clansmen who were a feature of Jacobite armies were raised this way: in all three major risings,

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7936-417: The Jews of Limerick had little or no involvement in moneylending or similar practices. The United Irishman also published articles by Oliver St. John Gogarty that contained antisemitic sentiments, which were common in the Ireland of the time. During this time an article in the United Irishman also expressed positive views towards Zionism ; while The Jews of Great Britain and Ireland have united, as

8064-435: The Lords to approve the bill. More serious were differences between Parliament and James, who resisted any measures that might "dissatisfy his Protestant subjects" in England and Scotland. These conflicted with the demands of the Irish Parliament, which in addition to land restoration included toleration for Catholicism and Irish autonomy. A French diplomat observed James had 'a heart too English to do anything that might vex

8192-434: The Protestant interest and the English interest in Ireland". This restricted Protestant Jacobitism to "doctrinaire clergymen, disgruntled Tory landowners and Catholic converts", who opposed Catholicism but still viewed James' removal as unlawful. A few Church of Ireland ministers refused to swear allegiance to the new regime and became Non-Jurors , the most famous being propagandist Charles Leslie . Since regaining England

8320-435: The Sinn Féin League, which itself had been formed from an amalgamation of Cumann na nGaedheal and the Dungannon Clubs, to form what would become Sinn Féin. In 1906, after the United Irishman journal collapsed because of a libel suit, Griffith re-founded it under the title Sinn Féin . It briefly became a daily in 1909 and survived until its suppression by the British government in 1914, after which Griffith became editor of

8448-528: The Stuarts", it "provided a source of legitimacy for political dissent of all kinds". Establishing the ideology of active participants is complicated by the fact that "by and large, those who wrote most did not act, and those who acted wrote little, if anything." As a result, historians have taken different views on its primary driving force. These include being an aristocratic rejection of an increasingly Unitary state , feudal opposition to capitalism, or Scots and Irish nationalism. Jacobitism drew on elements of

8576-414: The Stuarts, their loyalty to Catholicism, and Ireland's status as a kingdom with a Crown of its own." In the first half of the 18th century, Jacobitism was "the primary allegiance of politically conscious Catholics". Irish Catholic support for James was predicated on his religion and assumed willingness to deliver their demands. In 1685, Irish bard Dáibhí Ó Bruadair celebrated his accession as ensuring

8704-407: The United Kingdom at Westminster , but should instead establish a separate Irish parliament (with an administrative system based on local government) in Dublin. Griffith was a staunch economic nationalist , he argued that nationalism was central to the fostering of economic growth. He often cited the works of German economist Friedrich List . In February 1908, Sinn Féin unsuccessfully contested

8832-412: The Victorian era the 'stage Irish' caricatures and stereotypes were used in British cartoons to indicate that the Irish were incapable of ruling themselves. Although stage Irishness can be traced to the 18th century it was most prominent in the 19th century with publications such as Punch in Britain and Harper's Weekly and Puck in the United States publishing such cartoons. These depictions portrayed

8960-440: The Western Isle by "W.M." was published in 1715. Pamphlets published under the title "Bog Witticisms" also parodied the supposed illogicality and stupidity of the Irish. Irish characters appeared in a number of plays during the 18th century. These were not all negative stereotypes. Sometimes the Irishman could be a noble, or at least sympathetic character. In others he could outwit others. Thomas Sheridan 's play Captain O'Blunder

9088-429: The Western World . The latter play was condemned by Irish nationalists, including Sinn Féin leader Arthur Griffith , who described the play as "a vile and inhuman story told in the foulest language we have ever listened to from a public platform", and that it insulted Irish men and women. Modern superhero comics of the 20th century have been described as possessing "condescending conventions" of stage Irishness such as

9216-511: The birth of James's son on 10 June 1688, which created the prospect of a Catholic dynasty. The second was James' prosecution of the Seven Bishops , which seemed to go beyond tolerance for Catholicism and actively attack the Church of England; their acquittal on 30 June caused widespread rejoicing throughout England and Scotland, and destroyed James's political authority. In 1685, many feared civil war if James were bypassed; by 1688, even

9344-552: The bulk of the rank and file were supplied by a small number of north-western clans whose leaders joined the rebellion. Despite this, many Jacobites were Protestant Lowlanders, rather than the Catholic, Gaelic-speaking Highlanders of legend. By 1745, fewer than 1% of Scots were Catholic, restricted to the far north-west and a few noble families. The majority of the rank and file, as well as many Jacobite leaders, belonged to Protestant non-juring Episcopalian congregations. Throughout

9472-650: The chance." In late 1899 The United Irishman published an article by Griffith that stated: "I have in former years often declared that the Three Evil Influences of the century were the Pirate, the Freemason, and the Jew." The antisemitism found in the pages of the United Irishman during Griffth's editorial tenure has been credited with shaping various aspects of Joyce's Ulysses , especially in

9600-513: The expansionist policies of Louis XIV of France, seen as a threat to Protestant Europe. When his brother and heir James announced his conversion to Catholicism in 1677, an attempt was made to bar him from the English throne . Nevertheless, he became king in February 1685 with widespread support in England and Scotland; a Catholic monarch was preferable to excluding the 'natural heir', and rebellions by Protestant dissidents quickly suppressed. It

9728-406: The first monarch to rule all three kingdoms of England , Scotland and Ireland . Its basis was divine right , which claimed his authority came from God, and the crown's descent by indefeasible hereditary right: James and his supporters emphasised his right to the throne by blood to forestall controversy over his appointment by Elizabeth I as her successor. Personal rule by the monarch eliminated

9856-523: The forty or fifty thousand Jewish usurers and pick- pockets in each country and which no decent Christian ever reads except holding his nose as a precaution against nausea. Other editorials in Griffith's United Irishman that year expressed concern about a conspiracy where "the Jew capitalist has got a grip on the lying "Press of Civilization" from Vienna to New York and further" , and concluded "we know that all Jews are pretty sure to be traitors if they get

9984-555: The government and oppress the common people. However, views on the 'correct' balance of rights and duties between monarch and subject varied, and Jacobites attempted to distinguish between 'arbitrary' and 'absolute' power. Non-juring Church of Ireland clergyman Charles Leslie was perhaps the most extreme divine right theorist, but even he argued the monarch was bound by "his oath to God, as well as his promise to his people" and "the laws of justice and honour". Jacobite pamphlets often suggested domestic issues were divine punishment on

10112-466: The grounds of Leinster House commemorates Griffith, as well as Michael Collins and Kevin O'Higgins . As editor of the United Irishman , Griffith took an " Anti-Dreyfusard " line, writing in 1899 to defend the conviction of "the Jew traitor" Dreyfus; accusing the Dublin press of being "almost all Jew rags" ; and decrying Fifty other rags like those which have nothing behind them but

10240-457: The idea as a means of ending partition , shortly before his assassination in 1927. Griffith sought to combine elements of Parnellism with the traditional separatist approach; he saw himself not as a leader but as providing a strategy which a new leader might follow. Central to his strategy was parliamentary abstention : the belief that Irish MPs should refuse to attend the Parliament of

10368-604: The language used by Irish characters. Early depictions of the Marvel superhero Sean Cassidy ('Banshee') have been described as bearing the physiological caricatures of the Irish that were present in Victorian English depictions. Hollywood films have also invoked stage Irishness. The film Darby O'Gill and the Little People has been considered the "epitome" of paddywhackery. Jacobitism Jacobitism

10496-516: The late 1720s arguments over doctrine and the death of its originators reduced the church to a handful of scattered congregations, but several of those executed in 1745 came from Manchester, the last significant assembly in England. Quaker leader William Penn was a prominent non-conformist supporter of James, although this was based on their personal relationship and did not survive his deposition. Another element in English Jacobitism

10624-439: The many works of Aisling poetry composed in the Irish language and widespread popular support for rapparees , or Jacobite guerrillas , like Éamonn an Chnoic , John Hurley , and Galloping Hogan , provides, some historians now claim, proof of popular support for a Stuart restoration. Others, however, argue that it is hard to discern "how far rhetorical Jacobitism reflected support for the Stuarts, as opposed to discontent with

10752-495: The monthly periodical called Irish Freedom . The IRB members argued that the aim of dual monarchism should be replaced by republicanism and that Griffith was excessively inclined to compromise with conservative elements (notably in his pro-employer position during the 1913–1914 Dublin Lockout when he saw the syndicalism of James Larkin as aimed at crippling Irish industry for Great Britain's benefit). In 1911, he helped to found

10880-742: The movement preserved an unusual level of veneration. Tartan cloth, widely adopted by the Jacobite army in 1745, was used in portraiture as a symbol of Stuart sympathies, even before the Rising. Outside elite social circles, the Jacobite community circulated propaganda and symbolic objects through a network of clubs, print-sellers and pedlars, aimed at the provincial gentry and middling sort. In 1745, Prince Charles ordered commemorative medals and miniature pictures for clandestine distribution. Arthur Griffith Arthur Joseph Griffith ( Irish : Art Seosamh Ó Gríobhtha ; 31 March 1871 – 12 August 1922)

11008-457: The need for Parliaments, and required political and religious union, concepts widely unpopular in all three kingdoms. Divine right also clashed with Catholic allegiance to the Pope and with Protestant nonconformists , since both argued there was an authority above the king. The 17th-century belief that 'true religion' and 'good government' were one and the same meant disputes in one area fed into

11136-584: The new Irish cabinet. In September 1921, de Valera, President of the Republic, asked Griffith to head the delegation of Irish plenipotentiaries to negotiate with the British government. The delegates set up Headquarters in Hans Place , London . After nearly two months of negotiations, on 5 December, the delegates decided in a private conversation in their headquarters to sign the Treaty and recommended it to

11264-516: The new members, under Éamon de Valera , who wanted to achieve a republic. Matters almost led to a split at the party's Ard Fheis (conference) in October 1917. In a compromise, it was decided to seek to establish a republic initially, then allow the people to decide whether they wanted a republic or a monarchy, subject to the condition that no member of Britain's royal house could sit on any prospective Irish throne. At that Ard Fheis, Griffith resigned

11392-638: The new nationalist journal, Nationality . Most historians opt for 28 November 1905 as a founding date because it was on this date that Griffith first presented his 'Sinn Féin Policy'. In his writings, Griffith declared that the Act of Union of Great Britain and Ireland in 1800 was illegal and that, consequently, the Anglo-Irish dual monarchy that existed under Grattan's Parliament and the so-called Constitution of 1782 were still in effect. Its first president

11520-399: The next seven months in Dublin's Mountjoy Prison . He was released on 30 June 1921 as peace moves got underway. In Ireland, a general election was held on 24 May 1921 and Griffith, while still in prison, headed the poll in the contested constituency of Fermanagh and Tyrone , and was returned unopposed for Cavan . On 26 August 1921, Griffith was appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs in

11648-403: The organisation was still small. Griffith was arrested following the Easter Rising of 1916, despite not having taken any part in it. On his release, he worked to build up Sinn Féin, which won a string of by-election victories. At the party's Ardfheis (annual convention) in October 1917, Sinn Féin became an unambiguously republican party, and Griffith resigned the presidency in favour of

11776-540: The other; Millenarianism and belief in the imminence of the Second Coming meant many Protestants viewed such issues as urgent and real. As the first step towards union, James began standardising religious practices between the churches of England , Scotland and Ireland . After his death in 1625, this was continued by his son Charles I , who lacked his political sensitivity; by the late 1630s, instituting Personal Rule in 1629, enforcing Laudian reforms on

11904-588: The policies of James Larkin , but worked with James Connolly , who was a nationalist as well as a socialist. In September 1900, he established an organisation called Cumann na nGaedheal ("Society of the Gaels"), to unite advanced nationalist and separatist groups and clubs. In 1903, he set up the National Council, to campaign against the visit to Ireland of King Edward VII and his consort Alexandra of Denmark . In 1907, that organisation merged with

12032-456: The presidency of Sinn Féin in favour of de Valera; he and Fr. Michael O'Flanagan were elected Vice-Presidents. The leaders of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) sought a rapprochement with Griffith over the British threat of conscription , which both parties condemned, but Griffith refused unless the IPP embraced his more radical and subversive ideals, a suggestion which John Dillon , a leader of

12160-458: The price for these concessions was to largely remove the Anglican element from Irish Jacobitism, which thereafter became almost entirely a Catholic ideology. After 1690, Irish Jacobites were also split between Tyrconnell's 'Peace party' who continued to seek a negotiated solution, and a 'War party' led by Patrick Sarsfield who favoured fighting on to the end. James left Ireland after defeat at

12288-606: The primary French objective was to absorb British resources, not necessarily restore the Stuarts. Elections in May 1689 produced the first Irish Parliament with a Catholic majority since 1613. It repealed the Cromwellian land seizures, confiscated land from Williamites, and proclaimed Ireland a 'distinct kingdom from England', measures annulled after defeat in 1691. A Jacobite rising in Scotland achieved some initial success but

12416-532: The revived supremacy of both the Catholic Church in Ireland and the Irish language . Tyrconnell's expansion of the army by the creation of Catholic regiments was welcomed by Diarmuid Mac Carthaigh, as enabling the native Irish 'Tadhg' to be armed and to assert his dominance over "John" the English Protestant. Conversely, most Irish Protestants viewed his policies as designed to "utterly ruin

12544-531: The rightful king and condemning the "treasonous subjects" who had ousted him. There were some divisions among Irish Jacobites on the issue of returning all Catholic lands confiscated in 1652 after the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland . The majority of the Irish House of Commons wanted the 1652 Cromwellian Act of Settlement repealed in its entirety, with ownership returned to that prevailing in 1641. This

12672-464: The scriptural injunction of passive obedience and non-resistance, even towards monarchs of which the individual subject might disapprove. Jacobite propagandists argued such divinely sanctioned authority was the main moral safeguard of society, while its absence led to party strife. They claimed the 1688 Revolution had enabled political corruption and allowed selfish opportunists, such as Whigs, religious dissenters, and foreigners, to take control of

12800-414: The sin of usurpation", while shared Tory and Jacobite themes of divine right and sacred kingship may have provided an alternative to Whig concepts of "liberty and property". A minority of academics, including Eveline Cruickshanks , have argued that until the late 1750s the Tories were a crypto-Jacobite party; others, that Jacobitism was a "limb of Toryism". However, the supremacy of the Church of England

12928-462: The status quo". Nevertheless, fears of resurgent Catholic Jacobitism among the ruling Protestant minority meant anti-Catholic Penal Laws remained in place for most of the eighteenth century. As the Penal Laws forbade Irish Catholics to have military training or even to own or carry arms, there were no Irish risings in either 1715 or 1745 to accompany those in England and Scotland; one suggestion

13056-468: The throne of Scotland. The Revolution created the principle of a contract between monarch and people, which if violated meant the monarch could be removed. A key tenet of Jacobitism was that kings were appointed by God, making the post-1688 regime illegitimate. However, it also functioned as an outlet for popular discontent and thus was a complex mix of ideas, many opposed by the Stuarts themselves. Conflict between Prince Charles and Scottish Jacobites over

13184-648: The type, where an Irish servant outwits the enemies of his master with a show of false naïvety. Captain Macmorris in Henry V by William Shakespeare has the line "What ish my nation?", which was later appropriated by modern Irish writers, becoming what The Oxford Companion to Irish Literature calls a "recurrent epigraph". However, Macmorris is a loyal and valiant supporter of Henry V, quite different from later, generally lower-class, stage Irishmen. Ben Johnson's The Irish Masque at Court (29 December 1613; printed 1616)

13312-509: The war effort. Tyrconnell ensured a predominantly Catholic electorate and candidates by issuing new borough charters, admitting Catholics into city corporations, and removing "disloyal members". Since elections were not held in many northern areas, the Irish House of Commons was 70 members short, and 224 out of 230 MPs were Catholic. Known to 19th-century Irish historians as the " Patriot Parliament ", it opened by proclaiming James as

13440-412: The wide range of themes adopted by Jacobite pamphleteers and agents periodically drew in disaffected Whigs and former radicals. Such "Whig-Jacobites" were highly valued by the exiled court, although many viewed James II as a potentially weak king from whom it would be easy to extract concessions in the event of a restoration. The role of Jacobitism in Irish political history is debated; some argue that it

13568-597: The withdrawal of Irish members from the Parliament of the United Kingdom and the setting up of the institutions of government at home in Ireland, a policy that became known as Sinn Féin (ourselves). On 28 November 1905, he presented "The Sinn Féin Policy" at the first annual convention of his organisation, the National Council; the occasion is marked as the founding date of the Sinn Féin party. Griffith took over as president of Sinn Féin in 1911, but at that time

13696-536: Was Edward Martyn . The fundamental principles of abstentionism on which Sinn Féin was founded were outlined in an article published in 1904, by Griffith called The Resurrection of Hungary , in which, notes how in 1867 Hungary went from being part of the Austrian Empire to a separate co-equal kingdom in Austria-Hungary . Though not a monarchist himself, Griffith advocated such an approach for

13824-742: Was 'quickly airbrushed' from Irish history. His widow had to beg his former colleagues for a pension, saying that he 'had made them all'. She considered that his grave plot was too modest and threatened to exhume his body. Only in 1968 was a plaque fixed on his former Clontarf home on St Lawrence Road. Griffith Barracks which is now Griffith College Dublin on South Circular Road, Dublin , Griffith Avenue in North Dublin, Griffith Park in Drumcondra and Arthur Griffith Park in Lucan, County Dublin are named after him. An obelisk erected in 1950 in

13952-596: Was a "distinct kingdom" and laws passed in England did not apply there, he refused to abolish Poynings' Law , which required Irish legislation to be approved by the English Parliament. Despite his own Catholicism, James viewed the Protestant Church of Ireland as an important part of his support base; he insisted on retaining its legal pre-eminence, although agreeing landowners would only have to pay tithes to clergy of their own religion. However,

14080-464: Was a broad-based popular movement and the main driver of Irish Catholic nationalism between 1688 and 1795. Others see it as part of "a pan-British movement, rooted in confessional and dynastic loyalties", very different from 19th-century Irish nationalism. Historian Vincent Morely describes Irish Jacobitism as a distinctive ideology within the broader movement that "emphasised the Milesian ancestry of

14208-552: Was a handful of disaffected radicals, for whom the exiled Stuarts provided a potential alternative to the Whig establishment. An example was John Matthews, a Jacobite printer executed in 1719; his pamphlet Vox Populi vox Dei emphasised the Lockean theory of the social contract , a doctrine very few Tories of the period would have supported. Scottish Jacobitism had wider and more extensive roots than in England. 20,000 Scots fought for

14336-744: Was a political ideology advocating the restoration of the Catholic House of Stuart to the British throne . When James II of England chose exile after the November 1688 Glorious Revolution , the Parliament of England ruled he had "abandoned" the English throne, which was given to his Protestant daughter Mary II of England , and her husband William III . On the same basis, in April the Scottish Convention awarded Mary and William

14464-610: Was a three-way contest between the Confederacy, Royalist forces under the Protestant Duke of Ormond , and a Covenanter-led army in Ulster. The latter were increasingly at odds with the English government; after Charles' execution in January 1649, Ormond combined these factions to resist the 1649-to-1652 Cromwellian conquest of Ireland . Charles II repudiated his alliance with the Confederacy, in return for Scottish support in

14592-462: Was also central to Tory ideology, and James lost their support when his policies seemed to threaten that primacy. The Act of Settlement 1701 excluding Catholics from the English throne was passed by a Tory administration; for the vast majority, Stuart Catholicism was an insuperable barrier to active support, while the Tory doctrine of non-resistance also discouraged them from supporting the exiles against

14720-467: Was also viewed as temporary; James was 52, his second marriage was childless after 11 years, and his Protestant daughter Mary was heir. His religion made James popular among Irish Catholics, whose position had not improved under his brother. By 1685, Catholic land ownership had fallen to 22%, from 90% in 1600, not least through Catholic landlords converting to the Anglican Church. After 1673,

14848-574: Was an Irish writer, newspaper editor and politician who founded the political party Sinn Féin . He led the Irish delegation at the negotiations that produced the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty , and served as the president of Dáil Éireann from January 1922 until his death later in August. After a short spell in South Africa , Griffith founded and edited the Irish nationalist newspaper The United Irishman in 1899. In 1904, he wrote The Resurrection of Hungary: A Parallel for Ireland , which advocated

14976-611: Was appointed chairman of the Irish delegation to negotiate a treaty with the British government. After months of negotiations, he and the other four delegates signed the Anglo-Irish Treaty , which created the Irish Free State , but not as a republic. This led to a split in the Dáil. After the Treaty was narrowly approved by the Dáil, de Valera resigned as president and Griffith was elected in his place. The split led to

15104-416: Was his primary objective, James viewed Ireland as a strategic dead-end but Louis XIV of France argued it was the best place to launch a regime change war, since the administration was controlled by Tyrconnell and his cause was popular among the majority Catholic population. James landed at Kinsale in March 1689 and in May called the first Parliament of Ireland since 1666, primarily seeking taxes to fund

15232-606: Was intended as a bloodless coup, but its leaders quickly lost control, leading to atrocities on both sides. In May, a Covenanter army landed in Ulster to support Scots settlers. Although Charles and Parliament both supported raising an army to suppress the Rebellion, neither trusted the other with its control; these tensions ultimately led to the outbreak of the First English Civil War in August 1642. In 1642,

15360-528: Was left as Acting-President of Sinn Féin. Griffith was put forward as a Sinn Féin candidate for the East Cavan by-election on 20 June 1918. Under the slogan "Put him in to get him out," and was elected. and held the seat when Sinn Féin subsequently routed the Irish Parliamentary Party at the 1918 general election with a commitment of abstentionism from the British House of Commons . Griffith

15488-647: Was not restricted to Jacobites. Many Presbyterians opposed the establishment of the Episcopal Church in 1712 and other measures of indulgence, while the worst tax riots took place in Glasgow , a town noted for its antipathy to the Stuarts. As in England, some objected less to the Union than the Hanoverian connection; Lord George Murray , a senior Jacobite commander in 1745, was a Unionist who repeatedly disagreed with Charles, but opposed "wars [...] on account of

15616-417: Was one of several employees locked out in the early 1890s due to a dispute with a new owner of the paper. The young Griffith was a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB). He initially supported Parnell's political views but then decided that Parnell's political outlook was not what he thought was best for Ireland. Griffith visited South Africa from 1896 to 1898. In South Africa, Griffith supported

15744-492: Was opposed by a minority within the Catholic elite who had benefited from the 1662 Act of Settlement , a group that included James himself, Tyrconnell and other members of the Irish House of Lords . Instead, they suggested those dispossessed in the 1650s should be restored to half their estates and paid compensation for the remainder. However, with the Commons overwhelmingly in favour of complete restoration, Tyrconnell persuaded

15872-460: Was popular among social conservatives, as it emphasised indefeasible hereditary right, absolute obedience, and implied deposition of the senior Stuart line was a breach of natural order. The church continued to offer prayers for the Stuarts until 1788, while many refused to swear allegiance to the Hanoverians in 1714. However, even in 1690, a substantial minority accommodated to the new regime,

16000-458: Was restricted largely to a few Scots Episcopalians such as Lords Pitsligo and Balmerino . Instead they began to focus on populist themes such as opposition to a standing army, political corruption , and social injustice. By the 1750s, Charles himself promised triennial parliaments, disbanding the army and legal guarantees on freedom of the press . Such tactics broadened their appeal but also carried risks, since they could always be coopted by

16128-488: Was returned for both East Cavan and Tyrone North West . Sinn Féin's MPs set up an Irish parliament, Dáil Éireann and declared independence for the Irish Republic ; the Irish War of Independence followed almost immediately. The dominant leaders in the Dáil included Éamon de Valera, President of Dáil Éireann (1919–21), President of the Republic (1921–1922), and Michael Collins , Minister for Finance , head of

16256-781: Was ultimately suppressed. Several days after the Irish Jacobites were defeated at The Battle of the Boyne in July 1690, victory at Beachy Head gave the French temporary control of the English Channel . James returned to France to urge an immediate invasion of England, but the Anglo-Dutch fleet soon regained maritime supremacy, and the opportunity was lost. The Irish Jacobites and their French allies were finally defeated at

16384-684: Was widely believed to be a proxy for his brother, the Duke of Gordon . Many Jacobite leaders were closely linked to each other and the exile community by marriage or blood. This has led some historians, notably Bruce Lenman, to characterise the Jacobite risings as French-backed coup attempts by a small network drawn from the elite, though this view is not universally accepted. Family traditions of Jacobite sympathy were reinforced through objects such as inscribed glassware or rings with hidden symbols, although many of those that survive are in fact 19th-century neo-Jacobite creations. Other family heirlooms contained reference to executed Jacobite martyrs, for which

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