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Peace Ballot

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The Peace Ballot of 1934–35 was a nationwide questionnaire in Britain of five questions attempting to discover the British public's attitude to the League of Nations and collective security . Its official title was "A National Declaration on the League of Nations and Armaments." Advocates of the League of Nations felt that a growing isolationism in Britain had to be countered by a massive demonstration that the public demanded adherence to the principles of the League. Recent failures to achieve disarmament had undermined the credibility of the League, and there were fears the National government might step back from its official stance of supporting the League.

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64-599: The Ballot was run by the "National Declaration committee" set up by the League of Nations Union and spearheaded by the LNU's president, Lord Cecil of Chelwood . It was not sponsored by the government and was only an unofficial expression of opinion of about half the electorate. The main opposition came from Lord Beaverbrook , whose Daily Express newspaper repeatedly ridiculed the ballot; however most major newspapers were supportive. According to Dame Adelaide Livingstone who wrote

128-415: A common threat, collective security tends to use universal interests for global peace . Sovereign nations eager to maintain the status quo willingly co-operate and accept a degree of vulnerability and, in some cases for minor nations, also accede to the interests of the chief contributing nations organizing the collective security. It is achieved by setting up an international co-operative organisation under

192-464: A fair international resolution to those internal conflicts. Whether that involves more powerful peacekeeping forces or a larger role for the UN diplomatically is likely to be judged on a case-by-case basis. Collective defense is an arrangement, usually formalized by a treaty and an organization, among participant states that commit support in defense of a member state if it is attacked by another state outside

256-523: A global community." Despite different characteristics of balance of power theory, collective security selectively incorporates both concepts, centralization and decentralization, which can boil down to the phrase "order without government." Thus, collective security seems to be more reliable alternative since it gathers power as a team to punish the aggressor, and it is an attempt to improve international relations and to provide solid rules under anarchy . Organski (1960) lists five basic assumptions underlying

320-534: A principle of the United Nations and earlier the League of Nations . By employing a system of collective security, the United Nations hopes to dissuade any member state from acting in a manner likely to threaten peace and thus avoid a conflict. Collective security selectively incorporates the concept of both balance of power and global government . However, collective security is not the same as

384-512: A resolution that called for Japan to withdraw or face severe penalties. Since every nation had a veto power, Japan promptly vetoed the resolution, severely limiting the League's ability to respond. After one year of deliberation, the League passed a resolution condemning the invasion without committing its members to any action against it. The Japanese replied by quitting the League. The Abyssinia Crisis occurred in 1935, when Fascist Italy invaded

448-601: A scheme for collective security in 1629, which was partially reflected in the 1648 Peace of Westphalia . In the eighteenth century many proposals were made for collective security arrangements, especially in Europe. The concept of a peaceful community of nations was outlined in 1795 in Immanuel Kant 's Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch . Kant outlined the idea of a league of nations that would control conflict and promote peace between states. However, he argues for

512-422: A state would see its allies as an absolute gain and its enemies as a relative gains without legal obligation . In contrast, collective security follows the case of neutrality, as the whole group is required to punish the aggressor in the hope for it not to violate general norms, which are beyond the states' control, rather than by their self-interest. The opposite of short-term interest where allies fight against

576-422: Is a centralized institutional system that possesses the power use of force like a well-established sovereign nation-state. The concept strips states of their "standing as centers of power and policy, where issues of war and peace are concerned" and superimposes on them "an institution possessed of the authority and capability to maintain, by unchallengeable force so far as may be necessary, the order and stability of

640-527: Is also referred to by the phrase " an attack on one is an attack on all ". However, usage of this phrase also frequently refers to Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty , the collective security provision in NATO 's charter. Collective security is one of the most promising approaches for peace and a valuable device for power management on an international scale. Cardinal Richelieu proposed

704-399: Is evolving with the rise of civil wars . Since the end of World War II, there have been 111 military conflicts worldwide, but only 9 of them have involved two or more states going to war with one another. The others have been civil wars in which other states have intervened in some manner. That means that collective security may have to evolve towards providing a means to ensure stability and

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768-467: Is more ambitious than systems of alliance security or collective defense in that it seeks to encompass the totality of states within a region or indeed globally. The premise of a collective security arrangement is that it serves as a deterrent to aggression by committing an international coalition against any aggressor. While collective security is an idea with a long history, its implementation in practice has proved problematic. Collective security

832-597: The Abyssinian Empire , now Ethiopia . In a similar process, sanctions were passed, but Italy would have vetoed any stronger resolution. Additionally, Britain and France sought to court Italy's government as a potential deterrent to Hitler since Mussolini had not yet joined the Axis powers of World War II . Thus, neither Britain nor France put any serious sanctions against the Italian government. In both cases,

896-1275: The Archbishop of York (and more than fifty bishops), the Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland , the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Liverpool, the President of the National Council of Evangelical Free Churches , the General Secretary of the Baptist Union , the Moderator of the English Presbyterian Church , the Chief Rabbi , and numerous celebrated intellectuals and professionals. The Conservative Party decided not to participate, but it did not urge its members to abstain, and at

960-633: The Liberal Party . One historian has gone so far as to describe the LNU as "a key Liberal pressure group on foreign policy" and to call Liberal Party members the "true believers" of the LNU. Its first president was Edward Grey the Liberal foreign secretary during the First World War. Other leading Liberal lights in the LNU included Geoffrey Mander Liberal MP for Wolverhampton East from 1929 to 1945 and Professor Gilbert Murray , who

1024-655: The Royal Albert Hall in London. The Archbishop of Canterbury took the Chair and Lord Cecil announced the results. The total number who voted was 11.6 million, 38% of the adult population and over half the 21 million who voted in the general election five months later. The Peace Ballot's official endorsers covered a wide range. They included the Labour Party , the Liberal Party , the Archbishop of Canterbury ,

1088-673: The United Nations Association of the United Kingdom (UNA-UK), member of WFUNA , was founded to promote the work of the United Nations Organisation , which was established in 1945 after the previous year's Dumbarton Oaks Conference . As a result, the LNU arranged for the transfer of its complete organisation and membership to the UNA. However, under the provisions of its Royal Charter, the LNU

1152-599: The United States to join the League of Nations and the rise of the Soviet Union outside the League as one of major reasons for its failure to enforce collective security. Moreover, an example of the failure of the League of Nations' collective security was the Manchurian Crisis , when Japan occupied part of China , both of which were League members. After the invasion, members of the League passed

1216-528: The balance of power and the creation of power blocs through secret treaties. Chapters of the LNU were set up in the dominions and in allied nations, including in the capital cities of all of the states of Australia . The headquarters of the LNU were located variously at Buckingham Gate and Grosvenor Crescent , Belgravia . In the 1940s, it moved to smaller premises in St Martin's Lane , WC2 , for reasons of economy. Its top organ of administration

1280-553: The European Great Powers . It was these alliances that came into effect at the start of the First World War in 1914, drawing all the major European powers into the war. This was the first major war in Europe between industrialized countries and the first time in Western Europe the results of industrialization (for example mass production ) had been dedicated to war. The result of this industrial warfare

1344-491: The IPU by 1914. Its aims were to encourage governments to solve international disputes by peaceful means and arbitration and annual conferences were held to help governments refine the process of international arbitration. The IPU's structure consisted of a Council headed by a President which would later be reflected in the structure of the League. At the start of the twentieth century two power blocs emerged through alliances between

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1408-421: The LNU's staff. LNU branches had their own independent management structures. The LNU played an important role in inter-war politics. According to one source it had been successful in converting the mainstream of British society, including labour, the churches and the principal newspapers, to the cause of the League of Nations. It also carried great influence in traditional political circles and particularly in

1472-634: The LNU, including Lord Robert Cecil and Austen Chamberlain who were both members of the LNU Executive Committee. However, most Conservatives were deeply suspicious of the LNU's support for pacifism and disarmament, an analogous position being the opinions held by Conservatives in the 1980s in respect of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament . Even Austen Chamberlain remarked that the Executive Committee contained "some of

1536-465: The LSE's Digital Library. Collective security Collective security is a multi-lateral security arrangement between states in which each state in the institution accepts that an attack on one state is the concern of all and merits a collective response to threats by all. Collective security was a key principle underpinning the League of Nations and the United Nations. Collective security

1600-540: The League more in its foreign policy, especially in the crisis over Italy's invasion of Ethiopia. Baldwin (1955) argues that his father Stanley Baldwin planned a rearmament programme as early as 1934, but had to do so quietly to avoid antagonizing the pacifistic public revealed by the Peace Ballot and endorsed by both the Labour and the Liberal oppositions. His thorough presentation of the case for rearmament in 1935,

1664-598: The Soviet Union against aggression by Germany. Soviet foreign policy was revised, and Litvinov was replaced as foreign minister in early May 1939 to facilitate the negotiations that led to the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Germany, which was signed by Litvinov's successor, Vyacheslav Molotov , on August 23. The war in Europe broke out a week later with the invasion of Poland , which started on September 1. Thus, collective security may not always work because of

1728-469: The United Nations could only facilitate world peace if the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom worked in unison, but that the organization would fail if there were divisions between the three powers. Collective security can be understood as a security arrangement in which all states cooperate collectively to provide security for all by the actions of all against any states within

1792-484: The absence of the United States deprived it of another major power that could have used economic leverage against either of the aggressor states. Inaction by the League subjected it to criticisms that it was weak and concerned more with European issues since most leading of its members were European, and it did not deter Hitler from his plans to dominate Europe. Abyssinian Emperor Haile Selassie continued to support collective security, as he assessed that impotence lay not in

1856-669: The approval of or to violate resolutions of the Security Council. The Iraq crisis is a clearer example: "Rather than seek the global interest of peace and security through stability in Iraq and the Middle East region, the domination oriented members amassed their vast economic, diplomatic and military resources, captured and brazenly subjugated Iraq to an unprecedented condominial ? regime serving their economic interest under Iraq Reconstruction Programme" (Eke 2007). In addition,

1920-544: The auspices of international law, which gives rise to a form of international collective governance, despite being limited in scope and effectiveness. The collective security organisation then becomes an arena for diplomacy, the balance of power, and the exercise of soft power. The use of hard power by states, unless legitimized by the collective security organisation, is considered illegitimate, reprehensible, and necessitating remediation of some kind. The collective security organisation not only gives cheaper security but also may be

1984-427: The balance of power, which is important in realism . According to Adreatta, the balance of power focuses on a state's unilateral interests in stopping aggression. Since states look at the world as having a security dilemma because of the fear of relative gain, a state does not want any state to become predominant and so causes a mutually-restraining equilibrium. In other words, the balance of power between states supports

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2048-403: The collective system. Winston Churchill in 1948 said it meant Britons were "willing, and indeed resolved, to go to war in a righteous cause," provided that all action was taken under the auspices of the League. Philip Noel-Baker later wrote it showed Britain "was prepared to stop Mussolini by armed force if that should be required." The Conservative government did pay attention, and decided to use

2112-557: The decentralization of power. States are separate actors and do not subordinate their autonomy or sovereignty to a central government. "Singly or in combinations reflecting the coincidence of interests, States seek to influence the pattern of power distribution and to determine their own places within that pattern." The expectations of order and peace come from the belief that competing powers will somehow balance and thereby neutralize one another to produce "deterrence through equilibration." In contrast, under collective security, states share

2176-406: The establishment of a peaceful world community not in a sense that there be a global government but in the hope that each state would declare itself as a free state that respects its citizens and welcomes foreign visitors as fellow rational beings. His key argument is that a union of free states would promote peaceful society worldwide: therefore, in his view, there can be a perpetual peace shaped by

2240-427: The form of two groups against each other, such as states A+B+C against states Y+Z; however, collective security takes the form of conducting one agreement between A+B+C+Y+Z against any of them. It is different from an alliance since collective security is made to focus on internal regulation required universal membership, but alliance is made to deter or reduce an outside threat as an exclusive institution. In an alliance,

2304-506: The groups which might challenge the existing order by using force. That contrasts with self-help strategies of engaging in war for purely-immediate national interest. While collective security is possible, several prerequisites must be met for it to work. Collective security also contrasts with alliances by different ways. Collective security is based on the perspective of all together in a group against any of them, rather than on unilateral idea of some against specific others. Alliances have

2368-527: The international Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 governing rules of war and the peaceful settlement of international disputes. The forerunner of the League of Nations, the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), was formed by peace activists William Randal Cremer and Frédéric Passy in 1889. The organization was international in scope with a third of the members of parliament , in the 24 countries with parliaments, serving as members of

2432-588: The international community rather than by a world government. International cooperation to promote collective security originated in the Concert of Europe that developed after the Napoleonic Wars in the nineteenth century in an attempt to maintain the status quo between European states and so avoid war. This period also saw the development of international law with the first Geneva Conventions establishing laws about humanitarian relief during war and

2496-416: The lack of commitment and the unwillingness of states or the international community to act in concert (Mingst 1999). The 1945 United Nations Charter contains stronger provisions for decision-making and collective military action than those of the League of Nations Covenant, but it represents not a complete system of collective security but a balance between collective action and the continued operation of

2560-402: The lack of geographical spread of members in the Security Council causes an imbalance in the role of maintenance global peace and security. The voices of small countries can be heard, but policies are not adopted in response to them unless they serve the great powers' interests. However, collective security in the UN has not completely failed. The role of the UN and collective security in general

2624-564: The local level Conservatives helped in the canvass of voters. Yellow leaflets explaining the ballot told voters: The first question of the Ballot was: Should Great Britain remain a Member of the League of Nations? . The second question was: Are you in favour of all-round reduction of armaments by international agreement? . The third question was: Are you in favour of an all-round abolition of national military and naval aircraft by international agreement? . The fourth question was: Should

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2688-494: The long term goal of global peace, reversing relationship between individual and community goals mentioned in the balance of power theory, which fails to maintain stability. For example, it led to break down of war during the case of Napoleonic Wars and the World Wars, when states unilaterally decided to be unwilling or unable to fight. At the same time, the concept of global government is about centralization. Global government

2752-418: The manufacture and sale of armaments for private profit be prohibited by international agreement? . The fifth and last question was: Do you consider that, if a nation insists on attacking another, the other nations should combine to compel it to stop— (a) by economic and non-military measures : (b) if necessary, military measures : Britons, said Lord Cecil, had shown "overwhelming approval" of

2816-488: The official history of the ballot, the first objective of the Peace Ballot from the outset, even before the questions had been posed, was to prove that the British public supported a policy of the League of Nations as the central determining factor of British foreign policy. Starting in 1933 plans for polls were discussed and local polls were taken in 1934 to test the questions and the canvassing process, for nothing remotely on

2880-492: The one hand, by combining and pooling resources, it can reduce any single state's cost of providing fully for its security. For example, smaller members of NATO have leeway to invest a greater proportion of their budget on nonmilitary priorities, such as education or health, since they can count on other members to come to their defense if needed. On the other hand, collective defense also involves risky commitments. Member states can become embroiled in costly wars benefiting neither

2944-617: The only practicable means of security for smaller nations against more powerful threatening neighbours without needing to join the camp of the nations that balance their neighbours. The concept of "collective security" was pioneered by Baháʼu'lláh , Michael Joseph Savage , Martin Wight , Immanuel Kant , and Woodrow Wilson and was deemed to apply interests in security in a broad manner to "avoid grouping powers into opposing camps, and refusing to draw dividing lines that would leave anyone out." The term "collective security" has also been cited as

3008-711: The organization. NATO is the best-known collective defense organization; its famous Article 5 calls on (but does not fully commit) member states to assist another member under attack. This article was invoked only after the September 11 attacks on the United States , after which other NATO members provided assistance to the US war on terror by participating in the War in Afghanistan . Collective defense has its roots in multiparty alliances and entails benefits as well as risks. On

3072-635: The principle but its covenantors' commitment to honor its tenets. One active and articulate exponent of collective security during the immediate prewar years was Soviet Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov . After the Munich Agreement in September 1938 and the passivity of outside powers in the face of German occupation of the remainder of Czechoslovakia in March 1939, Western powers were shown not to be prepared to engage in collective security with

3136-420: The right to wage wars, and penalties that made war unattractive to nations. In a 1945 American Political Science Review article, Frederick L. Schuman criticized notions that a new collective security organization could contribute to world peace. Schuman pointed to examples from history of collective security organizations that failed to facilitate world peace. He argued that the organization that would become

3200-510: The same scale had ever been attempted in Britain. Half-a-million supporters went door-to-door starting in late 1934, asking all those registered to vote in parliamentary elections. From February 1935 onwards through to May there was a rapid rise in the numbers of people voting in the Ballot. The poll was completed in June 1935 and the final results were announced on 27 June 1935, at a huge rally at

3264-407: The son argues, defeated pacificism and secured a victory that allowed rearmament to move ahead. Taylor argues that with international disarmament a dead letter, only question five-B mattered. The Peace Ballot had become a ringing endorsement of collective security by all means short of war, along with a hesitant support for war. League of Nations Union The League of Nations Union ( LNU )

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3328-462: The states system, including the continued special roles of great powers. States in the UN collective security system are selective to support or oppose UN action in certain conflicts, based on their self-interests. The UN can be somehow seen as the platform for self-interest purposes for members in Security Council because of the permanent members' veto power and the excessive assistance or aid, which have made those states to act unilaterally and to ignore

3392-493: The theory of collective security: Morgenthau (1948) states that three prerequisites must be met for collective security to successfully prevent war: After World War I, the first large-scale attempt to provide collective security in modern times was the establishment of the League of Nations in 1919 and 1920. The provisions of the League of Nations Covenant represented a weak system for decision making and collective action. According to Palmer and Perking, they pointed failure of

3456-480: The vote for military action against international aggressors, as a matter of last resort, was almost three-to-one. The LNU's other main activities were education and awareness raising. It provided publications, speakers and organised courses. Some of its programmes had a lasting impact on British schools. It was plain a new international settlement would be needed after the Second World War and in 1948,

3520-495: The world; the First World War was described as " the war to end all wars ", and its possible causes were vigorously investigated. The causes identified included arms races , alliances, secret diplomacy, and the freedom of sovereign states to enter into war for their own benefit. The perceived remedies to these were seen as the creation of an international organization whose aim was to prevent future war through disarmament , open diplomacy, international co-operation, restrictions on

3584-535: The worst cranks I have ever known". Winston Churchill said of the Union: "What impresses me most about them is their long suffering and inexhaustible gullibility". One example of the significance of the political impact the LNU could have was its organisation of the Peace Ballot of 1935, when voters were asked to decide on questions relating to international disarmament and collective security. The Peace Ballot

3648-586: Was able to continue until the mid-1970s in a limited capacity to handle bequests and administer the payment of pensions to former employees. The papers, records, minute books, pamphlets, reports and leaflets of the LNU are deposited at the British Library of Political and Economic Science at the London School of Economics in Westminster. Some digitised content from the LNU is available in

3712-730: Was an organization formed in October 1918 in Great Britain to promote international justice, collective security and a permanent peace between nations based upon the ideals of the League of Nations . The League of Nations was established by the Great Powers as part of the Paris Peace Treaties , the international settlement that followed the First World War . The creation of a general association of nations

3776-486: Was an unprecedented casualty level with eight and a half million members of armed services dead, an estimated 21 million wounded, and approximately 10 million civilian deaths. By the time the fighting ended in November 1918, the war had had a profound impact, affecting the social, political and economic systems of Europe and inflicting psychological and physical damage on the continent. Anti-war sentiment rose across

3840-405: Was formed on 13 October 1918 by the merger of the League of Free Nations Association and the League of Nations Society , two older organisations already working for the establishment of a new and transparent system of international relations , human rights (as then understood) and for world peace through disarmament and universal collective security , rather than traditional approaches such as

3904-464: Was not an official referendum , but more than eleven million people participated in it, representing strong support for the aims and objectives of the League of Nations, influencing policy makers and politicians. The results of the Peace Ballot were publicised worldwide. It has been suggested that one outcome was the interpretation of the result by the Axis powers as an indication of Britain's unwillingness to go to war on behalf of other nations although

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3968-473: Was the General Council, which met twice a year and was responsible for LNU policy under its 1925 Royal Charter of Incorporation . Beneath the General Council sat the Executive Committee, which met every two weeks and co-ordinated all activities, such as the LNU's campaigns and educational programmes; received reports from branches; monitored the output of specialist sub-groups and had responsibility for

4032-565: Was the Vice-President of the League of Nations Society from 1916 and Chairman of the LNU after 1923. The recruitment of Conservative politicians to support the LNU and the League of Nations itself was more problematic, but they pursued it to demonstrate the cross-party nature of the Union, which was important for the credibility of an organisation active politically in pursuit of international goals. High-profile Conservatives then came into

4096-468: Was the final one of President Woodrow Wilson 's Fourteen Points . The LNU became the largest and most influential organisation in the British peace movement . By the mid-1920s, it had over a quarter of a million registered subscribers and its membership eventually peaked at around 407,775 in 1931. By the 1940s, after the disappointments of the international crises of the 1930s and the descent into World War II , membership fell to about 100,000. The LNU

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