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106-535: José María Pino Suárez ( Spanish pronunciation: [xosemaˈɾia ˌpinoˈswaɾes] ; 8 September 1869 – 22 February 1913) was a lawyer, journalist, newspaper proprietor, and politician who served as the Vice President of Mexico from 1911 to 1913. However, his tenure was abruptly ended when he was assassinated alongside President Francisco I. Madero during the Ten Tragic Days , a coup that marked

212-471: A Jesuit-run grammar school that had a curriculum based on the French Lycées . During those years, Pino became a close friend of Norberto Domínguez, then the headmaster, who would later become Archbishop of Yucatan. Pino graduated from San Ildefonso speaking fluent French and English. He obtained his law degree from Instituto Literario de Yucatán in 1894. In 1896, he married María Cámara Vales ,

318-598: A maderista Congressman before being brutally assassinated by the Huerta régime. Another journalist and future politician who worked for the newspaper was Alberto Ancona Albertos  [ es ] , a Pino protégé who would later become a drafter of the 1917 Mexican constitution , a three-term Senator and Governor of Yucatán in the 1920s. Other distinguished journalists who worked for El Peninsular included Serapio Baqueiro Barrera  [ es ] and Ricardo Mimenza Castillo  [ es ] . At its launch,

424-599: A provisional government and appointed Pino Suárez as Secretary of Justice . After a significant military victory for the revolutionary cause , Pino Suárez was one of four peace commissioners tasked with negotiating the Treaty of Ciudad Juárez (1911), marking the end of the Porfirian dictatorship after three decades in power. After the triumph of the Revolution, Pino Suárez was appointed interim Governor of Yucatán by

530-566: A busy businessman, entrusted his education to a Private Tutor . When Pino reached adolescence, it was decided that he should study in Mérida , where he lived in the house of Raúl Carrancá, a close friend of his father, who was then the Spanish Consul. His son, Raúl Carrancá y Trujillo , would later become an outstanding criminal defense lawyer . In Mérida, Pino was admitted to the prestigious Colegio de San Ildefonso  [ es ] ,

636-519: A candidate for governor in the 1909 elections. Madero knew that the oppositionist candidacy would not have the opportunity to overthrow the ruling party ( Molinistas ), which at that time was headed by Governor Enrique Muñoz Aristegui , a mere figurehead for Olegario Molina . However, he believed that Moreno's candidacy could establish the necessary foundations to ensure the triumph of anti-reelectionism in future elections. Pino eventually withdrew his support for Moreno Cantón upon learning that he had sent

742-475: A close business ally of Cámara Luján and his bankruptcy surprised the entire society of Mérida as well as financial circles in Mexico City, New York City and Paris. Many wealthy entrepreneurs and individuals lost significant sums of capital while the rival group of businessmen, headed by Olegario Molina profited: "rarely in history has one business benefited so much from the misfortune of another. The fall of

848-498: A commission headed by José Vales Castillo to the capital of the Republic to confer with President Díaz and propose a list of candidates for the governorship so that the dictator could choose as he saw fit: the list included Luis del Carmen Curiel , Alfonso Cámara y Cámara, as well as Moreno himself, all of whom were "active porfiristas , although they later would declare, they had always been anti-reelectionists at heart." In this way,

954-492: A couple of tortillas, a cup of beans, and a bowl of rancid fish broth […] American capitalists found the lure of so much cheap labor well-nigh irresistible. Ex-president Ulysses S. Grant , toward the end of his life, took to preaching boundless opportunities for American capital in Mexico, mostly because, in addition to many valuable natural resources, Mexico could furnish workers who were ‘industrious, frugal and willing to work for

1060-556: A falsified election. Madero's earlier vague promises of agrarian reforms had attracted many supporters. He himself escaped from prison and fled to Texas , from where he issued his famous Plan of San Luis Potosí . This manifesto called for an armed uprising against the Porfiriato and establishment of free and democratic elections. As a response to Madero's proclamation, violent clashes began throughout Mexico in November 1910. In

1166-630: A hero to ordinary people throughout Mexico and new corridos were written about him. After Zapata's taking of Cuautla the federal government controlled only five states and some urban areas. Porfirio Díaz himself later stated that, while he felt he could defend against Villa and Orozco in Chihuahua, the fall of Cuautla was the event that persuaded him to agree to peace with Madero. As early as March 1911 Madero's representatives met in New York with Díaz's finance minister , José Yves Limantour , and

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1272-589: A lawyer, Pino Suárez pointed out that serfdom in Yucatán, in addition to being unfair, violated the Federal Constitution of 1857 that prohibited slavery and guaranteed the rights of transit (article 11), education (article 11) and labor (articles 3 and 4). He also accused "the Molinista regime of having disregarded its obligation to integrate of the indigenous people into public life and promoting

1378-514: A leading politician and businessman: "State officials were so wary of criticism of any kind that they shut down [...] El Peninsular , in October, for having the temerity to argue that Molina did not deserve a second term." Molina reacted to the criticism, forcing the oligarchy to withdraw its support for the newspaper: "although Pino Suárez did not go to jail, the withdrawal of subscribers and advertisers promoted by Manuel Sierra Méndez and Rafael Peón

1484-581: A leave of absence from his position to assume the Vice Presidency, and the State Congress appointed Nicolás Cámara Vales , his brother-in-law, as his successor in the governorship. The presidential elections of 1911 were characterized as peaceful, clean, and democratic, marking an important milestone in the country's history. In those elections, Francisco I. Madero was elected President and José María Pino Suárez as Vice President, forming what

1590-621: A liberal faction of the Maderist movement that advocated for public policies oriented towards social liberalism and the progressive reforms promised in the Plan de San Luis. Despite having a parliamentary majority, they faced a well-organized opposition that included former Porfirians. Despite the challenges, politicians from the renewal bloc played a significant role in the drafting of the Constitution of Mexico (1917), which stands out as

1696-529: A military intervention by the United States. Estañol's views represented those of the portion of the upper class which was willing to come to terms with at least a portion of the middle class in order to crush the peasant uprisings, as exemplified by those of Zapata, which were erupting throughout Mexico. Limantour, who broadly agreed with Estañol, had the support of the Mexican financiers , who feared

1802-464: A mysterious ability to adapt to the changing economic order'." On the other hand, there was Olegario Molina , whose fortune was newly minted but who intended to make use of the political and economic power that he monopolized as Governor of Yucatán and Secretary of Commerce and Industry to create a lucrative monopoly over the Henequen industry . In 1902, he signed a secret pact with Cyrus McCormick ,

1908-414: A new generation of liberal intellectuals opposed to Olegario Molina , a powerful Porfirian cacique . El Peninsular quickly gained readers and advertisers, standing out for its use of modern printing technology, coverage of national and international news, and its editorial team that included prominent Yucatecan intellectuals. Pino Suárez authored a series of investigative journalism articles that exposed

2014-501: A pittance, if afforded an opportunity’." Felipe Carrillo Puerto , the future Governor of Yucatán, would later relate that in opposing the enslavement of the plantation laborers, Pino Suárez had first "fanned the revolutionary flame." Beginning in March 1905, Pino Suárez "began to publish a series of articles in which he attempted to analyze in depth the problem of labor relations on the henequen haciendas. This series, entitled Servitude in

2120-713: A pivotal moment in Mexican history . Pino Suárez also held various significant political positions, including President of the Senate , Education Secretary , Justice Secretary , and Governor of Yucatán . He was a key figure in the Mexican Revolution , advocating for democracy and social justice. Born in Tenosique , into a prominent political family from the Yucatán Peninsula , his great-grandfather

2226-497: A political persecution against the losing candidates that forced them to temporarily flee the state. The Muñoz Arístegui administration repressed, exiled, and imprisoned many of its political opponents. The morenista opposition was mobilized, leading to the Rebelión de Valladolid  [ es ] . This in turn provoked an even more violent reaction from the local government against the rebels. Faced with this wave of repression,

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2332-431: A small number of Yucatecan families of European descent ( criollos ). The rivalry between various business groups intensified in the first decade of the 20th century. On the one hand were Eusebio Escalante, José María Ponce Solís, Carlos Peón and Cámara Luján himself, who represented a group of capitalists "made up of the traditional landowning families [...] whose prestige came from the viceregal era and who 'demonstrated

2438-400: A social revolution whose aim was " anarchy ", which was spreading throughout the countryside. Estañol recommended coming to terms with the first group of revolutionaries by agreeing to the principle of no re-election and a general amnesty, in order to prevent the second group from succeeding. In addition to his fear of "anarchy", Estañol was also worried that the social revolution would lead to

2544-519: A socially conservative, gaditano independence; shortly thereafter, he founded the famous Aurora Yucateca cotton mill in Valladolid , a bold experiment in industrial revolution […] Pedro himself had fought […] to create the state of Campeche, then fought against the interventionists in Tabasco. Promoted to the rank of General by Juárez , he then served as first Governor of Morelos and later as

2650-520: A substantial fortune representing American and British interests in Mexico. He at one time served as Mexican Ambassador to the United States and managed to obtain a favorable arbitration ruling for Mexico in the Chamizal dispute , a border conflict with the United States. His first cousin, Luis Felipe Domínguez Suárez  [ es ] would later serve two terms as Governor of Tabasco . Shortly after Pino's birth, his mother died. His father,

2756-533: A third volume that he was preparing that would be titled Constellations ; Unfortunately, this last volume of poems was never published: In the drawers of my desk, I keep some manuscripts that have nothing to do with politics, since they are literary outlines written in a rush. Try to get them from the Undersecretary, who knows the passcode. If you get them, please give them to my wife. I don't want them to become lost or to be seen by profane eyes. You will find

2862-414: A transition from the military dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz. who had governed the country for thirty years, toward a liberal democracy . His supporters became known as Maderistas or Antireleccionistas, due to their opposition to Mexican presidents seeking reelection , a prohibition which remain in effect to this date. Madero, who had been born in into one of the wealthiest families of industrialists in

2968-679: A well-known family in the Yucatan Peninsula , his great-grandfather was Pedro Sainz de Baranda (1787–1845), a Naval Officer , industrialist and liberal politician born in San Francisco de Campeche , who having trained in the Spanish Navy , fought in the Battle of Trafalgar . Afterwards, he was a deputy in the constituent assembly which drafted the liberal Spanish Constitution of 1812 , before returning to Mexico to fight in

3074-550: Is considered Mexico's first democratically elected government. In February 1912, Pino Suárez assumed a prominent role as Secretary of Education , and his main objective was to carry out a comprehensive educational reform. Aware of the low literacy rate in the country, he focused his efforts on making public education accessible beyond the elite, advocating for popular education . Additionally, he sought to promote an ideological transition in education, shifting from positivism to humanism . He faced opposition from los Científicos ,

3180-683: The Industrial Revolution to Mexico, founding Aurora Yucateca , the first textile factory in the country to use steam power . Pino's great-uncles were Joaquín Baranda and Pedro Baranda  [ es ] . Joaquín had served as Chief justice of the Supreme Court of Justice , Governor of Campeche , Senator , and, between 1882 and 1901, was a long-serving Cabinet Minister , being appointed as Secretary of Justice, Education and, briefly, Foreign Affairs under presidents Manuel González and Porfirio Díaz . He became one of

3286-681: The Mexican War of Independence and played an important role in founding the Mexican Navy . Under his command, Mexico captured the Fort of San Juan de Ulúa in Veracruz , the last remainder of Mexican territory still in Spanish hands, successfully thwarting a Spanish attempt to reconquer Mexico . Prior to his death in 1845, he served as Governor of Yucatán and is also credited with introducing

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3392-557: The Molinista newspapers did not miss any opportunity to remind their readers that he had been born in Tabasco and was, therefore, alien to Yucatán. Dominated by a powerful criollo oligarchy, known as "the Divine Caste ", the Yucatán Peninsula had long considered itself autonomous from the rest of Mexico and had a long history of separatism . The newspaper also criticized the role of Olegario Molina in his two facets as

3498-535: The Morenistas went underground. Meanwhile, Pino was also forced to leave the state, settling in the neighboring state of Tabasco . List of vice presidents of Mexico The office of the vice president of Mexico was first created by the Constitution of 1824 , then it was abolished in 1836 by the Seven Constitutional Laws , then briefly restored in 1846 following the restoration of

3604-767: The OAS in Washington, D.C., and the United Nations in New York City and Geneva , Switzerland. He was one of the key negotiators of the Treaty of Tlatelolco which led to the denuclearization of Latin America. Newly wed, the Pino Cámara couple moved to Mexico City where Pino founded a law firm with his uncle, Joaquín Casasús , a distinguished jurist who had extensive connections with los Cientificos ,

3710-630: The Porfiristas , in fact, expected that Zapata would soon march on Mexico City itself, unless peace was concluded with Madero. The moderate view within the Díaz government was represented by Jorge Vera Estañol, who in a memo to the minister of foreign affairs wrote that there were two revolutions taking place in Mexico: a political revolution , based mostly in the north whose main aim was to establish free elections and remove Díaz himself from power, and

3816-471: The Russo-Japanese War . During its first year of circulation the paper gained many subscribers and advertisers. However, the denunciations of the system of exploitation of the peasants in some henequen haciendas that appeared after February 1905 provoked the anger of the landowners, who pressured companies to remove advertisements and readers to cancel their subscription to the point of threatening

3922-477: The Second Mexican Empire .     Conservative Party     Liberal Party    National Porfirist Party / National Reelectionist Party    Anti-Reelectionist Party / Progressive Constitutionalist Party The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) presented on May 13, 2022 a proposal for an electoral reform that would include the restoration of

4028-494: The State Congress , but his appointment was met with violent protests by followers of Delio Moreno Cantón, a populist politician with close ties to the old regime who had strong support among the working classes. In a closely contested election, Pino Suárez managed to gain the support of the majority of the regional economic elite and was elected to his own term as governor by a narrow margin. Shortly thereafter, he requested

4134-503: The Yucatan Peninsula and some states of the Gulf of Mexico . Apparently, it came to a market already covered by an ample supply of publications. However, its dynamism managed to capture the attention of the Mexico City press, particularly El Mundo and El Imparcial . As a newcomer, El Peninsular quickly and successfully established itself in the taste of the public and managed to dictate the journalistic agenda. If as an editorial project it

4240-543: The "liberal" institutions of Yucatan, trained in the tradition of historical liberalism but which had been born in the period of Porfirian peace, a group which, regardless of their affiliation, was not allowed social, economic and political ascent during the first decade of the 20th century." Pino Suárez gathered some of the most brilliant minds in the Yucatecan intelligentsia to work at the newspaper, including Serapio Rendón  [ es ] , who would later serve as

4346-406: The 19th century liberal statesman. Pino Suárez and Ancona "were representatives of the liberal youth and with El Peninsular they gave voice to a critical sector of the Yucatecan social structure; a criticism coming from the same local political and business elite that had been sidelined with the rise of Olegario Molina. The newspaper headed by Pino and Ancona gave a voice to a generation educated by

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4452-581: The American businessman who headed International Harvester , to depress the prices of Henequen and force his competition into bankruptcy. In 1899, the couple returned to Mérida where Pino Suárez undertook business activities in partnership with his father-in-law, Raymundo Cámara Luján . After the financial panic of 1907 , the Escalante export house, one of the major henequen trading houses collapsed. Eusebio Escalante Bates  [ es ] had been

4558-538: The Constitution of 1824 and lasted a year until 1847 where it was again abolished through a constitutional amendment, it was later restored in 1904 through an amendment to the Constitution of 1857 , before being finally abolished by the current Constitution of 1917 . Many Mexican vice presidents acted as president during time between the end of the First Mexican Empire and the establishment of

4664-497: The Díaz government outlawed labor unions and gave employees carte blanche to behave as callously as they wished. Repression of labor during the Porfiriato […] was notorious. One of the most famous accounts, journalist John Kenneth Turner 's aptly titled Barbarous Mexico , contains harrowing descriptions of Maya and Yaqui Indians forced to work as slaves on hemp plantations under the brutal sun of Yucatán, starting well before daylight and ending well after sunset, their day's only meal

4770-520: The Escalante House ensured Molina's dominance over the key sectors of the regional economy." Faced with this situation, several landowners from traditional families, including the Cámara family , distanced themselves from Molina and the federal government headed by Porfirio Díaz. Faced with this situation, several traditional businessmen, including Cámara Luján, distanced themselves from Molina and

4876-496: The Guerrero district of Chihuahua , Pascual Orozco attacked federal troops and sent dead soldiers' clothing back to Díaz with the message, "Ahí te van las hojas, mándame más tamales" ("Here are the wrappers, send me more tamales.") He then began operations that threatened Ciudad Juárez . Additionally, political support for Madero's rebellion came from Gov. Abraham González , who accepted the Plan of San Luis Potosí. At roughly

4982-613: The Italian actress and photographer accused of the First Degree Murder of Julio Antonio Mella , a political activist and one of the founders of the Communist Party of Cuba . Several of his daughters married off into well-known Yucatecan business families. María, her eldest daughter, married Fernando Ponce Alonzo in her first marriage. Ponce Alonzo was the grandson of José María Ponce Solís  [ es ] ,

5088-700: The Mexican ambassador to the US in order to discuss the possibility of peace between the two sides. Limantour proposed an end to hostilities and offered an amnesty for all revolutionaries, the resignation of the then-vice president Ramón Corral , the replacement of four Díaz cabinet ministers and ten state governors by ones chosen by Madero and the establishment of the principle of "no-reelection", which would prevent Díaz from seeking yet another term as president (which would have been his ninth). Madero responded positively, although he also stated that any kind of peace deal had to include an immediate resignation by Díaz. Faced with

5194-462: The Senator from Campeche. The honorific " Campeche de Baranda " commemorates his role there, while an enormous statue of his father don Pedro the elder, sword tightly in hand, greets the modern day motorist along the city's malecón . Another uncle of Pino Suárez was Joaquín Casasús , a lawyer, economist, diplomat, and banker who was a leading member of the influential Cíentificos group and made

5300-405: The US and European markets. By the end of the 19th century, the henequen boom had transformed Mérida into the city with the most millionaires per capita in the world; between 1870 and 1920, henequen comprised 20% of Mexico's total exports, making it the second largest product in Mexico. most important Mexican exportable after precious metals. Much of this wealth had been concentrated in the hands of

5406-487: The age of 43, María, the eldest of his daughters was a 14-year-old teenager while Cordelia, the youngest one, had not celebrated her first birthday. His two sons, Alfredo and José, followed in their father's footsteps, excelling in the legal profession. Alfredo Pino Cámara, was an Associate justice of the Supreme court and is remembered for having acted as presiding judge in the criminal proceedings against Tina Modotti ,

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5512-492: The armed struggle". In the end, however, Díaz dismissed the advice from his generals as " Custer -like bluster" and chose to seek peace with the moderate wing of the revolution. Limantour had finally managed to persuade him to resign. At the same time there was also disagreement among the rebels. The "left wing" of the revolutionary movement, represented by Zapata and Orozco (Villa, for the time being, tended to support Madero), warned against any possible compromises with Díaz. In

5618-466: The bad treatment received by the serfs of the large plantations ", chiefly the Maya and Yaqui indigenous peoples, as well as indentured Asians (chiefly Chinese and Korean immigrants) forced to work as slaves on henequen haciendas . The conditions faced by these labourers is aptly described by Professor Timothy J. Henderson in the following excerpt: To ensure the latter enticement – cheap labor –

5724-468: The border into the United States , which could provoke an outside intervention, and faced with a series of peace proposals from Díaz, Madero hesitated in attacking the city. He in fact ordered his commanders to lift the siege. Orozco, however disregarded the order and, joined by Villa, attacked. After two days of fighting the city fell to the insurrectionists. Madero intervened personally to spare

5830-613: The bureaucrats of the various federal agencies. Venustiano Carranza , who was going to become a major revolutionary in his own right and a future president of Mexico, stated that, after the treaty, Madero had "deliver[ed] to the reactionaries a dead revolution which will have to be fought over again". Díaz, after leaving for exile in France, observed that "Madero has unleashed a tiger, let us see if he can control him". Orozco, who saw himself as being instrumental in Madero's victory over Díaz,

5936-429: The circle of technocratic advisors of President Díaz. Around 1899, he returned to Mérida where he undertook commercial activities in partnership with his father-in-law, Raymundo Cámara Luján , a wealthy businessman with close ties to the Yucatecan oligarchy (known as the Divine Caste ). At that time, the export house headed by Cámara Luján and José María Ponce Solís, exported 16% of the total bales of henequen fiber that

6042-550: The context of the Caste War of Yucatán , the ethnic conflict between the maya people and the criollos that had just ended in 1901, this criticism was particularly damaging in the eyes of predominantly white newspaper readers in Mérida, a city that had historically been inhabited almost exclusively by people of European descent. Although Pino Suárez was the son of meridano parents and had been raised, educated and married in Mérida,

6148-468: The country, had been educated in élite schools in France and the United States before returning to Mexico with liberal and progressive ideals. Pino Suárez had retired from public life since his newspaper had been censured in 1908, narrowly avoiding being imprisoned by the regime due to the impeccable connections of his political family. During his exile at Polyuc, he received a copy of the book and enthusiastically traveled to Progreso to meet Madero who

6254-577: The creation of the states of Campeche and Morelos , serving as Governor of both states. In Campeche, the influence of the Baranda brothers was such that for many years, the State Capital was known as Campeche de Baranda : “ [Pedro Baranda] came from the highest echelons of southeastern political royalty.  [He] haled from a Campeche-based family long active in civil and military affairs. His father, Pedro Sáinz de Baranda, [...] had championed

6360-473: The downgrading of Mexican international credit and a general economic crisis as a result of ongoing social unrest, as well as that of the large landowners who were willing to come to terms with Madero if it would put an end to the agrarian uprisings. These social group were in turn opposed by the more reactionary elements within Díaz's government, mostly concentrated in the Federal Army , who thought that

6466-756: The eldest daughter of Raymundo Cámara Luján , a business magnate and head of the House of Cámara , "a powerful clan of the high Yucatecan aristocracy." Her uncle was Agustín Vales Castillo , an industrialist and banker who served as the Mayor of Mérida between 1902 and 1907. Two of Marías brothers had political careers of their own: Nicolás Camára Vales served as Governor of Yucatán , while Alfredo Pino Cámara served as Governor of Quintana Roo . The Pino Cámara couple had six children: Maria, Alfredo, José, Aída, Hortensia and Cordelia. When Pino Suárez died in February 1913, at

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6572-482: The end of May, and that he was to be replaced by Francisco León de la Barra as interim president and hold presidential elections. Those who had suffered losses due to the revolution would be indemnified, and there would be a general amnesty. Díaz resigned on May 25, and interim president Francisco León de la Barra was the new incumbent. Díaz and his family, his vice president Corral, plus José Yves Limantour and Rosendo Pineda left Mexico for exile. Significantly,

6678-415: The end their suspicions proved correct, as the treaty that was eventually signed neglected issues of social and agrarian land reform that were central to their struggle. The most significant point of the treaty was that Porfirio Díaz , and his vice president, Ramón Corral , resign and that Francisco León de la Barra , acting as Interim President, organize free elections as soon as possible. Additionally,

6784-531: The establishment of democratic institutions , prohibition of presidential reelection , agrarian reform , and an eight-hour workday , among others. This plan became a reference point for opponents of the Porfirian dictatorship and led to the Mexican Revolution . Pino Suárez organized the revolutionary cause in the southeastern region of Mexico and, threatened with imprisonment and forced into exile, joined Madero in San Antonio, Texas . There, Madero established

6890-433: The exploitation of Maya and Yaqui indigenous people , who had been illegally reduced to conditions of slavery on some henequen haciendas . This provoked the anger of certain sectors of the Yucatecan oligarchy, known as the divine caste , who used their political and economic power to threaten the existence of the newspaper. The defense of freedom of expression against government censorship led Pino Suárez to enter

6996-411: The farms where they worked because they were subject to debt mechanisms, those who protested were whipped and imprisoned by their employers. Pino Suárez pointed out that the use of whipping was a "degrading practice" and proposed establishing a minimum wage for day laborers and guaranteeing their mobility and ability to seek employment elsewhere and negotiate their employment conditions. Having trained as

7102-400: The fields of Yucatán , consisted of six articles" and argued "that the laborers were not "free" as a result of various practices that originated in colonial times and that kept the indigenous people in a state of degradation." Although slavery had been prohibited by the Federal Constitution of 1824 , the serfs continued to live in conditions akin to slavery. They were prohibited from leaving

7208-574: The founder of Cervecería Yucateca, an important brewery which was sold by the Ponce family to Grupo Modelo in the 1980s. In her second marriage, she married José González Sada, an industrialist who was the first cousin both of president Francisco I. Madero and Eugenio Garza Sada , chairman and CEO of the Cuauhtémoc Moctezuma Brewery and founder of Tecnológico de Monterrey . Similarly, Cordelia married Patricio Escalante Guerra,

7314-506: The goals of "his revolution" were not being fulfilled. He was particularly angry that Madero did not plan on carrying out any kind of agrarian reform, or the breakup of large haciendas. Additionally, the press in Mexico City--controlled by the landowners--began referring to Zapata as a bandit and federal generals, such as Huerta, continued attacking his troops under the pretext that Zapata failed to demobilize in violation of

7420-462: The government of Porfirio Díaz, who supported him. These events surely influenced the young lawyer. In his spare time, Pino was also an accomplished poet, having published two volumes: Melancolias (1896) and Procelarias (1903). He also wrote the prologue to Memorias de un alférez (Memoires of an Ensign), written by Eligio Ancona in 1904, his close friend. Shortly before he died, he wrote to his friend, Serapio Rendón, asking him to rescue

7526-422: The grandson of Eusebio Escalante Bates  [ es ] , the wealthy industrialist responsible for developing the henequen industry in Yucatán ; meanwhile, his great uncle was Carlos Peón Machado , a liberal politician who served as Governor of Yucatán; between 1894 and 1897. His grandson, Ismael Moreno Pino , served as deputy foreign secretary and Ambassador of Mexico to Germany, The Netherlands , Chile,

7632-538: The group that controlled the National School of Jurisprudence and resisted the educational reforms of the Madero government. This situation led to the founding of the Escuela Libre de Derecho , which was established in open opposition to Pino Suárez. Despite this, Pino Suárez authorized this institution to operate autonomously from the government. Within the government, Pino Suárez led the renewal bloc,

7738-444: The installation of schools on the haciendas which could provide compulsory secular education." Pino Suárez's articles have been criticized, either because he disseminated an "idealized image of the Yucatecan indigenous peoples" or, according to contemporary Molinista newspapers, because by placing the rights of the indigenous peoples above the interests of the white population ( criollo ), he showed that he did not "love Yucatan." In

7844-462: The life of the city's commander, Gen. Navarro, whom both Orozco and Villa wanted executed for his previous killing of rebel POWs . This, coupled with the fact that both leaders were ignored by Madero in his political appointments, outraged and estranged them from him. At about the same time that Villa and Orozco were marching on Ciudad Juárez, the Zapatista revolt gathered strength and spread to

7950-520: The little volume called Constellations written on blue paper at the bottom of the drawer on the right, under several letters of a private nature. In 1912, when Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo died, Pino Suárez received a letter from Alejandro Pidal y Mon, director of the Royal Spanish Academy , proposing to fill the vacant chair. Pino Suárez, then Vice President of the Republic, rejected the distinction citing his excessive workload. The chair

8056-581: The low turnout was temporary, not only because as soon as he arrived in Mérida a large crowd acclaimed him, but because of his encounter with Pino, who from then on would become a true friend. Mysteriously, or perhaps logically, the spiritist [Madero] had found a kindred soul in the poet [Pino ]." Supporting the Maderista cause, Pino founded and presided over the Anti-Reelectionist Club in Mérida, which initially supported Delio Moreno as

8162-476: The major urban centers in the region, only Cuautla and the capital of Morelos, Cuernavaca , remained outside his control. Zapata began the attack on Cuautla on May 13 with 4000 troops against 400 elite soldiers of the so-called "Golden Fifth"; the Fifth Cavalry Regiment of the Federal Army . The battle took almost a week and has been described as "six of the most terrible days of battle in

8268-627: The most powerful Cabinet Ministers of the porfiriato , but he resigned in 1901, after falling out with José Yves Limantour , the influnetial Secretary of the Treasury and head of the Cíentificos , a powerful group of technocrats ; Limantour had demanded Baranda's resignation after the latter had, as Justice Secretary, successfully thwarted Limantour's presidential arguing that he was constitutionally ineligible to be President due to his French origins. During his time in government, Joaquín Baranda

8374-455: The newspaper was very successful: " El Peninsular was born as a modern newspaper, capable of continuously incorporating into its workshops the most innovative instruments in terms of typefaces, vignettes, cliches, linotypes, rotary presses or composition tables, as well as its telegraphic service, which allowed it to have national and international news earlier than its competitors. It had a constantly increasing circulation due to its coverage of

8480-531: The newspaper's financial stability. In his efforts to maintain the newspaper and defend freedom of speech against such pressures, Pino Suárez participated in August of that year in the founding of the " Asociación de la Prensa Yucateca " (Yucatan Press Association), of which he served as vice-chairman. It seems to have been then, defending his newspaper, that he caught his first glimpse of his political vocation." Pino Suárez "expressed his open and clear repudiation of

8586-405: The opposition to Governor Muñoz Aristegui was divided between the followers of Delio Moreno ( Morenistas) who negotiated with the military dictatorship to obtain power and the followers of José María Pino ( Pinistas) who refused to do so. Through an evident electoral fraud, the victory was granted to Muñoz Aristegui, the official candidate. The reelected state government almost immediately started

8692-468: The political arena. As a supporter of Francisco I. Madero , he shared in Madero's struggle to democratize the country. As Madero's popularity grew, Porfirio Díaz , the dictator, decided to imprison him on charges of sedition . After escaping from prison, Madero issued the Plan de San Luis , which declared the 1910 federal elections fraudulent and demanded various political and social reforms , including

8798-670: The post of Vice President, among other 9 proposals. In the proposal, it is proposed that the Vice President of Mexico would be a direct assistant of the President, and that the Vice President could also assist the Senate with voice, but without vote. The PRI proposal was launched in opposition to proposals of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador on electoral reforms, leading to the 2024 elections . Treaty of Ciudad Ju%C3%A1rez The treaty stipulated that Díaz, as well as his vice president Ramón Corral , were to step down by

8904-430: The rebels should be dealt with through brute force. This faction was represented by Gen. Victoriano Huerta , who would later carry out an attempted coup d'état against Madero. Likewise, Gen.--and potential successor to Díaz-- Bernardo Reyes stated in a letter to Limantour that "the repression [against the insurrectionists] should be carried out with the greatest energy, punishing without any pity anyone participating in

9010-573: The same time, agrarian unrest in the state of Morelos turned into a full-blown rebellion under the leadership of the Zapata brothers, Emiliano and Eufemio . Encouraged by the news of the uprisings, Madero crossed the border back into Mexico in February 1911. He was joined by Pancho Villa and Orozco and in April the army began approaching Ciudad Juárez. Orozco and Villa led the way with 500 men each, while Madero followed up with 1,500 riders. The city

9116-457: The siege of Ciudad Juárez and the outbreak of rebellion in Morelos, Díaz and members of his cabinet became more willing to negotiate and launched a "skillful peace offensive" aimed at Madero. This was largely a result of panic among the large landowners associated with the Díaz regime (the hacendados ) and the financial elite, which represented a "moderate" wing within the government. Some among

9222-459: The states of Puebla , Tlaxcala , Mexico , Michoacán and Guerrero . On April 14 Madero had Emiliano Zapata officially designated as his representative in the region. However, Zapata was worried that if he did not fully control all the major towns in Morelos by the time Madero concluded negotiations with Díaz, the demands of his agrarian movement and the issue of the autonomy of Morelos would be ignored or sidelined. Zapata's first military action

9328-463: The treaty did not mention or institute any social reforms that Madero had vaguely promised on previous occasions. It also left the Porfirian state essentially intact. Additionally, Madero supported the unpopular idea that all land disputes were to be settled through the courts, staffed by the old judges, a decision that led to outbreaks of sporadic violence, particularly in rural areas. On June 7, 1911, Madero entered Mexico City . In October 1911 he

9434-474: The treaty stipulated that: The treaty was signed on May 21. Díaz resigned accordingly on May 25. Francisco de la Barra became the interim president. Madero entered Mexico City on June 7. Zapata, however, refused to recognize the interim government of de la Barra, and for the time being the fighting in Morelos continued. Madero met with Zapata on several occasions during June. While initially Zapata trusted Madero, with time he became increasingly concerned that

9540-474: The treaty was signed was a gesture of reconciliation with the Díaz regime. As a result of the treaty he was given the right to appoint members of the la Barra cabinet. He chose mostly upper-class Maderistas , including his wife for the post in the treasury. He also maintained the existing federal system by keeping the sitting judges of the Supreme Court, the legislators in federal and state assemblies and

9646-476: The treaty. Sporadic fighting in southern Mexico continued. In November 1911, shortly after Madero's inauguration, Zapata issued the famous Plan of Ayala , in which the Zapatistas denounced Madero and instead recognized Pascual Orozco as the rightful president and leader of the revolution. Madero also incurred the great displeasure of other revolutionaries, including Pascual Orozco . Madero's first act after

9752-479: The whole Revolution". It consisted of house-to-house fighting, hand-to-hand combat and no quarter given by either side. Gen. Victoriano Huerta arrived in nearby Cuernavaca with 600 reinforcements but decided not to come to the relief of Cuautla, as he was afraid that the capital would revolt in his absence. On May 19 the remains of the "Golden Fifth" pulled out of the town, which was then occupied by Zapata's soldiers. The successful capture of Cuautla made Zapata

9858-418: The world's first constitution to include extensive social and economic guarantees and protections, such as provisions regarding labor, agrarian reform, and the social dimension of property rights. Madero's reformist government was considered too progressive by some and not radical enough by others. It had to contend with several rebellions led by different revolutionary and counterrevolutionary factions until it

9964-530: Was Pedro Sainz de Baranda , a hero of the Mexican War of Independence . Pino Suárez was educated by the Jesuits in Mérida before earning his law degree in 1894. Later, he established a law firm in Mexico City in partnership with Joaquín Casasús and became involved in various businesses alongside his father-in-law, Raymundo Cámara . In 1904, he founded El Peninsular , a newspaper that gave voice to

10070-483: Was a hard blow that forced him to sell El Peninsular , which remained in the hands of two of his brother-in-laws; Nicolás and Raymundo Cámara Vales." After this event, the Pino Cámara family withdrew from public life, going to live for two years to the Polyuc Hacienda , a remote sugar plantation In December 1908, Francisco I. Madero , published The Presidential Succession in 1910 , which argued in favor of

10176-593: Was among the most notable in Mérida ." He was the eldest son of José María Pino Salvatiel, a businessman, and Josefa Suarez; both his parents had been born in Mérida . A few years after his birth, his mother died, an event that was devastating for the young boy. He had a younger brother, Néstor Pino Suárez who served as a colonel and was mortally wounded in battle in 1912, trying to end the Quintero insurrection in Sinaloa . As mentioned above, Pino Suárez came from

10282-486: Was besieged by the end of the month, after Madero's army encountered some resistance in the Chihuahuan countryside. Madero asked the commander of the city's garrison to surrender but the latter refused, hoping that the fortifications he had constructed would allow him to defend the city until reinforcements arrived. Concerned also with the possibility that a direct attack on the town would cause artillery shells to cross

10388-608: Was campaigning in Yucatán: "In June 1909, Francisco I. Madero began his first political tour in Veracruz , seeking to dispute the presidency from Porfirio Díaz [...] he decided to continue towards Yucatan, but when he arrived at Progreso, only six people were waiting for him. Amongst these were two important figures: Delio Moreno Cantón  [ es ] a gubernatorial candidate for the Independent Electoral Center and Pino [...] Madero's disappointment at

10494-646: Was elected president, under the banner of the Partido Constitucional Progresista, along with José María Pino Suárez , his new running mate as vice-president. Madero pushed aside Francisco Vázquez Gómez , the vice presidential candidate for the Anti-Reelectionist Party in 1910, as being too moderate. The rebellion against the government of Porfirio Díaz broke out in late 1910, after Díaz had rival Francisco I. Madero imprisoned and had announced his own victory in

10600-433: Was exported to the US and European markets, which had an insatiable demand for the Yucatecan monoculture. Unlike other businessmen, Cámara Luján focused on the export of henequen and not on its production, finding that this business was more profitable. Similarly, unlike other Yucatecan capitalists, he had diversified his business interests to include railways, banking and brewing. In association with Eusebio Escalante Bates, he

10706-406: Was finally occupied by Jacinto Benavente . Since 1904 Pino Suárez had liquidated his partnership with his father-in-law and had decided to reinvest his capital in the foundation of El Peninsular , a newspaper from which he would criticize the monopoly headed by Olegario Molina. The newspaper's editor-in-chief was Ignacio Ancona Horruytiner, a close friend of his and the nephew of Eligio Ancona ,

10812-463: Was intended to be a model of hard news journalism, the fact of having established newsrooms in Campeche and Quintana Roo , placed it as an attempt to achieve regional integration through the press. The newspaper, however, soon had to face off attacks from Molina and his supporters: Curiously enough, this evening paper was noted for its national and international news service, such as its review of

10918-585: Was overthrown in a military coup in February 1913. Subsequently, both Madero and Pino Suárez were assassinated on the orders of General Victoriano Huerta , the dictator who replaced them. In 1969, María Cámara Vales , Pino Suárez's widow, received the Belisario Domínguez Medal of Honor from the Senate of Mexico , recognizing the sacrifice that the couple had made for the country. Born in Tenosique , Tabasco , "almost by accident – his family

11024-408: Was owner of Compañía Agrícola del Cuyo y Anexas, S.A , a company which owned a private estate of 2,627 km in the northwestern part of Yucatán (roughly the size of Luxembourg or Rhode Island ) which was used to exploit various raw materials such as chicle , sugar cane , tobacco, cocoa , cotton, banana, vanilla and various forest resources.48 The dyewood and chicle were destined for export to

11130-662: Was responsible for founding the Public Prosecutor's Office ( Procuraduría General de la República ) and the Normal school ( Escuela Normal de Profesores ). Meanwhile, his brother, General Pedro Baranda fought for the liberal cause in the Reform Wars and the French Intervention , and participated in the constituent assembly that drafted the liberal Constitution of 1857 . Later in his career, he promoted

11236-523: Was to take the town of Chinameca , where he obtained essential supplies. Subsequently, Zapata, for political and strategic reasons, decided to attack the city of Cuautla . In order to mislead his opponents, however, he initially attacked and captured the towns of Izúcar de Matamoros (which was subsequently retaken by federal forces) and Chietla . From there he made a wide circle around Cuautla and captured Yautepec and Jonacatepec , where he gathered more supplies, munitions and soldiers. By May, out of all

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