50-716: Protagonist Right ( Destra Protagonista ) was a national-conservative faction within National Alliance , a political party in Italy . The faction was founded in July 1999 by the followers of Giuseppe Tatarella , one of the party's charismatic leader who had died in February of that year. The faction was very close to Silvio Berlusconi , leader of Forza Italia and the People of Freedom / House of Freedoms coalition, and it
100-428: A Pew Research Center study. In contrast, approximately two-thirds of non-white evangelicals supported Hillary Clinton in 2016, with 90% of black Protestants also voting for her even though their theological views are similar to evangelicals. According to Yale researcher Philip Gorski, "the question is not so much why evangelicals voted for Trump then—many did not—but why so many white evangelicals did." Gorski's answer
150-463: A populist political method that suggests nationalistic answers to political, economic, and social problems. These inclinations lead to policies such as immigration restrictionism , trade protectionism , isolationism , migrant family separation and opposition to entitlement reform . Former National Security Advisor and close Trump advisor John Bolton disputes that Trumpism exists in any meaningful sense, adding that "[t]he man does not have
200-591: A primary election opponent or otherwise use his political power to undermine any fellow party members that he felt had betrayed him. The 2020 Republican Party platform simply endorsed "the President's America-first agenda", prompting comparisons to contemporary leader-focused party platforms in Russia and China. General Mark Milley , Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under Trump , has described Trump as
250-523: A "dream world" where the "Jewish and Christian world" have "no place to exist". National conservatism rejects standard historiography over the Enlightenment , modernization , and emancipation and key political events such as 1789 , 1968 , and 1989 . National conservatism distances itself from fascism, viewing it along with liberalism and socialism as aspects of modernity and thus "disconnect human designs from normative order", instead calling for
300-744: A "masculinist fantasy of freedom", similar to Jacques Lacan 's mythic leader of the primal horde whose power to satisfy every pleasure or whim has not been castrated. By activating such fantasies, toxic masculine behaviors from opulent displays of greed (the dream palaces of Mar-a-Lago and Nkandla ), violent rhetoric, " grab them by the pussy " " locker room " "jokes" to misogynist insults, philandering, and even sexual predatory behavior including allegations of groping and raping become political assets not liabilities. Gender role scholar Colleen Clemens describes toxic masculinity as "a narrow and repressive description of manhood, designating manhood as defined by violence, sex, status and aggression ... where strength
350-552: A "wannabe dictator." Opposition to aspects of transgender rights is a theme of Trumpism. According to Philip Gorski , in Trumpian nostalgia, "decline is brought about by docility and femininity and the return to greatness requires little more than a reassertion of dominance and masculinity. In this way, 'virtue' is reduced to its root etymology of manly bravado." Michael Kimmel describes male Trump supporters who despaired "over whether or not anything could enable them to find
400-482: A common position on economic policy. Their views may range from support of corporatism and mixed economy to a more laissez-faire approach. In the first, more common case, national conservatives can be distinguished from liberal conservatives , for whom free market economic policies, deregulation and tight spending are the main priorities. Some commentators have indeed identified a growing gap between national and economic liberal conservatism: "Most parties of
450-468: A copycat phenomenon—the emboldening of bigots and despots by others' electoral successes. Rather, it is something that sits just beneath the surface of any human society—including in the advanced liberal democracies at the heart of the Western world—and can be activated by core elements of liberal democracy itself. Stenner and Haidt regard authoritarian waves as a feature of liberal democracies noting that
500-533: A guy who says: 'I can build anything I want. I can do anything I want. I can have the women I want.' They're going, 'This guy is awesome!'" Neville Hoad, an expert on gender issues in South Africa, sees this as a common theme with another strongman leader, Jacob Zuma , comparing his " Zulu Big Man version of toxic masculinity versus a dog whistle white supremacist version; the putative real estate billionaire turned reality television star". Both men express
550-419: A more pragmatic approach to regulatory economics and protectionism . National conservatives usually combine conservatism with nationalist stances, emphasizing cultural conservatism , family values and opposition to illegal immigration or opposition to immigration per se. National conservative parties often have roots in environments with a rural, traditionalist or peripheral basis, contrasting with
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#1732801171780600-516: A philosophy. And people can try and draw lines between the dots of his decisions. They will fail." Writing for the Routledge Handbook of Global Populism (2019), Olivier Jutel notes, "What Donald Trump reveals is that the various iterations of right-wing American populism have less to do with a programmatic social conservatism or libertarian economics than with enjoyment." Sociologist Michael Kimmel states that Trump's populism
650-518: A place with some dignity in this new, multicultural, and more egalitarian world. ... These men were angry, but they all looked back nostalgically to a time when their sense of masculine entitlement went unchallenged. They wanted to reclaim their country, restore their rightful place in it, and retrieve their manhood in the process." Social psychologists Theresa Vescio and Nathaniel Schermerhorn note that "In his 2016 presidential campaign, Trump embodied HM [ hegemonic masculinity ] while waxing nostalgic for
700-413: A protest. Go there ready for war. We get our President or we die." Of the rioters arrested for the attack on the U.S. Capitol, 88% were men, and 67% were 35 years or older. According to 2016 election exit polls, 26% of voters self identified as white evangelical Christians , of whom more than three-fourths in 2017 approved of Trump's performance, most of them approving "very strongly" as reported by
750-755: A racially homogenous past that maintained an unequal gender order. Trump performed HM by repeatedly referencing his status as a successful businessman (" blue-collar businessman") and alluding to how tough he would be as president. ... Trump was openly hostile toward gender-atypical women, sexualized gender typical women, and attacked the masculinity of male peers and opponents." In their studies involving 2,007 people, they found that endorsement of hegemonic masculinity better predicted support for Trump than other factors, such as support for antiestablishment, antielitist, nativist, racist, sexist, homophobic or xenophobic perspectives. Kimmel's angry white males engage in toxic masculinity which, according to William Liu, editor of
800-493: A rebellion of conservative elites against the base. Yale sociologist Philip S. Gorski warned against the threat of Trumpism, writing that "the election of Donald Trump constitutes perhaps the greatest threat to American democracy since the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. There is a real and growing danger that representative government will be slowly but effectively supplanted by a populist form of authoritarian rule in
850-516: A socio-economic policy paradigm. National conservatives usually support a foreign policy that upholds the interests of their nation. They lean towards militarism , unilateralism and isolationism . They reject the internationalism and multilateralism that has characterized the modern global age. They often have a negative view of the United Nations , feeling that its globalist agenda erodes their unique national identity, as well as
900-415: A tough guy means wearing the mask of masculinity: Being a tough guy means refusing to don a mask that might preserve one's life and the lives of others." Tough guy bravado appeared on the internet prior to attack on Congress on January 6, 2021, with one poster writing, "Be ready to fight. Congress needs to hear glass breaking, doors being kicked in ... . Get violent. Stop calling this a march, or rally, or
950-488: Is "an emotion. And the emotion is righteous indignation that the government is screwing 'us'". Kimmel posits that Trump manifests "aggrieved entitlement," a "sense that those benefits to which you believed yourself entitled have been snatched away from you by unseen forces larger and more powerful. You feel yourself to be the heir to a great promise, the American Dream , which has turned into an impossible fantasy for
1000-616: Is a political movement in the United States that comprises the political ideologies associated with Donald Trump and his political base . It incorporates ideologies such as right-wing populism , national conservatism and neo-nationalism , and features significant illiberal and authoritarian beliefs. There is significant academic debate over the prevalence of neo-fascist and fascist elements of Trumpism. Trumpists and Trumpians are terms that refer to individuals exhibiting its characteristics. Trumpism
1050-519: Is associated with the belief that the President is above the rule of law . It has been referred to as an American political variant of the far-right and the national-populist and neo-nationalist sentiment seen in multiple nations starting in the late 2010s. Trump's political base has been compared to a cult of personality . Trump supporters became the largest faction of the United States Republican Party , with
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#17328011717801100-532: Is everything while emotions are a weakness; where sex and brutality are yardsticks by which men are measured, while supposedly 'feminine' traits—which can range from emotional vulnerability to simply not being hypersexual—are the means by which your status as "man" can be taken away." Writing in the Journal of Human Rights , Kimberly Theidon notes the COVID-19 pandemic 's irony of Trumpian toxic masculinity: "Being
1150-823: Is involved in the funding and spread of national conservative institutions across Europe and the United States , such as the Danube Institute , the Mathias Corvinus Collegium , The European Conservative magazine and the National Conservatism Conference . In the United States, Trumpism can be considered a variety of national conservatism, which also gives its name to the National Conservatism Conference, organised by
1200-498: Is of "the national community rising phoenix-like after a period of encroaching decadence which all but destroyed it", which "sounds a lot like MAGA" ( Make America Great Again ) according to Goldberg. Similarly, like the Trump movement, fascism sees a "need for authority by natural chiefs (always male), culminating in a national chieftain who alone is capable of incarnating the group's historical destiny." They believe in "the superiority of
1250-483: Is open enough to permit people to ascribe their own meaning to it." Exit polling data suggests the campaign was successful at mobilizing the " white disenfranchised ", the lower- to working-class European-Americans who are experiencing growing social inequality and who often have stated opposition to the American political establishment . Some prominent conservatives formed a Never Trump movement, seen as
1300-487: The Edmund Burke Foundation . National conservatism was recently re-launched by Israeli-American political philosopher and Biblical scholar Yoram Hazony , with his 2022 book Conservatism: A Rediscovery . Hazony has written that "In the political arena, conservatism refers to a standpoint that regards the recovery, restoration, elaboration, and repair of national and religious traditions as
1350-852: The European Union and other international organizations. Regional parties can be nationalist or national conservative, without aligning with the country to which the region belongs. South Tyrol is a notable example, as "national conservative" parties there represent its German-speaking majority and identify with neighbouring Austria , with which South Tyrol shares cultural and historical ties. The following political parties have been characterised as being ideologically influenced by national conservativism: Trumpism Defunct Newspapers Journals TV channels Websites Other Economics Gun rights Identity politics Nativist Religion Watchdog groups Youth/student groups Miscellaneous Other Trumpism
1400-408: The basket of deplorables ..." Disputing the view that the surge of support for Trumpism and Brexit represents a new phenomenon, political scientist Karen Stenner and social psychologist Jonathan Haidt present the argument that the far-right populist wave that seemed to 'come out of nowhere' did not in fact come out of nowhere. It is not a sudden madness, or virus, or tide, or even just
1450-530: The "restoration and order" of social, moral, and political structures. Patrick Deneen argues that the "current elite" should be replaced with "a better aristocracy brought about by a muscular populism" to advance the "common good", with the common good loosely defined as "integration" which includes the reuniting of church and state. Ideologically, national conservatism is not a uniform philosophy but adherents have broadly expressed support for nationalism , patriotism , assimilationism and monoculturalism . At
1500-451: The 1990's, economic positions of national conservatives were largely fusionist. The works of Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin have served as building blocks for the modern national conservative movement's socio-economic policies. Strauss' indictment of capitalism as ' economism ' through the reduction of individual needs to consumption plays a role in national conservative thought, which argues for solidarism and an increased statist role in
1550-634: The North through Our Right . In 2012 La Russa left The People of Freedom to form Brothers of Italy , a minor right-wing ally of The People of Freedom from the outside. National conservatism National conservatism is a nationalist variant of conservatism that concentrates on upholding national , cultural identity , communitarianism and the public role of religion (see religion in politics ). It shares aspects of traditionalist conservatism and social conservatism , while departing from economic liberalism and libertarianism , as well as taking
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1600-710: The Philippines, Shinzo Abe of Japan, Boris Johnson of the United Kingdom, Yoon Suk Yeol of South Korea, Javier Milei of Argentina, and Prabowo Subianto of Indonesia. Trumpist rhetoric features anti-immigrant , xenophobic , nativist , and racist attacks against minority groups. Identified aspects include conspiracist , isolationist , Christian nationalist , evangelical Christian , protectionist , anti-feminist , and anti-LGBT beliefs. Trumpism emerged during Trump's 2016 presidential campaign . Trump's rhetoric has its roots in
1650-458: The Right [today] are run by economically liberal conservatives who, in varying degrees, have marginalised social , cultural and national conservatives." National conservatism developed its economic alternative to liberalism through political representatives in post-communist Europe, most notably Poland and Hungary, and the emergence of "pro-worker conservatism" in the United States. Throughout
1700-504: The economy to bring about a moralizing "financial nationalism" in opposition to communism and the individualism in liberalism. Depending on the country, this can include increased support of protectionism ; increased state social spending for "pro-worker" and "pro-family" conservatism; the re-nationalization of banks and strategic enterprises; and opposing tax breaks. It supports 'social nativism' in East Asian state-led development as
1750-457: The enemy includes 'Mexican migrants', 'filthy' gays, and even Catholics 'led astray by Satan', and the real danger these enemies pose is degradation to a 'blessed—great— ... nation' whose God is the Lord." Theologian Michael Horton believes Christian Trumpism represents the confluence of three trends that have come together, namely Christian American exceptionalism , end-times conspiracies, and
1800-476: The faction conclusively distanced from Fini and became some of the staunchest supporters of Berlusconi. Only a minority, led by Bocchino and Tatarella, joined Generation Italy and finally followed Fini out of the party into Future and Freedom . Within The People of Freedom, Gasparri launched Protagonist Italy as a successor of the old faction, while La Russa started to strengthen its power base especially in
1850-542: The findings of their 2016 study of Trump and Brexit supporters was not unexpected, as they wrote: Across two decades of empirical research, we cannot think of a significant exception to the finding that normative threat tends either to leave non-authoritarians utterly unmoved by the things that catalyze authoritarians or to propel them toward being (what one might conceive as) their 'best selves.' In previous investigations, this has seen non-authoritarians move toward positions of greater tolerance and respect for diversity under
1900-418: The journal Psychology of Men and Masculinity , applies especially to Trump. Kimmel was surprised at the sexual turn the 2016 election took and thinks that Trump is for many men a fantasy figure, an uber-male free to indulge every desire. "Many of these guys feel that the current order of things has emasculated them, by which I mean it has taken away their ability to support a family and have great life. Here's
1950-568: The key to maintaining a nation and strengthening it through time." National conservatism focuses on "threats to moral order and the loss of moral bearing due to liberalism's relativism." It opposes modernity, liberalism , and socialism , instead valuing Europe's Christian heritage and "defending" Western civilization . National conservatism is silent on classical conservative thought expressed by Michael Oakeshott and Edmund Burke . In The Virtue of Nationalism , Yoram Hazony criticizes Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Locke for creating
2000-574: The leader (who claims "only I can fix it") unfettered by procedure. The political base is kept entertained with mass rallies, but inevitably the strongman develops a contempt for those he leads. Will argues both are based on machismo , and in the case of Trumpism, "appeals to those in thrall to country-music manliness: 'We're truck-driving, beer-drinking, big-chested Americans too freedom-loving to let any itsy-bitsy [ COVID-19 ] virus make us wear masks.'" Hillary Clinton famously said that "you could put half of Trump's supporters into what I call
2050-448: The leader's instincts over abstract and universal reason". Conservative columnist George Will considers Trumpism similar to fascism, stating that Trumpism is "a mood masquerading as a doctrine". Will argues that national unity is based "on shared domestic dreads"—for fascists the "Jews", for Trump the media ("enemies of the people"), " elites " and " globalists ". Solutions come not from tedious "incrementalism and conciliation", but from
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2100-518: The more urban support base of liberal conservative parties. In Europe , national conservatives usually embrace some form of Euroscepticism . In post-communist central and eastern Europe specifically, most conservative parties since 1989 have followed a national conservative ideology. Most notable is Viktor Orbán in Hungary , who has explicitly described his Fidesz 's ideology as being national conservative in character and whose government
2150-465: The public role of religion , being critical of the separation of church and state . According to the Austrian political scientist Sieglinde Rosenberger , "national conservatism praises the family as a home and a center of identity, solidarity, and tradition". It opposes the "1968 agenda" of gender-related emancipation. National conservative parties in different countries do not necessarily share
2200-469: The remainder often characterized as "the elite" or "the establishment" in contrast. In response to the rise of Trump, there has arisen a Never Trump movement. The label Trumpism has been applied to national-conservative and national-populist movements in other democracies. Politicians labeled as Trumpist by news agencies include Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of Turkey, Viktor Orbán of Hungary, Rodrigo Duterte and Bongbong Marcos of
2250-503: The same time there is expressed opposition to internationalism , racial politics , multiculturalism and globalism . National conservatives adhere to a form of cultural nationalism that emphasizes the preservation of national identity as well as cultural identity . As a result, many favor assimilation into the dominant culture , restrictions on immigration and strict law and order policies. National conservative parties support traditional family values , gender roles and
2300-524: The very conditions that seem to propel authoritarians toward increasing intolerance. Author and authoritarianism critic Masha Gessen contrasted the "democratic" strategy of the Republican establishment making policy arguments appealing to the public, with the "autocratic" strategy of appealing to an "audience of one" in Donald Trump. Gessen noted the fear of Republicans that Trump would endorse
2350-578: The very people who were supposed to inherit it." Communications scholar Zizi Papacharissi explains the utility of being ideologically vague, and using terms and slogans that can mean anything the supporter wants them to mean. "When these publics thrive in affective engagement it's because they've found an affective hook that's built around an open signifier that they get to use and reuse and re-employ ... MAGA ; that's an open signifier ... it allows them all to assign different meanings to it. So MAGA works for connecting publics that are different, because it
2400-632: The years to come. Media intimidation, mass propaganda, voter suppression, court packing, and even armed paramilitaries—many of the necessary and sufficient conditions for an authoritarian devolution are gradually falling into place." Some academics regard such authoritarian backlash as a feature of liberal democracies. Others have argued that Trump is a totalitarian capitalist exploiting the "fascist impulses of his ordinary supporters that hide in plain sight." Michelle Goldberg , an opinion columnist for The New York Times , compares Trumpism to classical fascist themes. The "mobilizing vision" of fascism
2450-402: Was simply "because they are also white Christian nationalists and Trumpism is inter alia a reactionary version of white Christian nationalism." Israeli philosopher Adi Ophir sees the politics of purity in the white Christian nationalist rhetoric of evangelical supporters, such as the comparison of Nehemiah 's wall around Jerusalem to Trump's wall keeping out the enemy, writing, "the notion of
2500-404: Was somewhat critical to Gianfranco Fini , leader of National Alliance, instead. Its main members included Ignazio La Russa , Maurizio Gasparri , Mario Landolfi , Salvatore Tatarella and Italo Bocchino . Protagonist Right was the party's largest faction and in the 2002 congress had more than 40% of the delegates. Since National Alliance's merger into The People of Freedom , most members of
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