The Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Delegates (later the Petersburg Soviet of Workers' Deputies ) was a workers' council , or soviet , in Saint Petersburg in 1905.
85-545: The Soviet had its origins in the aftermath of Bloody Sunday , when Nicholas II ordered that the workers should elect delegates to present their grievances to a government commission. The idea of a soviet as an organ to coordinate workers' strike activities arose during the January–February 1905 meetings of workers at the apartment of Volin , a member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party (later
170-561: A petition was made in the course of discussions during the evening of 19 January [ O.S. 6 January] 1905, at the headquarters of Gapon's movement – the "Gapon Hall" on the Shlisselburg Trakt in Saint Petersburg. The petition, as drafted in respectful terms by Gapon himself, made clear the problems and opinions of the workers and called for improved working conditions, fairer wages, and
255-840: A Priest Georgy Gapon . Fr. Gapon was a charismatic speaker and effective organizer who took an interest in the working and lower classes of the Russian cities. The "Assembly of the Russian Factory and Mill Workers of the City of St. Petersburg", otherwise known as "the Assembly", had been headed by Fr. Gapon since 1903. The Assembly was patronized by the Department of the Police and the St. Petersburg Okhrana (secret police); during 1904
340-592: A famous anarchist ). However, its activities were quickly ceased due to governmental repression. When a general strike broke out in Saint Petersburg in October 1905, starting in the capital's printing works but soon spreading to other sectors and other parts of the Russian Empire , the striking printers decided to form a body with workers' delegates from fifty printing works. The first meeting of
425-449: A frustrating regime of factory discipline, and the distressing conditions of urban life." This new group of peasant workers made up the majority of workers in urban areas. Generally unskilled, these peasants received low wages, were employed in unsafe working environments, and worked up to fifteen hours a day. Although some workers still had a paternalistic relationship with their employer, factory employers were more present and active than
510-534: A leading role. As editor of the Soviet's newspaper, Trotsky wrote most of its proclamations and motions. In reaction to the strike and its aftermath, Nicholas II promulgated the October Manifesto on 30 October [ O.S. 17 October] 1905, promising the establishment of a constitution and the recognition of civil rights and universal suffrage . Despite the euphoria in the capital following
595-400: A new general strike. Trotsky then proposed to elect a new chairmanship and to continue preparations for an uprising against the government. A collegial chairmanship, including Trotsky himself, was subsequently elected. Preparations for the insurrection, however, were minimal, and the government took it upon itself to hinder them. Shortly afterwards, it sent an armed force to guard the building of
680-548: A reduction in the working day to eight hours. Other demands included an end to the Russo-Japanese War and the introduction of universal suffrage . The idea of a petition resonated with the traditionally minded working masses. From the 15th to the early 18th centuries individual or collective petitions were an established means of bringing grievances to the attention of the Tsar's administration. They could be submitted to
765-541: A series of separate collisions at the bridges or other entry points to the central city. The column led by Gapon was fired upon near the Narva Gate . Around forty people were killed or wounded there, although Gapon himself was not injured. As late as 2 pm large family groups were promenading on the Nevsky Prospekt as was customary on Sunday afternoons, mostly unaware of the extent of the violence elsewhere in
850-478: A system of elected local self-government ( Zemstvo ) and an independent judicial system, but Russia did not have a national-level representative assembly ( Duma ) or a constitution until the 1905 Revolution . The system was abolished after the Russian Revolution of 1917 . The tsar himself, the embodiment of sovereign authority, stood at the center of the tsarist autocracy, with full power over
935-707: The Charter to the Gentry , legally affirming the rights and privileges they had acquired in preceding years, and the Charter of the Towns, establishing municipal self-government. This placated the powerful classes of society but left real power in the hands of the state bureaucracy. Building on this, Alexander I (reigned 1801–1825) established the State council as an advisory legislative body. Alexander II (1855–1881) established
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#17327725001131020-545: The Imperial Russian Army - and especially in the Imperial Russian Navy - the bulk remained loyal to the Tsar. Rural Russia , the vast majority of the country, was still indifferent to the revolution, a largely urban phenomenon. The working classes' defence of the revolution was also undecided, and some of them were content with the tsar's concessions. While they longed for political freedoms,
1105-495: The Saint Petersburg State Institute of Technology , soon had delegates representing some 200,000 people. The number of delegates first grew to 400 and then to 560. A new publication, Izvestia , was also created by the Soviet. Trotsky describes the Soviet's growth between October and the end of November as follows: The first meeting was attended by a few dozen persons; by the second half of November
1190-534: The Soviet , held on 26 October [ O.S. 13 October] 1905, was attended only by delegates from the capital's Nevsky District . The activity of the Mensheviks succeeded in attracting delegates from other districts of the city. The body soon gained great authority over the populace, as it was the first elected organisation of the working class, hitherto without voting rights . The Soviet, which met at
1275-476: The Free Economic Society, the new seat of the Soviet. Unable to organise an armed uprising, the soviet opted for a financial boycott of the government and asked the population to stop paying taxes and demand payment in gold. The request precipitated the expected confrontation with the authorities. On the evening of 16 December [ O.S. 3 December] 1905, while the executive council
1360-538: The Palace Square to meet them, his absence from the city, against at least some advice, reflects a lack of imagination and perception that he was to show on other occasions. The killing of people, many of whom had seen the Tsar as their "Little Father", resulted in a surge of bitterness towards Nicholas and his autocratic rule. A widely quoted reaction was "we no longer have a Tsar". Soviet actor, film director and screenwriter Vyacheslav Viskovsky (1881-1933) told
1445-961: The Petitions Prikaz (office) in Moscow , or directly to the Tsar or his courtiers when the tsar was making an appearance outside the palace. The march on the Winter Palace was not a revolutionary or rebellious act, though it was done against the permission of public authorities. Political groups, such as the Bolsheviks , Mensheviks , and the Social Revolutionaries disapproved of the procession due to its lack of political demands. Fr. Gapon even encouraged his followers to tear up leaflets that supported revolutionary aims. The majority of Russian workers retained their traditional conservative values of Orthodoxy , faith in
1530-453: The Soviet was weak. The government succeeded in crushing attempts at military rebellion in some units. It also succeeded in restoring censorship of the press despite the protests of the Soviet. On 5 December [ O.S. 22 November] 1905, the authorities arrested the chairman of the Soviet and some of its leaders. The Socialist Revolutionaries expressed the need to react by attacking Tsarist ministers, while others preferred to call
1615-491: The Soviet. On 30 October [ O.S. 13 October] 1905, the executive presidency of the Soviet was elected: Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries each sent three representatives. The leading Menshevik representative - despite his earlier disputes with the leaders of the current - was Leon Trotsky . On his initiative, the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks set up a federal council to coordinate their activity in
1700-596: The Soviet. The leading figure of the Social Revolutionaries was Nikolai Avksentiev , and all three groups cooperated smoothly in the Soviet. All three agreed to give the chairmanship to Georgy Khrustalyov-Nosar , a workers' lawyer who did not belong to any of the parties. Although he temporarily became the Soviet's figurehead, the measures were decided by the parties, mainly the Social Democratic representatives, and Trotsky in particular played
1785-502: The Tsar left on Saturday 21 January [ O.S. 8 January] 1905 for Tsarskoye Selo . A cabinet meeting, held without any particular sense of urgency that same evening, concluded that the police would publicize his absence and that the workers would accordingly probably abandon their plans for a march. In the pre-dawn winter darkness of the morning of Sunday, 22 January [ O.S. 9 January] 1905, striking workers and their families began to gather at six points in
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#17327725001131870-464: The Tsar was no longer distinguished from the bureaucrats and was held personally responsible for the tragedy that occurred. Although the Tsar was not at the Winter Palace and did not give the order for the troops to fire, he was widely blamed for the inefficiency and callousness with which the crisis had been handled. While it was unrealistic for the marchers to expect Nicholas to ride out into
1955-566: The Tsarist authorities, sent a copy of the petition to the Minister of the Interior together with a notification of his intention to lead a procession of members of his workers' movement to the Winter Palace on the following Sunday. Troops had been deployed around the Winter Palace and at other key points. Despite the urging of various members of the imperial family to stay in St. Petersburg,
2040-628: The absolutism of the Muscovite political system as "patrimonial", and saw the stability of the Soviet Union in the fact that Russians accepted the legitimacy of this patrimonial organization. Some historians have pointed to a racial element in the concept. For example, American Cold War analysts, including George Kennan , linked the Soviet government's autocratic rule to Tatar influences during its history, and biographies of Russian leaders often stressed their possible Asiatic ancestries. In
2125-695: The assistance of writer and political activist Maxim Gorky . This event was seen by the British ambassador as inflaming revolutionary activities in Russia and contributing to the Revolution of 1905 . Media commentary in Britain and the United States was overwhelmingly negative towards the actions of an already unpopular regime. The writer Leo Tolstoy was emotionally affected by the event, reflecting
2210-445: The attitude of the Russian peasants and workers. Previously the tsar had been seen as the champion of the people: in dire situations, the masses would appeal to the tsar, traditionally through a petition, and the tsar would respond to his people promising to set things right. The lower classes placed their faith in the Tsar. Any problems that the lower classes faced were associated with the boyars of Russia; however, after Bloody Sunday
2295-536: The autocracy included writer Fyodor Dostoyevsky , Mikhail Katkov , Konstantin Aksakov , Nikolay Karamzin , Konstantin Pobedonostsev and Pyotr Semyonov . They all argued that a strong and prosperous Russia needed a strong tsar and that philosophies of republicanism and liberal democracy were alien to it. Some historians see the traditions of tsarist autocracy as partially responsible for laying
2380-405: The autocracy, and indifference to political life. The workers of St. Petersburg wished to receive fair treatment and better working conditions; they decided, therefore, to petition the Tsar in hopes he would act on it. In their eyes, the Tsar was their representative who would help them if he was made aware of their situation. God appointed the Tsar, therefore the Tsar had an obligation to protect
2465-465: The boyar elites and the bureaucracy as its pillars. For example, Sergey M. Troitskii claimed that the Russian monarchs held sway of the nobility which was reduced to state service. According to Troitskii, absolutism in Russia was the same as everywhere else. This led to a difficult position within Marxism because absolutism revolves around institutions and laws, which were fundamentally less important than
2550-628: The city. Amongst them were parties of workers still making their way to the Winter Palace as originally intended by Gapon. A detachment of the Preobrazhensky Guards , previously stationed in the Palace Square where about 2,300 soldiers were being held in reserve, now made its way onto the Nevsky and formed two ranks opposite the Alexander Gardens. Following a single shouted warning a bugle sounded and four volleys were fired into
2635-411: The early morning of 9 January from Reval and Pskov . The troops, who now numbered about 10,000, had been ordered to halt the columns of marchers before they reached the palace square but the reaction of government forces was inconsistent and confused. Individual policemen did salute the religious banners and portraits of the Tsar carried by the crowd or joined the procession. Army officers variously told
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2720-525: The entire period (see also historical usage of the term "tsar" ), but Muscovite is applicable only to the period of the Grand Duchy of Moscow , which was replaced by tsardom of Russia , a period for which the words imperial and Russian are applicable. Further, we can look at Muscovite despotism as a precursor for the tsarist absolutism , however, the very use of the word despotism has problems (see following note). Finally, care should be taken with
2805-528: The entire workforce of the Putilov Ironworks went on strike when the plant manager refused to accede to their requests that the workers be rehired. Sympathy strikes in other parts of the city raised the number of strikers up to 150,000 workers in 382 factories. By 21 January [ O.S. 8 January] 1905, the city had no electricity and no newspapers whatsoever and all public areas were declared closed. The decision to prepare and present
2890-557: The events in St. Petersburg provoked public outrage and a series of massive strikes that spread quickly to the industrial centres of the Russian Empire. The massacre on Bloody Sunday is considered to be the start of the active phase of the Revolution of 1905 . In addition to beginning the 1905 Revolution, historians such as Lionel Kochan in his book Russia in Revolution 1890–1918 view the events of Bloody Sunday to be one of
2975-464: The eyes of Chistozvonov, whatever absolutist or autocratic elements were indeed present in Russia, they were not unique and do not warrant Russia's exclusive categorization. Similarly struggling with Marxist conceptions, Soviet historian Petr A. Zaionchkovskii and his student Larisa G. Zakharova focused on the importance of the political convictions of Russian officials and bureaucrats to explain nineteenth-century political decision-making. By showing that
3060-483: The front to make up the leading ranks. A report had been made to the Tsar at Tsarskoe Selo on Saturday night on the measures being taken to contain the marchers. Substantial military forces were deployed in and around the environs of the Winter Palace. These comprised units of the Imperial Guard, who provided the permanent garrison of Saint Petersburg and Cossacks , plus infantry regiments brought in by rail in
3145-419: The groundwork for the totalitarianism in the Soviet Union . They see the traditions of autocracy and patrimonialism as dominating Russia's political culture for centuries; for example, Stephen White is described as "the most consistent" defender of the position that the uniqueness of Russian political heritage is inseparable from its ethnic identity. In White's opinion, autocracy is the defining factor in
3230-493: The history of Russian politics. He wrote that Russian political culture is "rooted in the historical experience of centuries of absolutism". Those views had been challenged by other historians, for example, Nicolai N. Petro and Martin Malia (as cited by Hoffmann). Richard Pipes is another influential historian among non-specialists who holds the position about the distinctness of Russian history and political system, describing
3315-505: The imperial proclamation, which led to a huge demonstration involving workers and the middle classes, those in favour of maintaining the Tsarist autocracy still retained power. In a speech to the crowd at the capital's university, Trotsky identified the weaknesses of the revolution that ultimately caused it to fail: despite the monarch's vacillations, the power of the autocracy remained in place. Despite revolutionary ferment in some units of
3400-405: The industrial outskirts of St Petersburg. Holding religious icons and singing hymns and patriotic songs (particularly " God Save the Tsar! "), a crowd of "more than 3,000" proceeded without police interference towards the Winter Palace , the Tsar's official residence. The crowd, whose mood was quiet, did not know that the Tsar was not in residence. Insofar as there was firm planning, the intention
3485-497: The interdependence of monarch and nobility in the practice of rule. Outside Russia and the Soviet Union, Hans-Joachim Torke among others tried to counter the notion of an all-powerful autocratic state by pointing at the mutual dependency of service elites and the state (coining the term "state-conditioned society"). Torke acknowledges that the tsars were not reined in by any form of constitution, but he emphasizes, for example,
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3570-413: The key events which led to the Russian Revolution of 1917. After the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 by Tsar Alexander II of Russia , there emerged a new peasant working class in Russia's industrializing cities. Prior to emancipation, no working class could be established because serfs working in the cities to supplement their incomes retained their ties to the land and their masters. Although
3655-594: The land"). During Michael's reign, when the Romanov dynasty was still weak, such assemblies were summoned annually. The Romanov dynasty consolidated absolute power in Russia during the reign of Peter the Great (reigned 1682–1725), who reduced the power of the nobility and strengthened the central power of the tsar, establishing a bureaucratic civil service based on the Table of Ranks but theoretically open to all classes of
3740-443: The leaders and spokesmen of the strike, but often the complaints of the strikers were reviewed and seen as justified and the employers were required to correct the abuses about which the strikers protested. These corrections did not address a grossly unbalanced system that clearly favoured employers. This caused the continuation of strikes and the first major industrial strike in Russia in 1870 in St. Petersburg. This new phenomenon
3825-596: The limitations of Christian morality and court customs. The so-called "American school" of the 1980s and 1990s argued for the important role of elite networks and their power in court. Edward Keenan went even further in his well-known piece on Muscovite political culture, claiming that the tsar was merely a puppet in the hands of boyars who wielded the actual power behind the scenes. For others, like David Ransel and Paul Bushkovitch, it goes too far to portray relations between tsar and nobility like Keenan does, because it does not appreciate their complexity. Bushkovitch argues that
3910-486: The maintenance of censorship - which contradicted the October promises to introduce freedom of the press - and to demand the eight-hour working day , which some workers succeeded in introducing on their own, with the backing of the Soviet. On 14 November [ O.S. 1 November] 1905, he held a solemn reception for the Polish delegation - consisting mainly of aristocrats and priests - which came to him to protest
3995-440: The marchers that they could proceed in smaller groups, called on them to disperse or ordered their troops to fire into the marchers without warning. When the crowds continued to press forward, Cossacks and regular cavalry made charges using their sabres or trampling the people. The first instance of shooting occurred between 10 and 11 am. There was no single encounter directly before the Winter Palace, as often portrayed, but rather
4080-408: The membership of the association had grown rapidly, although more radical groups saw it as being a "police union" – under government influence. The Assembly's objectives were to defend workers' rights and to elevate their moral and religious status. In the words of Fr. Gapon, this organization served as: …a noble endeavor, under the guidance of truly Russian educated laymen and clergy, to foster among
4165-564: The movement for separation of church and state in West European monarchies, the Russian Empire combined monarchy with the supreme authority on religious issues (see Church reform of Peter I and caesaropapism for details). Another key feature related to patrimonialism . In Russia, the tsar owned a much higher proportion of the state (lands, enterprises, etc.) than did Western monarchs. The tsarist autocracy had many supporters within Russia. Major Russian advocates and theorists of
4250-443: The noble landowners that previously had ownership of the serfs. Under serfdom, peasants had little, if any, contact with their landowner. In the new urban setting, however, factory employers often used their absolute authority in abusive and arbitrary manners. Their abuse of power, made evident by the long working hours , low wages , and lack of safety precautions, led to strikes in Russia. "The Russian term for strike, stachka ,
4335-410: The number of deputies had grown to 562, including 6 women. These persons represented 147 factories and plants, 34 workshops and 16 trade unions. The main mass of the deputies – 351 persons – belonged to the metalworkers; these played the decisive role in the Soviet. There were deputies from the textile industry, 32 from the printing and paper industries, 12 from the shop-workers and from office workers and
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#17327725001134420-406: The official estimate was 132 people killed. Leon Trotsky did not put forward a precise figure but claimed that hundreds were killed and that many of the dead were secretly buried by the authorities. Nicholas II described the day as "painful and sad". As reports spread across the city, disorder and looting broke out. Gapon's Assembly was closed down that day, and Gapon quickly left Russia with
4505-576: The one hand, the tsar's relative power fluctuated per monarch, and on the other hand, that the nobility was all but unified; the balance of power changed with each tsar as well as the rise of boyars and in the case of Peter I even shifted multiple times. Charles J. Halperin cautioned against views that too easily claim tsar and state dominance in politics or society. While acknowledging the institutional differences between Muscovy and Western European monarchies, Halperin nevertheless stresses that these differences should not be considered absolute. In his view,
4590-400: The panicked crowd, many of whom had not been participants in the organized marches. The total number killed in the day's clashes is uncertain. The Tsar's officials recorded 96 dead and 333 injured; anti-government sources claimed more than 4,000 dead; moderate estimates still average around 1,000 killed or wounded, both from shots and being trampled during the panic. Another source noted that
4675-416: The people and do what was best for them. Their petition was written in subservient terms and ended with a reminder to the tsar of his obligation to the people of Russia and their resolve to do what it took to ensure their pleas were met. It concluded: "And if Thou dost not so order and dost not respond to our pleas we will die here in this square before Thy palace". Gapon, who had an ambiguous relationship with
4760-417: The people with a duma ; however, the autocracy eventually resorted to brute force near the end of 1905 in order to curtail the burgeoning strike movement that continued to spread. Between October 1905 and April 1906, an estimated 15,000 peasants and workers were either hanged or shot; 20,000 were injured and 45,000 sent into exile. Perhaps the most significant effect of Bloody Sunday was the drastic change in
4845-540: The pharmaceutical trade. The Executive Committee acted as the Soviet’s ministry. It was formed on October 17 and consisted of 31 persons – 22 deputies and 9 representatives of parties (6 from the two social-democrat factions and 3 from the socialist revolutionaries). The new body was not well received by the Bolsheviks , who at first perceived it as a competitor to their political party. On the contrary, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries immediately sent representatives to
4930-440: The police officer in charge of announcing the arrest order was admonished by Trotsky and left the meeting, those present were eventually arrested. The Soviet had survived for fifty days before its forced dissolution. Bloody Sunday (1905) Father Georgy Gapon Bloody Sunday or Red Sunday (Russian: Кровавое воскресенье , romanized : Krovavoye voskresenye , IPA: [krɐˈvavəɪ vəskrʲɪˈsʲenʲjɪ] )
5015-412: The population; by then the government had partially relented and allowed the civilian trial of the sailors. A few days later, and in the face of the Russian employers, who reacted to the forced introduction of the eight-hour day with factory closures that left 100,000 workers on the street, the Soviet had to give in again and abandon this demand. Despite the revolutionary impulse of part of the population,
5100-400: The practice of rule, a matter of human interactions, is more important than theory and abstractions. a As used in those publications . b The existing literature pairs the words Russian, tsarist, Muscovite and imperial with despotism, absolutism and autocracy in all possible combinations, rarely giving clear definitions. Tsarist can be indeed applicable to
5185-529: The proclamation of the state of siege in Congress Poland . The Soviet called for a general strike in solidarity with Poland and to protest the government's announcement that the Kronstadt sailors who had taken part in the October strike would be tried in military courts. This second strike, however, had to end on 18 November [ O.S. 5 November] 1905, due to the exhaustion of part of
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#17327725001135270-517: The proletariat also sought social reforms. On 3 November [ O.S. 21 October] 1905, the strike from which the Soviet had emerged came to an end; the motion calling for an end to the strikes had been submitted by Trotsky two days earlier. While the Assistant Minister of Internal Affairs , Dmitri Trepov , was preparing the gendarmerie to disperse the rally at the funeral of the strike victims announced for two days later, and
5355-461: The revulsion of liberal, socialist and intellectual opinion within Russia itself. The immediate consequence of Bloody Sunday was a strike movement that spread throughout the country. Strikes began to erupt outside of St. Petersburg in places such as Moscow, Warsaw , Riga , Vilna , Kovno , Reval , Tiflis , Baku and Batum . In all, about 414,000 people participated in the work stoppage during January 1905. Tsar Nicholas II attempted to appease
5440-510: The same) as well as to its content (the question how Russian or "tsarist" autocracy differs from "regular" autocracy or from European absolutism for that matter). Regarding the substance of the autocracy model, its equation with despotism and its supposed origins in Mongol rule, as well as its supposed rise in medieval Muscovy, have been heavily debated. For one, Marxist Soviet scholars were concerned with prerevolutionary absolutism and identified
5525-406: The secret police were organising a pogrom , Trotsky advocated the cancellation of the march. The Soviet agreed to cancel the demonstration. Although frustrated by the need to avoid an armed clash with the authorities, the Soviet immediately ordered the formation of armed squads, whose first mission was to prevent the planned pogrom. The Soviet encouraged the printing workers to oppose, with success,
5610-527: The society, in place of the nobility-only mestnichestvo which Feodor III had abolished in 1682 at the request of the highest boyars. Peter I also strengthened state control over the Russian Orthodox Church . Peter's reforms provoked a series of palace coups seeking to restore the power of the nobility. To end them, Catherine the Great , whose reign (1762–1796) is often regarded as the high point of absolutism in Russia, in 1785 issued
5695-516: The socioeconomic base of society. This raises the question of how absolutism could be the same when socioeconomic circumstances in Russia were not the same as elsewhere. In order to reconcile the non-socioeconomic nature of absolutism with Marxist theory, Soviet scholar Alexander N. Chistozvonov proposed to group the Russian monarchy with the Prussian and Austrian ones, forming a distinct mix of Western European absolutism and "oriental despotism". In
5780-496: The state and its people. The autocrat delegated power to persons and institutions acting on his orders, and within the limits of his laws, for the common good of all Russia. The tsar was metaphorically a father and all of his subjects were his children; this metaphor even appeared in Orthodox primers , and is remembered in the common Russian expression "царь-батюшка" tsar-batyushka ("tsar-dear father"). Furthermore, contrary to
5865-402: The state was not a unified and powerful whole (commanded by the economically dominant class), they likewise tackled common (Marxist) conceptions of Russian autocracy. While like Troitskii, they studied the nobility and bureaucracy (in a later period), Zaionchkovskii and Zakharova painted a different picture of the tsar's position. Coinciding with Western scholars like Robert Crummey, they lay bare
5950-415: The story of Bloody Sunday in his 1925 silent feature film Devyatoe yanvarya ("The Ninth of January"). Dmitri Shostakovich 's 1957 11th Symphony , subtitled The Year 1905 , is a programmatic work centered on Bloody Sunday. The second movement, entitled "The Ninth of January", is a forceful depiction of the massacre. The sixth of Shostakovich's 1951 Ten Poems on Texts by Revolutionary Poets (whose music
6035-585: The symphony quotes) is also called "The Ninth of January". Shostakovich's father and uncle were both present at the march that day, a year before the composer's birth. Maxim Gorky 's novel The Life of a Useless Man (1908) portrays the effects of Bloody Sunday on the Russian working class and operations of the spies employed by the Tsar. Tsarist autocracy Defunct List of forms of government Philosophers Works Tsarist autocracy ( Russian : царское самодержавие , romanized : tsarskoye samoderzhaviye ), also called Tsarism ,
6120-902: The term autocracy : Today, the autocrat is usually seen as synonymous with despot, tyrant, and/or dictator, though each of these terms originally had a separate and distinct meaning. Overall, out of the available terms, "tsarist autocracy" is the one that seems most correct for the entire period discussed, but it is worth keeping in mind that there are no ideal types and that the Russian political system evolved through time. c As used in those publications . d As used in those publications . e As used in those publications . f As used in those publications . g As used in those publications . h As used in those publications . i As used in those publications . j As used in those publications . k The terms oriental despotism and its development,
6205-412: The theoretic lack of limitations on the power of the tsar is irrelevant and instead claims that the "crucial question" is where the real power lay. In his view, this can only be shown by the political narrative of events. Bushkovitch placed the balance of power between the tsar, the individual boyars, and the tsar's favorites at the center of political decision-making. In so doing, Bushkovitch found that on
6290-434: The time of Ivan III (1462−1505) and was abolished after the Russian Revolution of 1917 . Imperial autocracy, Russian autocracy, Muscovite autocracy, tsarist absolutism, imperial absolutism, Russian absolutism, Muscovite absolutism, Muscovite despotism, Russian despotism, tsarist despotism or imperial despotism. Ivan III (reigned 1462–1505) built upon Byzantine traditions and laid foundations for
6375-600: The tradition of the racist ideology of the Nazis, they maintained that Asiatic influences rendered the Russians, along with the Chinese , untrustworthy. Historians of different backgrounds have criticized the concept of tsarist autocracy in its various forms. Their complaints range from the different names of the model being too vague, to its chronological implications (it is impossible to consider Russia in different centuries
6460-405: The treatment of workers, workers' hours and the safety precautions taken by the employer. This new law also created factory inspectors who were charged with preserving industrial peace. Despite these changes, strike activity again reached high proportions during the 1890s, resulting in the restriction of the workday to eleven and a half hours in 1897. A leading role in these events was played by
6545-473: The tsarist autocracy which with some variations would govern Russia for centuries. Absolutism in Russia gradually developed during the 17th and 18th centuries, replacing the despotism of the Grand Duchy of Moscow . After the chaotic Time of Troubles (1598–1613), the first monarch of the Romanov dynasty , Michael of Russia (reigned 1613–1645), was elected to the throne by a Zemsky Sobor ("assembly of
6630-546: The workers a sober, Christian view of life and to instill the principle of mutual aid, thereby helping to improve the lives and working conditions of laborers without violent disruption of law and order in their relations with employers and the government. In December 1904, six workers at the Putilov Ironworks in St. Petersburg were fired because of their membership in the Assembly, although the plant manager asserted that they were fired for unrelated reasons. Virtually
6715-438: The working conditions in the cities were horrific, they were only employed for short periods of time and returned to their village when their work was complete, or when it was time to resume agricultural work. The emancipation of the serfs resulted in the establishment of a permanent working class in urban areas , which created a strain on traditional Russian society. Peasants "were confronted by unfamiliar social relationships,
6800-443: Was a catalyst of many more strikes in Russia, which increased until they reached a peak between 1884 and 1885 when 4,000 workers went on strike at Morozov's cotton mill. This large strike prompted officials to consider regulations that would restrain the abuses of employers and ensure safety in the workplace. A new law was passed in 1886 that required employers to specify working conditions in their factories in writing. This included
6885-521: Was an autocracy , a form of absolute monarchy localised with the Grand Duchy of Moscow and its successor states, the Tsardom of Russia and the Russian Empire . In it, the Tsar possessed in principle authority and wealth, with more power than constitutional monarchs counterbalanced by legislative authority, as well as a more religious authority than Western monarchs. The institution originated during
6970-477: Was derived from an old colloquial term, stakat’sia - to conspire for a criminal act." As such, Russian laws viewed strikes as criminal acts of conspiracy and potential catalysts for rebellion. The governmental response to strikes, however, supported the efforts of the workers and promoted strikes as an effective tool that could be used by the workers to help improve their working conditions. Tsarist authorities usually intervened with harsh punishment, especially for
7055-408: Was discussing the government's latest repressive measures - permission to provincial governors to proclaim a state of siege, censorship of the press which had published the petition for a boycott of the Soviet, plans to ban socialist parties, etc. - news of the imminent government assault arrived: the building was already surrounded. The Soviet decided to put up no resistance and continued to meet. After
7140-516: Was for the various columns of marchers to converge in front of the palace at about 2 pm. Estimates of the total numbers involved range wildly from police figures of 3,000 to organizers' claims of 50,000. Initially, it was intended that women, children and elderly workers should lead, to emphasize the united nature of the demonstration. Vera Karelina , who was one of Gapon's inner circle, had encouraged women to take part although she expected that there would be casualties. On reflection, younger men moved to
7225-551: Was the series of events on Sunday, 22 January [ O.S. 9 January] 1905 in St Petersburg , Russia , when unarmed demonstrators, led by Father Georgy Gapon , were fired upon by soldiers of the Imperial Guard as they marched towards the Winter Palace to present a petition to Tsar Nicholas II of Russia . Bloody Sunday caused grave consequences for the Tsarist autocracy governing Imperial Russia:
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