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105-654: The Quixote Center achieved prominence in its support of the ideals of the Sandinista government of Nicaragua in the 1980s. The Center raised more than $ 100 million in humanitarian aid for the Nicaraguan people. Although the Center did not officially take sides during the revolution in Nicaragua, its work was described by The New York Times as "intensely political" and the aid it sent went largely to assist victims of

210-468: A "popular army" under the leadership of the FSLN and Humberto Ortega. The FSLN's literacy campaign sent teachers into the countryside, and it has been claimed that within six months, half a million people had been taught rudimentary reading, bringing the national illiteracy rate down from over 50% to just under 12%. Over 100,000 Nicaraguans participated as literacy teachers. One of the literacy campaign's aims

315-470: A Council of State, subordinate to the junta, which was composed of representative bodies. But the Council of State gave political parties only 12 of 47 seats; the rest were given to Sandinista organizations. Of the 12 seats reserved for political parties, only three were not allied with the FSLN. Due to the rules governing the Council of State, in 1980 both non-FSLN junta members resigned. Nevertheless, as of

420-728: A common front against the dictatorship. The opposition to the dictatorship was established around various student organizations. Among its leaders, Carlos Fonseca Amador in the early 1960s. At the start of 1961 the New Nicaragua Movement (NNM) was founded by prominent leaders in education like Carlos Fonseca, Silvio Mayorga , Tomás Borge , Gordillo, Navarro y Francisco Buitrago; prominent leaders on workers issues such as Jose Benito Escobar ; countryside leaders like Germán Pomares and small business leaders such as Julio Jerez Suárez. Legendary guerilla veteran Santos Lopez, who fought with Augusto Cesar Sandino, also participated in

525-508: A communiqué with FSLN's call for general insurrection and gave the guerrillas safe passage to Panama. A few days later six Nicaraguan cities rose in revolt. Armed youths took over the highland city of Matagalpa . Tercerista cadres attacked Guard posts in Managua , Masaya , León , Chinandega and Estelí . Large numbers of semi-armed civilians joined the revolt and put the Guard garrisons of

630-419: A few seats short of the two-thirds required to amend the constitution in Nicaragua. President: Miguel Angel García , then Róger Guevara Mena Miguel Angel García is a leader of the evangelical organization Asamblea de Dios and a former education minister in the government of Enrique Bolaños . In an interview, García stated that God guided his acceptance of this candidacy and is assuring him he will win with

735-548: A former Sandinista guerilla fighter, founder of the Sandinista Popular Army in 1979 and head of the armed forces between 2005 and 2010 is the vice-presidential candidate of the FSLN. In a poll conducted by M&R in 2009, Hallesleven was the second most popular public figure in the country, only behind Aminta Granera , the head of the National Police . In the same poll, 73.3% of the public regarded

840-671: A group of prominent Nicaraguan professionals, business leaders, and clergymen allied with the Terceristas to form " El Grupo de los Doce " (The Group of Twelve) in Costa Rica . The group's main idea was to organize a provisional government in Costa Rica. The Terceristas' new strategy also included unarmed strikes and rioting by labor and student groups coordinated by the FSLN's "United People's Movement" (Movimiento Pueblo Unido – MPU). On January 10, 1978, Pedro Joaquín Chamorro ,

945-490: A group within the FSLN's urban mobilization arm began to question the GPP's viability. In the view of the young orthodox Marxist intellectuals, such as Jaime Wheelock , economic development had turned Nicaragua into a nation of factory workers and wage-earning farm laborers. Wheelock's faction was known as the "Proletarian Tendency". Shortly after, a third faction arose within the FSLN. The "Insurrectional Tendency", also known as

1050-593: A leadership role in the overthrow of the Somoza regime. By mid-April 1979, five guerrilla fronts opened under the FSLN's joint command, including an internal front in Managua. Young guerrilla cadres and the National Guardsmen were clashing almost daily in cities throughout the country. The Final Offensive's strategic goal was the division of the enemy's forces. Urban insurrection was the crucial element because

1155-403: A left-wing government to take power in Nicaragua. The moderate "Broad Opposition Front" ( Frente Amplio Opositor – FAO), which opposed Somoza, was made up of a conglomeration of dissidents within the government as well as the "Democratic Union of Liberation" (UDEL) and the "Twelve", representatives of the Terceristas (whose founding members included Casimiro A. Sotelo, later to become Ambassador to

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1260-510: A member of its Commission of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology from 2007 onward. Vice-President: Edmundo Jarquín Edmundo Jarquín was the Sandinista Renovation Movement (MRS) vice-presidential candidate in the 2006 general elections . He finished in fourth place, receiving 6.29% of the votes. Jarquín founded in 1974, together with Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal , editor of newspaper La Prensa ,

1365-514: A network of intelligence systems in order to apprehend their supporters. These activities led critics of the Sandinistas to argue that the CDS was a system of local spy networks for the government used to stifle political dissent, and the CDS did hold limited powers—such as the ability to suspend privileges such as driver licenses and passports—if locals refused to cooperate with the government. After

1470-566: A new government, they created a Council (or junta ) of National Reconstruction, made up of five appointed members. Three of the appointed members—Sandinista militants Daniel Ortega , Moisés Hassán , and novelist Sergio Ramírez (a member of Los Doce "the Twelve")—belonged to the FSLN. Two opposition members, businessman Alfonso Robelo , and Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (the widow of Pedro Joaquín Chamorro), were also appointed. Only three votes were needed to pass law. The FSLN also established

1575-530: A party in the house of the Minister of Agriculture in the Managua suburb Los Robles, among them several leading Nicaraguan officials and Somoza relatives. The siege was carefully timed to take place after the departure of the US ambassador from the gathering. At 10:50 pm, a group of 15 young guerrillas and their commanders, Pomares and Contreras, entered the house. They killed the minister, who tried to shoot them, during

1680-563: A political sect of the party, overthrew the dictatorship and the new government quickly disposed of the Samoza family's land holdings and made public the country's major industries, but allowed smaller and medium-sized businesses to stay private. Since then, the party has yielded much power and even since the establishment of elections, has still managed to make up the majority of seats in the National Assembly, have major influence over

1785-530: A single US soldier left on Nicaraguan soil, however in 1930 the US had formed a group for national security known as the National Guard . The National Guard remained after the exit of the U.S. under the leadership of Anastasio Somoza Garcia who was supported by the U.S. On 21 February 1934, Somoza, using the National Guard, assassinated Sandino who opposed and fought against US intervention. This

1890-486: A third term in this election, with a landslide victory. The Sandinista National Liberation Front ( Spanish : Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional , FSLN) returned to power with Daniel Ortega as president in 2007 after losing the 1990 general elections to the National Opposition Union (UNO) and its candidate, Violeta Barrios de Chamorro . It was the third election (1984, 1990, 2011) that

1995-542: Is a Christian socialist political party in Nicaragua . Its members are called Sandinistas ( Spanish pronunciation: [sandiˈnistas] ) in both English and Spanish. The party is named after Augusto César Sandino , who led the Nicaraguan resistance against the United States occupation of Nicaragua in the 1930s. The FSLN overthrew Anastasio Somoza Debayle in the 1979 Nicaraguan Revolution , ending

2100-690: Is the Spanish equivalent of "-ist". Sandino was assassinated in 1934 by the Nicaraguan National Guard ( Guardia Nacional ), the US-equipped police force of Anastasio Somoza , whose family ruled the country from 1936 until they were overthrown by the Sandinistas in 1979. The second U.S. intervention in Nicaragua ended when Juan Bautista Sacasa of the Liberal Party won the elections. By 1 January 1933 there wasn't

2205-836: The Alcaldes 9 de Noviembre movement (former allies of the Liberal Constitutionalist Party ). The Nicaraguan Liberal Alliance ( Spanish : Alianza Liberal Nicaragüense – ALN) is formed by dissidents of the Constitutionalist Liberal Party and the Conservative Party (PC). The group was formed as a response to Arnoldo Alemán's leadership of the Constitutional Liberal Party after allegations of his corruption. Along with general disgust of Alemán,

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2310-741: The Algerian National Liberation Front was founded to fight against French colonial control. In Nicaragua, different movements that opposed the Somoza dynasty began to unite, forming the Nicaraguan National Liberation Front which would later be renamed the Sandinista National Liberation Front. The economic situation of Nicaragua in the mid-20th century had deteriorated as the prices of agricultural exports such as cotton and coffee dropped. Politically,

2415-614: The Defensive Army of National Sovereignty ) died. The following year the events of "El Dorado" (February 28, 1960) took place where several events occurred leading to several deaths including Luis Morales, Julio Alonso Leclair (head of the September 15 column), Manuel Baldizón and Erasmo Montoya. The conventional opposition, up to that point led by the Nicaraguan Communist Party , had not been able to form

2520-702: The Democratic Liberation Union (UDEL) in the struggle against the Anastasio Somoza Debayle regime. Jarquín was head of the Ministry of Foreign Cooperation between 1981–84 and ambassador to Mexico (1984–88) and to Spain (1988–1990). In the 1990 elections he gained a seat in the National Assembly . Jarquín worked as an Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) official from 1992 to 2005 when he resigned and joined

2625-803: The National Army as the most trustworthy public institution in the country. The Alliance for the Republic ( Spanish : Alianza por la República – APRE) is formed by dissidents of the Constitutionalist Liberal Party and the Conservative Party (PC). In the 2006 general elections, APRE contested the elections in alliance with the Nicaraguan Liberal Alliance , an election in which the Nicaraguan Liberal Alliance's candidate placed second. For

2730-710: The Somoza dynasty , and established a revolutionary government in its place. Having seized power, the Sandinistas ruled Nicaragua from 1979 to 1990, first as part of a Junta of National Reconstruction . Following the resignation of centrist members from this Junta, the FSLN took exclusive power in March 1981. They instituted literacy programs, nationalization, land reform, and devoted significant resources to healthcare, but came under international criticism for human rights abuses, including mass execution and oppression of indigenous peoples . They were also criticized for mismanaging

2835-556: The conservative party of Nicaragua split and one of the factions, the Zancudos , began collaborating with the Somoza regime. Anastasio Somoza Garcia was assassinated by poet Rigoberto Lopez Perez in 1956. In 1957 Carlos Fonseca Amador, Silvio Mayorga, Tomás Borge, Oswaldo Madriz y Heriberto Carrillo formed the first cell of the Nicaraguan Revolutionary Committee who identified with the issues of

2940-447: The "Third Way" or Terceristas , led by Daniel Ortega , his brother Humberto Ortega , and Mexican-born Victor Tirado Lopez, was more pragmatic and called for tactical, temporary alliances with non-communists, including the right-wing opposition, in a popular front against the Somoza regime. By attacking the Guard directly, the Terceristas would demonstrate the regime's weakness and encourage others to take up arms. In October 1977,

3045-760: The "United People's Movement" (MPU). This strengthened the revolutionary organizations as tens of thousands of youths joined the FSLN and the fight against Somoza. A direct consequence of the spread of the armed struggle in Nicaragua was the official reunification of the FSLN that took place March 7, 1979. Nine men, three from each tendency, formed the National Directorate that led the reunited FSLN: Daniel Ortega , Humberto Ortega and Víctor Tirado (Terceristas); Tomás Borge , Bayardo Arce Castaño  [ es ; ru ] , and Henry Ruiz (GPP faction); and Jaime Wheelock , Luis Carrión and Carlos Núñez . The FSLN evolved from one of many opposition groups to

3150-411: The "return of Somoza's rule". On July 17, Somoza resigned, handed over power to Francisco Urcuyo , and fled to Miami . While initially seeking to remain in power to serve out Somoza's presidential term, Urcuyo ceded his position to the junta and fled to Guatemala two days later. On July 19, the 18th anniversary of the foundation of the FSLN, the FSLN army entered Managua, culminating the first goal of

3255-572: The 1982 State of Emergency, opposition parties were no longer given representation in the council. The preponderance of power also remained with the Sandinistas through their mass organizations, including the Sandinista Workers' Federation ( Central Sandinista de Trabajadores ), the Luisa Amanda Espinoza Nicaraguan Women's Association ( Asociación de Mujeres Nicaragüenses Luisa Amanda Espinoza ),

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3360-460: The 2011 election, these two parties remained allied and it was rumoured that they were being financed by and working with the governing party. The Constitutionalist Liberal Party ( Spanish : Partido Liberal Constitucionalista – PLC) is leading the GANA PLC-PC alliance together with the members of the Conservative Party. The Constitutionalist Liberal Party is one of the two major parties in

3465-652: The Constitutionalist Liberal Party and the Conservative Party and a fraction of members from the Nicaraguan Resistance Party, including members of the PLN, Anastasio Somoza Debayle's Liberal Party. However, in years later, the YATAMA indigenous advocacy organization turned political party announced their opposition to the FSLN when they clashed on issues of demarcation of indigenous lands and violence towards indigenous people. In 2006, YATAMA decided to ally with

3570-507: The Constitutionalist Liberal Party, is the running mate of Arnoldo Alemán in the 2011 general election. President: Fabio Gadea Mantilla Fabio Gadea Mantilla is a radio journalist, writer, and politician. He is owner and co-founder of the news radio station Radio Corporación . He also represents Nicaragua as deputy to the Central American Parliament and was President of that body in 2004–2005, as well as having been

3675-613: The Contra War. A leader at the Center described U.S. efforts in Nicaragua as a "policy of terrorism." Some critics accused the Center of following a Marxist agenda and the United States Department of the Treasury investigated allegations that Quixote Center had smuggled guns, but no charges were brought and leaders of the Center described the allegations as politically motivated. The Center has actively opposed

3780-516: The Contra war, the Sandinistas arrested suspected members of the Contra militias and censored publications they accused of collaborating with the enemy, such as the U.S., the FDN, and ARDE. In March 1982 the Sandinistas declared an official State of Emergency. They argued that this was a response to attacks by counter-revolutionary forces. The State of Emergency lasted six years, until January 1988, when it

3885-718: The Defense of the Revolution , called Sandinista Defense Committees ( Comités de Defensa Sandinista or CDS). Especially in the early days following Somoza's overthrow, the CDSes served as de facto units of local governance. Their obligations included political education, organizing Sandinista rallies, distributing food rations, organizing neighborhood/regional cleanup and recreational activities, policing to control looting, and apprehending counter-revolutionaries. The CDSes organized civilian defense efforts against Contra activities and

3990-537: The FSLN could never hope to outnumber or outgun the National Guard. On June 4, the FSLN called a general strike, to last until Somoza fell and an uprising was launched in Managua. On June 16, the formation of a provisional Nicaraguan government in exile, consisting of a five-member Junta of National Reconstruction , was announced and organized in Costa Rica. The members of the new junta were Daniel Ortega (FSLN), Moisés Hassán (FPN), Sergio Ramírez (the "Twelve"), Alfonso Robelo (MDN) and Violeta Barrios de Chamorro ,

4095-542: The FSLN in 1990, 1996, 2001 and 2006. In the 2006 general elections, Ortega won with 37.99% of the votes. Daniel Ortega placed first in all major polling prior to the election. Ortega ran his campaign ran on an anti-poverty platform, pulling broad support from across the country. After 85.2% of the votes were counted, The Electoral Council said that Ortega had 62.69% of the vote and the Liberal Party's Fabio Gadea had 30.96%. They confirmed Ortega's victory on 8 November. Vice-President: Omar Halleslevens Omar Halleslevens,

4200-477: The FSLN to get their leader, Brooklyn Rivera, into a government position to represent the party; Rivera was elected as an Assemblyman but broke with FSLN in 2014 when he accused the party of stealing regional elections. Cid Gallup Consultora Siglo Nuevo M&R Consultores In October 2009, the Supreme Court, which has a majority of Sandinista judges, overturned presidential term limits as set by

4305-417: The FSLN. He and his group were betrayed by someone who informed the National Guard that they were in the area. The guerrilla group was ambushed, and Fonseca was wounded in the process. The next morning the National Guard executed Fonseca. After the FSLN's defeat at the battle of Pancasán in 1967, it adopted the "Prolonged Popular War" ( Guerra Popular Prolongada , GPP) theory as its strategic doctrine. The GPP

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4410-759: The Hope – Spanish : Unidad Nicaragüense por la Esperanza ). The UNE is composed by the Sandinista Renovation Movement, the liberal Vamos con Eduardo and Liberales por un proyecto de nación movements, the Citizens Union for Democracy (an alliance of 14 local non-profits), a faction of the Nicaraguan Resistance Party , the Conservative Unity Movement (formed by dissidents of the Conservative Party) and

4515-514: The MRS electoral alliance. President: Enrique Quiñonez Vice-President: Diana Urbina President: Daniel Ortega Daniel Ortega, coordinator of the Junta of National Reconstruction (1979–1985), ascended to the presidency after the 1984 elections. Ortega, general secretary of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), was President of Nicaragua from 1985 to 1990 and presidential candidate of

4620-689: The NNM. The New Nicaragua Movement was established in three cities Managua, Leon and Estelí , however they were generally stationed in Honduras. Their first public activity was held in March 1961, in support of the Cuban revolution and in protest of the position that the Nicaraguan government held with Cuba. The NNM later dissolved to make way for the National Liberation Front. The New Nicaragua Movement soon dissolved with its members forming

4725-835: The National Liberation Front, FLN. The FSLN originated in the milieu of various oppositional organizations, youth and student groups in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The university of Léon , and the National Autonomous University of Nicaragua (UNAN) in Managua were two of the principal centers of activity. Inspired by the Revolution and the FLN in Algeria, the FSLN was founded in 1961 by Carlos Fonseca , Silvio Mayorga  [ es ; ru ] , Tomás Borge , Casimiro Sotelo and others as The National Liberation Front (FLN). Only Borge lived long enough to see

4830-561: The National Union of Farmers and Ranchers ( Unión Nacional de Agricultores y Ganaderos ), and most importantly the Sandinista Defense Committees (CDS). The Sandinista-controlled mass organizations were extremely influential over civil society and saw their power and popularity peak in the mid-1980s. Upon assuming power, the FSLN's official political platform included nationalization of property owned by

4935-470: The Nicaraguan 2 party system, along with the FSLN. Other parties struggle to achieve electoral success against these two parties. The Constitutionalist Liberal Party emerged from the Liberal Party of Nicaragua, along with the FSLN. The PLC merged with other smaller liberal groups in order to form a strong enough opposition to the FSLN. The Independent Liberal Party is leading the UNE alliance (Nicaraguan Unity for

5040-509: The Nicaraguan Supreme Court, and maintain a passionate support base that consistently has good election turnout, despite supporters only making up around 30% of the population. The success of the FSLN in elections can be attributed to combination of passionate support base (with good voter turnout) and relatively inactive and indifferent Independent voters in Nicaragua, who have notoriously weak turnout for elections. After

5145-555: The Sandinista National Liberation Front contested an election being in power. Although the constitution had banned the re-election of a sitting president, the Constitutional Court ruled in 2009 that the ban was unenforceable and that Ortega could run again. He faced Fabio Gadea Mantilla of the Independent Liberal Party , who was in alliance with other opposition forces both to the right and to

5250-845: The Sandinista government eventually divided into two main groups: The Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense (FDN), a U.S.-supported army formed in 1981 by the CIA, U.S. State Department, and former members of the Somoza-era Nicaraguan National Guard; and the Alianza Revolucionaria Democratica (ARDE) Democratic Revolutionary Alliance , a group that had existed since before the FSLN and was led by Sandinista founder and former FSLN supreme commander Edén Pastora , a.k.a. "Commander Zero". Milpistas, former anti-Somoza rural militias, eventually formed

5355-410: The Sandinista victory in 1979. A congress or assembly is not formed between all the prominent leaders of the various groups as the preparation would have required a prior theoretical process in order to create them. As a result, the FSLN was not prepared for its own formation. Different discussions took place within the group as they came to a consensus on political ideas. Even in 1963, while still under

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5460-424: The Somozas and their supporters; land reform; improved rural and urban working conditions; free unionization for all workers, both urban and rural; price fixing for commodities of basic necessity; improved public services, housing conditions, education; abolition of torture, political assassination and the death penalty; protection of democratic liberties; equality for women; non-aligned foreign policy; and formation of

5565-473: The Supreme Electoral Council did not operate in a transparent and impartial manner". There have been three notable post-election violent clashes. Three opposition supporters were killed by the National Police in San Jose de Cusmapa, while one activist was killed in Siuna. The government and opposition has also clashed several times in the capital, Managua, during weekly protests for fair and transparent elections. The demonstrators gathered every week in front of

5670-429: The Supreme Electoral Council in the center of Managua. Those who did recognize the election results: The Organization of American States ratified, that the results of the Nicaraguan general elections of 2011, won by Daniel Ortega Saavedra with more than 62 percent of the vote, corresponded to the count realized by this and other organizations during their electoral observer mission in Nicaragua. While they recognize

5775-455: The U.S. and Canada representing the FSLN). The FAO and Carter came up with a plan to remove Somoza from office but give the FSLN no government power. The FAO's efforts lost political legitimacy, as the grassroots support of the FSLN wanted more structural changes and was opposed to "Somocism without Somoza". The "Twelve" abandoned the coalition in protest and formed the "National Patriotic Front" ( Frente Patriotico Nacional – FPN) together with

5880-415: The United States and other countries claim that the 2011 elections were flawed, and were manipulated by Ortega to strengthen his control of national institutions. However, the Sandinistas are widely popular and have strong public support as a result of their social programs (which have improved the standards of living for many poor Nicaraguans), so many observers conceded that Ortega would most likely have won

5985-449: The backing of a million votes. Vice-President: Elizabeth Rojas Elizabeth Rojas is an evangelical pastor and the running mate of Miguel Angel García on the APRE ticket. President: Arnoldo Alemán Arnoldo Alemán was President of Nicaragua from 1997 to 2002. In the early 1990s he became Mayor of Managua after serving for two months as a councillor in Managua. He was popular due to his urban renewal projects which helped spruce up

6090-418: The break-up of the FSLN-Convergence alliance in 2005, the FSLN formed the United Nicaragua Triumphs alliance. The allied political forces of the FSLN are; Yapti Tasba Masraka Nanih Aslatakanka (YATAMA), the indigenous party from Nicaragua's Atlantic Coast, Christian Democratic Union (UDC), Christian Unity Movement (MUC), Popular Conservative Alliance (APC) and a few smaller organisations of dissidents from

6195-412: The center-left of the national political spectrum including the Sandinista Renovation Movement (MRS). Another candidate was former President Arnoldo Alemán , backed by the traditional Constitutionalist Liberal Party ( Spanish : Partido Liberal Constitucionalista – PLC). Alemán had been convicted in 2003 for corruption and money laundering and been given a 20-year jail sentence, but his conviction

6300-497: The city, severely damaged and never rebuilt after a 1972 earthquake . Alemán was constitutionally barred from running for another term, and was succeeded by his vice president, Enrique Bolaños. Allegations emerged that Alemán was concealing massive corruption in his administration. At the end of his presidency, public information about alleged corruption committed under his government became available. Vice-President: Francisco Aguirre Sacasa Francisco Aguirre, national secretary of

6405-403: The command of Rafael Somarriba (in which Carlos Fonseca was integrated) was found and annihilated by the Honduran Army in coordination with the intelligence services of the Nicaraguan National Guard. After "El Chaparral", several more armed rebellions took place. In August the journalist Manuel Díaz y Sotelo died; in September Carlos "Chale" Haslam died; in December Heriberto Reyes (Colonel of

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6510-421: The constitution. Ortega and the FSLN were reelected in the presidential elections of 2011 , 2016 , and 2021 , although these elections have been criticized by international observers. The Sandinistas took their name from Augusto César Sandino (1895–1934), the leader of Nicaragua's nationalist rebellion against the US occupation of the country during the early 20th century (ca. 1922–1934). The suffix "-ista"

6615-432: The constitution. Previously, the constitution of Nicaragua specifically prohibited consecutive terms and limited presidents to holding office for two terms. Many opponents claim that the bid to overturn the term limits should have been taken to Congress, because it requires full constitutional reform. Ortega initially proposed a congressional referendum amending the constitution, but his plan never came to fruition. The case

6720-427: The country for humanitarian reasons. In August, the Terceristas took hostages. Twenty-three Tercerista commandos led by Edén Pastora seized the entire Nicaraguan congress and took nearly 1,000 hostages, including Somoza's nephew José Somoza Abrego and cousin Luis Pallais Debayle. Somoza gave in to their demands and paid a $ 500,000 ransom, released 59 political prisoners (including GPP chief Tomás Borge ), broadcast

6825-406: The country for ten days weakened private enterprises and most of them decided to suspend their participation in less than two weeks. Meanwhile, Somoza asserted his intention to stay in power until the end of his presidential term in 1981. The United States government showed its displeasure with Somoza by suspending all military assistance to the regime, but continued to approve economic assistance to

6930-433: The death penalty. Former New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio worked for the Center in 1988. In the 1970s and early 1980s, many activists affiliated with the Quixote Center supported the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment including Sister Maureen Fiedler . Sandinista National Liberation Front The Sandinista National Liberation Front ( Spanish : Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional , FSLN )

7035-489: The economy and overseeing runaway inflation. A US-backed group, known as the Contras , was formed in 1981 to overthrow the Sandinista government and was funded and trained by the Central Intelligence Agency . The United States sought to place economic pressure on the Sandinista government by imposing a full trade embargo and by planting underwater mines in Nicaragua's ports. In 1984, free and fair elections were held, but were boycotted by opposition parties. The FSLN won

7140-677: The editor of the opposition newspaper La Prensa and leader of the "Democratic Union of Liberation" (Unión Democrática de Liberación – UDEL), was assassinated. His assassins were not identified at the time, but evidence implicated Somoza's son and other members of the National Guard. Spontaneous riots followed in several cities, while the business community organized a general strike demanding Somoza's resignation. The Terceristas carried out attacks in early February in several Nicaraguan cities. The National Guard responded by further increasing repression and using force to contain and intimidate all government opposition. The nationwide strike that paralyzed

7245-441: The election: Those who did not recognize the election results: Local Electoral Observers such as the "Hagamos Democracia" and "Etica and Transparencia" have rejected the electoral results. The Episcopal Conference of Nicaragua considered the election not to be transparent. They claimed that the election results did not accurately represent the will of the people. The European Union Electoral Observers stated that "the process

7350-526: The elections regardless of whether or not he committed fraud. Freedom of the press was another area of contention, as many Nicaraguan journalists felt that they lacked the ability to speak freely. In June 2011, Journalist Roberto Mora spoke about the fear felt by independent journalists and how many feel that this has led to their self-censorship, saying "In order to avoid problems with the government, independent journalists are forced to censor themselves and avoid covering any controversial issues that may arouse

7455-652: The freedom to organize demonstrations, the inviolability of the home, freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and the freedom to strike. All independent news program broadcasts were suspended. In total, twenty-four programs were cancelled. In addition, Sandinista censor Nelba Cecilia Blandón issued a decree ordering all radio stations to take broadcasts from government radio station La Voz de La Defensa de La Patria every six hours. 2011 Nicaraguan general election Daniel Ortega FSLN Daniel Ortega FSLN General elections were held in Nicaragua on 6 November 2011. The incumbent president Daniel Ortega , won

7560-499: The impact of the decision: because the injunction was filed by Ortega and 109 Sandinista mayors, the topic in question was whether the Constitution's ban on re-election violated the political rights of that group specifically. As a result, the ruling on re-elections applied solely to Ortega and the FSLN mayors; any opposition candidates seeking exemption to the re-election limits would have to file their own petition. The decision

7665-457: The initiation of heavier U.S. military involvement in the Nicaraguan conflict the CDS was empowered to enforce wartime bans on political assembly and association with other political parties (i.e., parties associated with the Contras). By 1980, conflicts began to emerge between the Sandinista and non-Sandinista members of the governing junta. Violeta Chamorro and Alfonso Robelo resigned from

7770-514: The international aid that flowed into the country to assist in reconstruction, and several parts of downtown Managua were never rebuilt. The president gave reconstruction contracts preferentially to family and friends, thereby profiting from the quake and increasing his control of the city's economy. By some estimates, his personal wealth rose to US$ 400 million in 1974. In December 1974, a guerrilla group affiliated with FSLN directed by Eduardo Contreras and Germán Pomares seized government hostages at

7875-548: The ire of the government." The Ortega family owns TV and radio stations, giving him control over much of the mass media, which, as a result, rarely gave air time to the opposition. After the polls closed, the Organisation of American States ' observer mission, led by former Argentine foreign minister Dante Caputo , said that its job was hindered in 10 of 52 polling stations and was "worrying. If we had trouble in 10 out of 52 polling stations, that means that in 20 per cent of

7980-498: The junta in 1980, and rumors began that members of the Ortega junta would consolidate power among themselves. These allegations spread, and rumors intensified that it was Ortega's goal to turn Nicaragua into a state modeled after Cuban socialism . In 1979 and 1980, former Somoza supporters and ex-members of Somoza's National Guard formed irregular military forces, while the original core of the FSLN began to splinter. Armed opposition to

8085-433: The largest domestic election organizations, were also critical of the election. Etica y Transparencia— which was not granted observer accreditation by the Ortega administration— later released a statement saying that "We estimate that the electoral process does not meet with the required minimum universal guarantees for an election," and Hagamos Democracia reported that four people suffered gunshot wounds and 20 were arrested in

8190-522: The largest pool of recruits for the Contras . Although independent and often in conflict with each other, these guerrilla bands—along with several others—all became known as Contras (short for contrarrevolucionarios —counter-revolutionaries). The opposition militias were initially organized and largely remained segregated according to regional affiliation and political backgrounds. They conducted attacks on economic, military, and civilian targets. During

8295-464: The latter four cities under siege. The September Insurrection of 1978 was subdued at the cost of several thousand, mostly civilian, casualties. Members of all three factions fought in these uprisings, which began to blur the divisions and prepare the way for unified action. In early 1979, President Jimmy Carter and the United States ended support for the Somoza government, but did not want

8400-475: The legislature. The FSLN is now Nicaragua's sole leading party. In the 2006 Nicaraguan general election , former FSLN President Daniel Ortega was reelected President of Nicaragua with 38.7% of the vote to 29% for his leading rival, bringing in the country's second Sandinista government after 17 years of other parties winning elections. In October 2009, the Supreme Court, which has a majority of Sandinista judges, overturned presidential term limits that were set by

8505-464: The majority of the votes, and those who opposed the Sandinistas won approximately a third of the seats. The civil war between the Contras and the government continued until 1989. After revising the constitution in 1987, and after years of fighting the Contras, the FSLN lost the 1990 election to Violeta Barrios de Chamorro in an election marked by US interference, but retained a plurality of seats in

8610-475: The name of FLN, there was a lack of internal coherence in political ideas (this can be seen in the publication of the newspaper Trinchera). The first few years were carried by some basic shared values of all the forces that were being integrated. Some of these basic shared ideas was to imitate the success of the Cuban Revolution, the ineffectiveness of the conventional opposition to the Somoza regime and

8715-403: The need to remain independent of them (referring to the from the conservative, liberal and communist parties), the need for a revolutionary movement that would use the armed struggle as opposition to the Somoza dictatorship, and after some discussion, identification with Sandino's struggle. It was not until 1969 that any programmatic document was published. The Sandinista National Liberation Front

8820-437: The newer movement's ideology and strategy. By the early 1970s, the FSLN was launching limited military initiatives. On December 23, 1972, a magnitude 6.2 earthquake leveled the capital city, Managua . The earthquake killed 10,000 of the city's 400,000 residents and left another 50,000 homeless. About 80% of Managua's commercial buildings were destroyed. President Anastasio Somoza Debayle 's National Guard embezzled much of

8925-524: The north of the country. The leader of the Organization of American States observers, Dante Caputo, claimed that his staff was blocked from ten polling stations midway through voting, and the EU team of observers said they faced "sometimes inexplicable obstacles" to access. Additionally, complaints from international observers raised questions about the validity of Ortega's margin of victory. Observers from

9030-551: The party formed when the PLC publicly allied with Daniel Ortega. Under the leadership of Eduardo Montealegre, other smaller liberal parties formed an alliance with the Conservative Party. Headed by Daniel Ortega since 1978, the Sandinista National Liberation front was formed in order to overthrow the Samoza family dictatorship that had been running the country for 46 years. In 1979, Ortega's Third Tendencia ,

9135-569: The proletariat. Later that October, the Mexican cell was formed with members such as Edén Pastora Gómez , Juan José Ordóñez, Roger Hernández, Porfirio Molina y Pedro José Martínez Alvarado. In October 1958 Ramon Raudales began his guerilla war against the Somoza dynasty beginning the armed conflict. June 1959 the event known as "El Chaparral" occurred in Honduran territory bordering Nicaragua. The guerrilla fighters "Rigoberto López Pérez" under

9240-524: The results several times. The president of Nicaragua's election authority, Roberto Rivas, stated that "a process is legitimate if the people's wishes were respected, and that is what we are experiencing here." Gadea said that the result was allegedly plagued with vices and "that we suspect that we are in the presence of fraud of unprecedented proportions;" he also added that members of his party should await instructions as "the struggle continues." The United States coincided with European Union Observers "that

9345-517: The results, their report noted that there were several irregularities during the election involving providing identification cards to vote, proper accreditation of the election observers, and an imbalance in political parties present at polling stations. The Carter Center issued a statement in the election aftermath stating "We acknowledge the strong electoral support given to President Ortega in Sunday's election". The head of accompanying mission of

9450-459: The revolution. The war left 30,000–50,000 dead and 150,000 Nicaraguans in exile. The five-member junta entered Managua the next day and assumed power, reiterating its pledge to work for political pluralism, a mixed economic system, and a nonaligned foreign policy. The Sandinistas inherited a country with a debt of US$ 1.6 billion, an estimated 30,000 to 50,000 war dead, 600,000 homeless, and a devastated economic infrastructure. To begin establishing

9555-417: The sample on which we normally base our assessment, we haven't been able to work as we normally do. That means that we can't say that things went appropriately in 100 per cent of the polling stations." Reactions were diverse and not unified on the result of the election, both in Nicaragua and internationally. To illustrate the disparity of opinions and statements, below are a series of deviating positions on

9660-473: The takeover. The guerrillas received US$ 2 million ransom, and had their official communiqué read on the radio and printed in the newspaper La Prensa . Over the next year, the guerrillas got 14 Sandinista prisoners released from jail, and with them were flown to Cuba . One of the released prisoners was Daniel Ortega , who later became president of Nicaragua. The group also lobbied for an increase in wages for National Guard soldiers to 500 córdobas ($ 71 at

9765-571: The third magistrate was out of the country, leading to allegations that the court convened without establishing a legal quorum. Critics said this constitutional change could set the stage for Ortega to have the presidency for life. Furthermore, with a commanding majority in the election he could also promote constitutional changes to allow for his re-election indefinitely. The results of the election were widely protested and produced diverse reactions. Fabio Gadea, an opposition candidate, said that "We cannot accept these results, since they represent not

9870-630: The time). The Somoza government responded with further censorship , intimidation , torture , and murder . In 1975, Somoza imposed a state of siege, censoring the press, and threatening all opponents with internment and torture. Somoza's National Guard also increased its violence against people and communities suspected of collaborating with the Sandinistas. Many of the FSLN guerrillas were killed, including its leader and founder Carlos Fonseca in 1976. Fonseca had returned to Nicaragua in 1975 from his exile in Cuba to try to reunite factions that existed in

9975-510: The widow of La Prensa ' s director Pedro Joaquín Chamorro . By the end of that month, with the exception of the capital, most of Nicaragua was under FSLN control, including León and Matagalpa , Nicaragua's two largest cities after Managua. On July 9, the provisional government in exile released a government program in which it pledged to organize an effective democratic regime, promote political pluralism and universal suffrage, and ban ideological discrimination, except for those promoting

10080-519: The will of the Nicaraguan people but of the Supreme Electoral Council," which was also controlled by Ortega's Sandinistas. Several Nicaraguan groups were forbidden from monitoring the election, causing the leader of the group of observers from the EU to note that the fact that domestic observation groups were not accredited "represents a problem for the transparency of the whole exercise." Hagamos Democracia and Etica y Transparencia,

10185-420: Was based on the "accumulation of forces in silence": while the urban organization recruited on the university campuses and robbed money from banks, the main cadres were to permanently settle in the north central mountain zone. There they would build a grassroots peasant support base in preparation for renewed rural guerrilla warfare . As a consequence of the repressive campaign of the National Guard, in 1975

10290-421: Was controversially overturned in 2009. Nicaragua's legislative elections operate within a list proportional representation voting system and so the percentage of votes that each party receives grants it the same proportion of seats in the legislature, with no minimum vote boundary. The 62.69% of the vote Ortega received in the election translated to nearly two-thirds of government seats for his party, falling just

10395-547: Was led by an electoral system that was not independent and that failed to fulfill its job of transparency and collaboration with all political parties." The Higher Council of Private Enterprise (COSEP) called for a replacement for the CSE. The main opposition candidate, Fabio Gadea of the Liberal Independent Party, has also denounced the election as "fraud". President Ortega has urged his opponents to accept

10500-474: Was lifted. Under the new "Law for the Maintenance of Order and Public Security" the "Tribunales Populares Anti-Somocistas" allowed for the indefinite holding of suspected counter-revolutionaries without trial. The State of Emergency, however, most notably affected rights and guarantees contained in the "Statute on Rights and Guarantees of Nicaraguans". Many civil liberties were curtailed or canceled such as

10605-408: Was made unanimously by six judges from the governing Sandinista party, including three who were summoned as replacements when opposition magistrates did not attend. One such magistrate, Sergio Cuarezma, a member of the court's constitutional chamber, claims he was never informed of the afternoon session that overturned the ban. Another magistrate also claimed they were not given enough time to meet, and

10710-550: Was supposedly founded in a meeting in Tegucigalpa (Honduras) between Carlos Fonseca, Tomás Borge, and Silvio Mayorga. It's even been said that the meeting was held on July 19, 1961. In reality, there is no documentary reference that supports this affirmation, with the first news of this meeting and date surfacing after the revolutionary triumph of 1979. The term "Sandinista" was adopted two years later, establishing continuity with Sandino's movement, and using his legacy to develop

10815-526: Was the first act of a series that Somoza, with help from the U.S., would take that would culminate in his election as president in 1936. The result of his election was the start of the U.S. sponsored dictatorship of the Somoza family. During the 1960s, leftist ideas began spreading worldwide, sparking independence movements in different colonial territories. On 1 January 1959 in Havana , Cuban revolutionaries fought against dictator Fulgencio Batista . In Algeria

10920-470: Was to create a literate electorate that could make informed choices in the promised elections. The success of the literacy campaign was recognized by UNESCO with a Nadezhda Krupskaya International Prize , although the actual success of this literary campaign, and its long-term impact, have been called into question. The FSLN also created neighborhood groups similar to the Cuban Committees for

11025-533: Was tried in the Constitutional Courtroom of the Supreme Court of Justice (or CSJ) as a case of amparo , a method through which citizens whose constitutional rights have been violated may approach the courts for compensation. The amparo framework functions as a redress of grievances, wherein the court's decision impacts only the plaintiff, or individual(s) bringing forth the complaint. The use of amparo to address electoral reform greatly narrows

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