Misplaced Pages

#10989

119-716: The cocaine trade brought the CV massive profits and growth; by the end of 1985 the gang controlled as much as 70% of the drug trade in Rio de Janeiro's favelas. During this period, the CV established trading relationships with Colombian cartels. However, the group's decentralized leadership structure and disputes over profits prompted infighting, causing splinter groups such as the Terceiro Comando and Amigos dos Amigos to emerge. Conflicts with these splinter groups, as well as fierce resistance to state crackdowns on their operations, drove

238-484: A criminal organization is a stub . You can help Misplaced Pages by expanding it . Pablo Escobar Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria ( / ˈ ɛ s k ə b ɑːr / ; Spanish: [ˈpaβlo eskoˈβaɾ] ; 1 December 1949 – 2 December 1993) was a Colombian drug lord , narcoterrorist , and politician who was the founder and sole leader of the Medellín Cartel . Dubbed "the king of cocaine", Escobar

357-516: A 'Robin Hood paisa' due to his help to the poor of Medellín, Escobar would enter politics with the help of Jairo Ortega Ramírez as a congressman representing Antioquia through the Liberal Renewal movement, although his godfather in politics was the liberal chieftain from Tolima Department Alberto Santofimio Botero . This triumvirate initially supported the candidacy of Luis Carlos Galán ,

476-671: A DEA analysis. another version suggests that the Cali Cartel informed on Jorge Luis Ochoa , Escobar's partner, while Ochoa was in Buga , Valle del Cauca . This has been denied since Ochoa and Gilberto Rodríguez Orejuela had shared a cell in Spain where they were to be extradited to the United States, but both were repatriated to Colombia where they served ridiculous prison sentences. According to Jhon Jairo Velásquez 'Popeye',

595-567: A bicycle rental company he founded when he was 16 years old. After of his election, Escobar was invited in 1982 to the inauguration of Felipe González , the third president of democratic Spain, by the Spanish businessman Enrique Sarasola , who had important business dealings in Medellín. In Congress, in 1983, the new Minister of Justice, Rodrigo Lara-Bonilla , had become Escobar's opponent, accusing Escobar of criminal activity from

714-399: A bomb on Avianca Flight 203 in an attempt to assassinate Galán's successor, César Gaviria Trujillo , had not boarded the plane on the advice of his security advisers and survived. All 107 people were killed in the blast. Because two Americans were also killed in the bombing, the U.S. government began to intervene directly. On December 6, 1989, Escobar's hitmen placed a bus bomb in front of

833-747: A branch of La Rebaja Pharmacies in Medellin, followed by nearly 40 dynamite attacks against the drugstores, and 10 more against the Colombian Radio Group, both belonging to the Rodríguez Orejuela family. 1988 marked the beginning of espionage and counterespionage offensives. First, Escobar set up an intelligence operation against the Cali Cartel. The Rodríguez Orejuela family, in turn, hired five retired military officers to form an espionage service against Escobar. Escobar discovered them and kidnapped them. The Cali Cartel then made

952-597: A bus with a ton of dynamite, and one of the largest drug processing laboratories in Chocó. All process that began after a statement in which Los Extraditables described the declaration of the former presidents and the leader of the UP as a "patriotic invitation," while declaring that they recognized the "victory of the State." In return, the drug traffickers expected the government to create a high-level commission that would be in charge of

1071-609: A car bomb at the Monaco tower in the El Poblado sector of Medellín, where Escobar's family resided. The attack left a large crater and killed three people. Among the wounded was Manuela Escobar, Escobar's daughter, who had hearing damage in one of her ears. None of the residents were killed. In retaliation, hitmen from the Medellin Cartel attacked the businesses and properties of the Cali Cartel. On February 18, 1988,

1190-567: A common set of norms, but negotiate separately with individual drug suppliers, known as matutos . High levels of autonomy have been characteristic of the CV since its inception on Ilha Grande: while prisoners were barred from violence against each other, they were freely allowed to pursue independent business. Another distinct aspect of CV structure is that they allow their leaders to freely step away from gang activity if they choose to do so, in stark contrast with many comparable gangs who require members to remain active until death. Inside prisons with

1309-596: A cordial relationship, the origin of the war between the Medellin and Cali cartels has varied origins. One version suggests disagreement with the violent methods used by Escobar. Added to this, the Cali Cartel opposed a "war quota" against the government by refusing to pay for it. Another version suggests the Cali Cartel's zeal to take control of the drug market in Los Angeles and Miami since it currently monopolized drug trafficking in New York City , according to

SECTION 10

#1732791933011

1428-420: A crime; with Decree 1856 he ordered the confiscation of all movable and immovable property of drug traffickers; and with Decree 1859 he authorized the capture was authorized in conditions of absolute incommunication detention and for a time that exceeded constitutional norms, of persons of whom there were serious indications of having committed crimes against the existence and security of the State. In addition,

1547-660: A decade when the cocaine trade began to spread in Colombia in the mid-1970s. Escobar's meteoric rise caught the attention of the Colombian Security Service (DAS), who arrested him in May 1976 on his return from drug trafficking in Ecuador. DAS agents found 39 kg of cocaine in the spare tire of Escobar's car. Escobar managed to change the first judge in the lawsuit and the process expired, apparently by bribed

1666-434: A democratic system. To protect themselves, Figueiredo "manipulated a grassroots movement demanding amnesty for thousands of political prisoners and exiles to insulate himself and his colleagues from potential indictments," and passed the sweeping 1979 Amnesty Law, protecting political prisoners and their government captors from prosecution. As a result, the leftist guerrilla elements of the CV were released from prison, weakening

1785-403: A disproportionate share of reported fatalities in Rio de Janeiro. One suggested explanation for the CV's violent conflict with the state is the varying levels of conditionality in state crackdowns––whether the state cracks down harder on violent cartel behavior. In 2008, after the highly-conditional Pacification policy was implemented, cartel-state violence declined, only to see a resurgence after

1904-588: A dissident of the Liberal Party for his New Liberalism movement. While campaigning politically in Medellín, Galán learned through his assistant Iván Marulanda that people whose fortunes were of dubious origin had joined the Liberal Renovation movement. In Medellín's Berrío Park , Galán, without mentioning Escobar's name, publicly expelled him, rejecting the support of Escobar and others similar to him involved in shady business dealings. Despite

2023-620: A fateful balance of 300 civilians killed and more than 1,500 wounded. On November 1, 1989, Judge Mariela Espinosa was murdered on Escobar's orders. On November 23, 1989, a lightning operation was launched against the El Oro ranch in Cocorná (Antioquia), where Pablo Escobar and Jorge Luis Ochoa were staying. Escobar and Ochoa managed to escape, but two of his men were killed – one of them his brother-in-law, Fabio Henao – and 55 were arrested. Four days later, on November 27, Escobar then planted

2142-418: A form of "insurance scheme." Essentially, non-imprisoned members provide financial support and carry out instructions from imprisoned leaders, thus protecting themselves from retribution in the event that they are captured themselves. Beneath the favela donos , there are gerentes de boca ('drug mouth bosses') who carry out drug trafficking, soldados ('soldiers') who protect the favela's turf, and vapors ,

2261-510: A hitman for the Medellín Cartel, the dispute between the two sides began due to disputes between employees of Pablo Escobar and Hélmer Herrera: The war began with a love affair between "Piña" and Jorge Elí "El Negro" Pabón. "El Negro" Pabón was a man very loyal to Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria and Alejo Piña was a man of "Pacho" Herrera, both had been friends in a New York prison, but when El Negro got out of prison, he found out that Piña

2380-562: A letter bomb that killed 7 people. On July 4, 1989, in Medellín, in an attack targeting Colonel Valdemar Franklin Quintero, the governor of Antioquia, Antonio Roldán Betancur , died along with five of his companions. On July 28, 1989, Escobar's hitmen murdered Judge María Helena Díaz – Espinoza's substitute in the Escobar and Gaviria case for possession of coca paste – and her two bodyguards. On August 16, 1989, Escobar's hitmen killed

2499-493: A letter to the Barco administration, and sent Montoya a bill for pardons and a demobilization plan. However, given the intransigence of the United States, reluctant to the possibility of dialogue with the drug lords, the talks were delayed and in the end they were presented as the personal initiative of the intermediary, disassociating the president from them. In March 1989, hitmen from Los Extraditables killed Héctor Giraldo Gálvez,

SECTION 20

#1732791933011

2618-493: A maximum security Brazilian prison. Soon after their regime began in 1964, Brazil's military dictatorship faced a persistent challenge from leftist guerrilla rebels, made up largely of "middle-class intellectuals". In hopes of delegitimizing the rebels, in the early 1970s the Brazilian government began placing those they captured in prison alongside common criminals. One such prison, Candido Mendes, located on Ilha Grande, housed

2737-434: A mix of violent criminals and guerrillas in its notoriously brutal "Block B", or "The Pit". Inmates there were subject to frequent abuse at the hands of both their peers and the guards. The inmates banded together for mutual protection, shielding themselves from guard beatings and establishing a code of conduct for prisoners. Additionally, the guerrillas began to spread ideas about resistance, revolution, and social justice among

2856-546: A month later. On January 16, 1988, Escobar's hitmen kidnapped Andrés Pastrana (candidate for mayor of Bogotá and later President of Colombia) and held him hidden for several days on a farm near Rionegro. On January 25, 1988, cartel hitmen kidnapped Carlos Mauro Hoyos (Attorney General of the Nation), as he was heading to the airport in Rionegro (Antioquia). Although the plan was to keep both Hoyos and Pastrana captive in

2975-399: A nationwide manhunt. As a result, the Medellín Cartel crumbled, and in 1993, Escobar was killed in his hometown by Colombian National Police , a day after his 44th birthday. Escobar's legacy remains controversial; while many denounce the heinous nature of his crimes, he was seen as a " Robin Hood -like" figure for many in Colombia, as he provided many amenities to the poor. His killing

3094-549: A new constitution and the prohibition of the extradition of nationals, Escobar surrendered to authorities and was sentenced to five years' imprisonment on multiple charges; however, he struck a deal of no extradition with Colombian President César Gaviria , along with the ability to be housed in his self-built prison, La Catedral . In 1992, when authorities attempted to move Escobar to a more standard holding facility after confirming that he had continued to commit crimes while imprisoned, Escobar escaped and went into hiding, leading to

3213-527: A peace proposal, to which Escobar set two conditions: Compensation of 5 million dollars for the attack on the Monaco building, and the surrender of Pacho Herrera, Escobar's staunch enemy. Gilberto Rodríguez refused to surrender and the five ex-military men were found dead a few days later with a sign that read "Members of the Cali Cartel executed for attempting to attack people from Medellín." In December 1988, Escobar's hitmen attempt to kidnap Pacho Herrera in Cali,

3332-555: A sharp decline in violence between the state and the CV followed after implementation. However, in 2013, Pacification efforts eroded, and widespread violent conflict between the CV and state forces quickly returned. Additionally, in 2016, a 20-year-old truce between the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC), a rival criminal organization based in São Paulo , and the CV broke down, sparking an outbreak in violent clashes between

3451-447: A sharp uptick in violence in Rio and throughout Brazil throughout the late 1980s and into the 2000s. Violence continued to escalate until 2008, when the state government implemented a new policy to mitigate violent crime, called Pacification, which used new permanent proximity-policing units ( Unidade de Policia Pacificadora , or UPPs) to "maintain state control and provide social order" in favelas. Pacification proved initially successful;

3570-540: A significant uptick in regional fatalities. Armed militia groups in Rio represent another growing challenge for the CV. Militia groups, formed by former and current police officers purporting to fight crime, have grown to control substantial territory throughout Rio. In recent years, violence between militias and gangs has intensified; in 2020 and 2021, "clashes between gangs and militias were responsible for 28% of reported fatalities" in Rio. For example, in July and August 2022,

3689-423: A strong CV presence, senior leaders practice internal criminal governance. These leaders "rule prison life, settle internal faction disputes that occur outside of prison and make the final decision on any matters of mutual interest for faction affiliates." A defining characteristic of the CV is their willingness to openly engage the state in armed confrontation. Since the mid-1980s, as state forces steadily increased

Comando Vermelho - Misplaced Pages Continue

3808-573: A struggle has intensified between the CV, the PCC, and other rival gangs over control of trade routes and territory in the Amazon region. The exact year that the Comando Vermelho was founded remains disputed, but sources agree the gang formed out of a prison alliance between leftist guerrillas and common criminals housed together during the 1970s by Brazil's military dictatorship at Cândido Mendes,

3927-614: The Minor Basilica by His Excellency Mr. Alfonso Uribe Jaramillo, on October 21, 1952. Godfather: Gustavo Gaviria. I attest. Juan M. Gómez, Priest. MARGINAL NOTE OF MARRIAGE. He was married in Palmira, Valle, parish of La Stma. Trinidad, on March 29, 1976. Witnesses: Alfonso Hurtado and Dolores de Vallejo. He married Victoria E. Henao. I attest to this. Monsignor Samuel Álvarez Botero. According to his mother, Escobar began to show insight and cunning as early as elementary school; and at

4046-554: The Paisa ethnic subgroup. His family was of Spanish origin, specifically from the Basque Country , and also had Italian roots. He was the second of seven children and grew up in poverty . His father was a small farmer and his mother was a teacher, and his siblings in order of birth were Roberto de Jesus 'El Osito', Gloria Inés, Argemiro, Alba Marina, Luz María and Luis Fernando (the latter born in 1958 and murdered at

4165-466: The Sucre Department , along with his son Freddy Rodríguez Celades, his main lieutenant Gilberto Rendón Hurtado and four hitmen from his security force. Most of the terrorist attacks of the last few months were attributed to 'El Mexicano'. Although the Medellín Cartel and the government had made a series of approaches to reach negotiations that would lead to the surrender of the drug lords,

4284-680: The United States , which led to Escobar organizing more smuggling shipments, routes, and distribution networks in South Florida , California , Puerto Rico , and other parts of the country. He and cartel co-founder Carlos Lehder worked together to develop a new trans-shipment point in the Bahamas , an island called Norman's Cay about 350 km (220 mi) southeast of the Florida coast. Escobar and Robert Vesco purchased most of

4403-417: The 1980s, it was estimated Escobar led monthly shipments of 70 to 80 tons of cocaine into the country from Colombia , controlling more than 80% of the world's production of the drug and 60% of the illicit market in the United States. As a result, Escobar amassed an immense fortune, which amounted to around eight billion dollars between assets and cash; according to Forbes , for seven consecutive years, he

4522-647: The CV and the PCC as well as other rival gang groups. Additionally, an emerging struggle for control of the Amazon region has intensified between rival gangs including the CV. Seeking access to the valuable trafficking routes in the Colombia-Brazil-Peru tri-border region , the CV, PCC, Familia do Norte, and Colombian militia groups including the Border Command and the Carolina Ramirez Front have violently fought, contributing to

4641-571: The CV clashed frequently with the Campinho police militia for "control of the Morro do Fuba community in the North Zone." The Comando Vermelho's structure is loosely hierarchical yet allows significant autonomy throughout the organization. While there is no one single boss, imprisoned senior leaders exercise authority over favela leaders, known as donos , who deliver rents to the prison leaders as

4760-528: The Colombian government because many of the political candidates whom they backed financially were eventually elected. Although the Medellín Cartel was only established in the early 1970s, it expanded after Escobar met several drug lords on a farm in April 1978, and by the end of 1978 they had transported some 19,000 kilograms of cocaine to the United States. Soon, the demand for cocaine greatly increased in

4879-412: The Comando Vermelho and their police adversaries. The 2002 crime drama film City of God is based in a Rio favela and is inspired by true events surrounding the emergence of organized crime groups like the CV. The DVD release of the film contains an extra documentary "News of a Private War" which features interviews with the police and local children from the favelas. In the 2010 documentary "Dancing with

Comando Vermelho - Misplaced Pages Continue

4998-546: The Devil", director John Blair investigates criminal organizations in Rio's favelas. The 2010 Brazilian crime film 400 Contra 1 was inspired by CV founder William da Silva Lima's memoirs and narrates a fictionalized history of the birth of the gang in the late 1970s. Terceiro Comando Terceiro Comando (Portuguese for Third Command ) was a Brazilian criminal organization engaged in drug trafficking in Rio de Janeiro . It

5117-663: The IV Brigade under the command of General Harold Bedoya, the Extraditables ended the truce on March 30, putting a price on the head of each policeman killed. Medellín and its metropolitan area were involved in an urban war, after the first executions of uniformed officers and after the attack against a truck of the Elite Group, which occurred on a bridge in Itagüí on April 11. This attack, which left 20 dead and 100 wounded,

5236-615: The Lara Bonilla murder. According to reports, Escobar, who was at war with the guerrillas after the MAS episode, approached the M-19 through negotiations with Iván Marino Ospina . According to some reports, it is believed that he was aware of the Palace of Justice siege due to the threats made by Los Extraditables to the magistrates of the courts and because he offered economic support for

5355-622: The Lara case manager replacing Castro Gil, and two months later they blew up the headquarters of the TV production company Mundo Visión. On May 4, 1989, the former governor of Boyacá, Álvaro González Santana, father of Judge Martha Lucía González, was assassinated. After the attempted assassination of the head of the DAS, General Miguel Maza Márquez on May 30, 1989, in Bogotá, using a powerful explosive charge in

5474-499: The Medellín Cartel wanted to kill Piña, and that's when war broke out. Hugo Hernán Valencia and Pablo Correa Arroyave were the main money launderers for the Cartel. Both had a feud with the heads of the Cali Cartel and the latter had asked Escobar to do them a favor by killing them. But when the Cali Cartel refused to kill Piña, Escobar allowed Pabón to kill Piña. In retaliation, on January 13, 1988, 'Pacho' Herrera ordered his men to place

5593-410: The Medellín Cartel with Escobar at its helm declared total war against the government. Escobar organized and financed an extensive army of hitmen, who assassinated key figures for the Colombian institutionality, such as the liberal leader Luis Carlos Galán , and perpetrated indiscriminate terrorist acts, such as the use of car bombs in Colombia's main cities. This campaign of narcoterrorism destabilized

5712-672: The Medellín Cartel. The main leaders of the Cartel had to take refuge in Panama and tried, in May 1984, to talk with former President Alfonso López Michelsen , who was acting as an electoral observer in the elections in Panama , at the Hilton Hotel in Panama City in a last attempt to approach the government, denying their authorship of the murder of the minister but offering to surrender on condition of not extraditing them. Their failure

5831-426: The Medellín cartel and its military leader, El Mexicano (Rodríguez Gacha). He was located by an informant working for the Cali Cartel on the northern coast of the country, where he was seeking refuge from the authorities' persecution. Responsible for more than 2,000 homicides and claiming responsibility for the attack on the DAS tower, he was killed after a tough chase between the municipalities of Tolú and Coveñas in

5950-904: The Nation, wife of Carlos E. Restrepo , who was President of Colombia between 1910 and 1914. Pablo Escobar's godfather was the renowned Colombian diplomat and intellectual Joaquín Vallejo Arbeláez . His death is kept in the parish of Rionegro, which reads: In the parish of San Nicolás de Rionegro, on December 4, 1949, Father Juan M. Gómez baptized a child who was born on the first day of the present, whom he named PABLO EMILIO, legitimate son of Abel de Jesús Escobar and Hermilda Gaviria, residents of this parish. Paternal grandparents: Pablo Emilio Escobar and Sara María Echeverri. Maternal grandparents: Roberto Gaviria and Inés Berrío. Godparents: Joaquín Vallejo and Nelly Mejía de Vallejo, who were advised of their spiritual relationship and obligations. I attest. Agustín Gómez. Priest. MARGINAL NOTE OF CONFIRMATION. Confirmed in

6069-541: The President of the UP Diego Montaña Cuellar, consisting of the formation of a commission of Notables to negotiate with the narcoterrorists. On January 17, 1990, they responded to the government's proposal, presenting themselves in a statement as legitimate candidates for judicial pardon and expressing a "genuine willingness to negotiate." Immediately afterward, they released the hostages, handed over

SECTION 50

#1732791933011

6188-713: The United States was cancelled, while Judge Gustavo Zuluaga Serna issued an arrest warrant against Escobar for the murder of the two DAS agents who had captured him in 1976. At the same time, and with Lara's approval, the police, headed by Colonel Jaime Ramírez , together with the DEA discovered and dismantled Tranquilandia , a complex of several cocaine processing laboratories owned by Rodríguez Gacha. Although Escobar fought back, he announced his retirement from politics in January 1984. Three months later, Lara-Bonilla, whose honor had previously been called into question and then vindicated,

6307-427: The United States.Escobar and the rest of the leadership, aware of the danger that extradition represented for their interests and determined to fight it, reinforced their military and economic apparatus and set about collecting considerable resources from all drug traffickers, even from those who were not part of their group, in order to finance the foreseeable escalation of violence. Although both cartels maintained

6426-452: The age of 19 in 1977). Escobar's maternal grandfather, Roberto Gaviria Cobaleda, had already preceded him in illegal activities, as he was a renowned whiskey smuggler at a time when it was illegal (early 20th century). Gaviria Cobaleda was also the grandfather of the Colombian lawyer and politician José Obdulio Gaviria. "Well, my family did not have significant financial resources and we lived through difficulties like those experienced by

6545-773: The beginning of high school, another of his qualities became evident: his leadership over his classmates. Escobar and his cousin Gustavo Gaviria Rivero did small "businesses" at the Lucrecio Jaramillo Vélez high school, where they both studied. They held raffles, exchanged comics, sold exams and lent money at low interest. In this way, Pablo Escobar began to develop his "ability" for business and commerce. Escobar left high school in 1966 just before his 17th birthday, before returning two years later with his cousin Gustavo Gaviria. At this time,

6664-410: The building of the DAS – the Colombian secret police – in an attempt to assassinate its director, General Miguel Alfredo Maza Márquez , who emerged unharmed despite the building being half-destroyed. The bus bomb also destroyed more than 200 commercial establishments around it. 63 civilians were killed and 500 were injured. On December 15, 1989, Barco's government managed to kill the second leader of

6783-504: The city. After Pablo Escobar 's death, the CV established a working relationship with the FARC , a Colombian guerrilla group which moved into the cocaine trade. Led by Luiz Fernando da Costa ( a.k.a. Fernandinho Beira-Mar or Seaside Freddy) the CV procured arms and ammunition, which they delivered to the FARC in exchange for their supply of cocaine. Beginning in 2008, in an effort to combat

6902-406: The command of his allies Fidel and Carlos Castaño Gil . Gradually the cordial relations between the paramilitaries and Los Extraditables would deteriorate because of this. On May 12, the eve of Mother's Day, bombs exploded in two commercial districts in Bogotá, killing twenty-one people. On the same day in Cali, another terrorist act claimed the lives of nine civilians. At the end of the month, at

7021-448: The common criminals. As the alliance cemented, members introduced a common code of prison rules, designed to promote loyalty among members, reduce violence within the prison, and advance the common cause of the prisoners, while still maintaining a degree of autonomy for individual members to act as they desired. In attempts to break up the alliance, prison officials moved inmate leaders to different wings and prisons, but this instead helped

7140-588: The complete release of the hostages before the end of January 1990. On January 22, Álvaro Montoya was released near the main entrance of the National University of Colombia , without the sign requiring him to convey any message to the public. The Extraditables, effectively deceived by the Government and faced with a strong military offensive in Envigado, declared a zone of military operations by

7259-622: The country and made Escobar the most wanted criminal in the world at the beginning of the nineties. Escobar was responsible for the murder of 657 police officers between 1989 and 1993, and fierce clashes against the Cali Cartel , the Magdalena Medio Antioquia paramilitary groups, and Los Pepes . In 1991, after the consummation of the National Constituent Assembly , which gave Colombia

SECTION 60

#1732791933011

7378-406: The country and opening new cocaine trafficking routes through Nicaragua and Cuba. All of this in collusion with some sectors of the public forces, bought off with money and terror. In the fall of 1985, the wanted Escobar requested the Colombian government to allow his conditional surrender without extradition to the United States. The proposal was initially rejected, The Los Extraditable Organization

7497-528: The creation of the Elite Group of the police with 500 men was arranged, essentially aimed at hunting down terrorist leaders, and it was placed under the command of Colonel Hugo Martínez Poveda . In the following days, the Army and the Police carried out more than 450 raids throughout the country and arrested nearly 13,000 people accused of being linked to drug trafficking. On August 23, the Extraditables responded to

7616-778: The disappearance of 11 people during the retaking of the Palace by the Public Force. The Cartel's campaign of assassinations against its enemies in the Government and those who supported the extradition treaty, made effective in January 1985 with the sending of the first captured to the United States by the newly appointed Minister of Justice Enrique Parejo González , replacing the murdered Lara, and all those who denounced their business and mafia networks. The Extraditables assassinated, in February 1986, in Baton Rouge , Louisiana ,

7735-440: The disorganized archive of the newspaper and found the headline in which it was reported that Escobar together his cousin Gustavo Gaviria had been arrested for possessing coca paste. Escobar's arrest in 1976 was investigated by Lara-Bonilla's subordinates, this confirmed in a Brian Ross 's September 5, 1983 report, on the U.S. television network NBC . A few months later, Escobar was publicly expelled from Congress and his visa to

7854-436: The drug trade, the UPPs were primarily tasked with securing the favela communities from gang-related violence. The early period of Pacification (2008–2010) saw 40 UPP battalions installed across 200 communities, and was largely successful for the state. The CV, which suddenly ceased their violent confrontation with state forces, ceded significant territory to the state; one UPP effort left "the CV's principal stronghold firmly in

7973-452: The early 1970s, he began to work for various smugglers. In 1976, forming alliances with Gonzalo Rodríguez Gacha , Carlos Lehder , and Jorge Luis Ochoa and his clan, Escobar founded the Medellín Cartel , which distributed powder cocaine. He also established the first smuggling routes from Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador through Colombia and into the United States. Escobar's infiltration into the U.S. created exponential demand for cocaine, and by

8092-464: The end of 1985, the gang already controlled 70% of the drug market in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro." During this period, the CV became increasingly involved in the provision of social services and administration of justice for the favela communities which it controlled. In exchange for the cooperation of favela residents, the CV prohibited theft, robbery, and rape, and provided public goods like school supplies, medical equipment, and food distribution for

8211-503: The first day of Congress. Lara, who had since denounced the infiltration of illicit money into Colombian politics and soccer teams, accused him not only of being a drug trafficker but also of being the leader of the paramilitary group Death to Kidnappers (MAS), created in 1981 to violently stop the onslaught of the M-19 guerrilla movement that had kidnapped Martha Nieves Ochoa, sister of his associates, and an attempted kidnapping of his partner Carlos Lehder who managed to escape wounded in

8330-508: The funk artists that are in league with the CV sometimes garner significant sales and airplay despite making a type of music that is Proibidão , or 'extremely prohibited', in terms of where it can be sold and who can play it. In addition to promoting the crime group, the funk sponsored by the CV also challenges the ideas and laws of the Division of the Repression Against Drugs. In 2006, Ross Kemp 's docuseries Ross Kemp on Gangs included an episode titled "Rio De Janeiro", which investigated

8449-788: The goal of becoming a criminal lawyer, a politician, and eventually the president but had to give up because of lack of money. Escobar preferred to dedicate himself to his personal "businesses." An interesting fact, he always felt self-conscious about his short stature (1.65 m) and this made him wear special shoes with heels to make himself look taller. Escobar started his criminal career with his gang by with small scams, thefts, and after stealing tombstones, sandblasting their inscriptions, and reselling them. After dropping out of college, Escobar began to join gangs to steal cars. Escobar soon became involved in violent crime, employing criminals to kidnap people who owed him money and demand ransoms, sometimes tearing up ransom notes even when Escobar had received

8568-411: The government entity INDERENA and the customs authorities; a lake, a sculpture garden; a private bullring; and other amenities for his family and the cartel. Escobar made a show of this by producing a propaganda report about his Hacienda. Escobar was also among the world's billionaires due to his immense fortune invested in buildings, homes, automobiles and estates. listed as the seventh richest man in

8687-444: The government in a letter to the public, taking on the challenge of total war. With 3,000 armed hitmen, the association of paramilitarism and the support of a significant portion of the population under its control, in addition to the financial muscle that gave it control of at least 90% of cocaine trafficking abroad, the Medellín Cartel confronted the Colombian state with bombings and selective assassinations. Terrorism multiplied and put

8806-401: The government in check: between September and December 1989, more than 100 devices exploded in Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Bucaramanga, Cartagena, Barranquilla and Pereira, against government buildings, banking, commercial and service facilities and economic infrastructure. In those three months, including the hitmen, the narco-terrorists were responsible for 289 terrorist attacks in that period, with

8925-491: The group spread throughout the prison system. During this period prison officials gave the group its name: one official called the group "Comando Vermelho" in a memo to his colleagues. The name was adopted first by the press and then later by the group itself. In 1979, sensing an impending democratization movement, newly-installed President Joao Figueiredo and his military regime began to fear that they and members of their armed forces could face trial for human rights violations in

9044-408: The group's ideological bent. Meanwhile, the CV began to spread beyond prison gates. While many of its original members were bank robbers, the group quickly became involved in the burgeoning cocaine market. CV members helped traffic drugs overseas for Colombian cartels and distributed cocaine into the local Rio de Janeiro market. The cocaine trade proved incredibly lucrative and the CV grew rapidly: "by

9163-541: The hand of the state for the first time in more than a generation." Despite its initial success for the state, corruption and over-expansion caused erosion of the Pacification system, and by 2013 the program began to break down. Since then, violent clashes between the CV and state forces have surged. In 2016, following the collapse of a 20-year truce between the CV and the PCC, violence surged further. In 2023, sources consistently reported frequent violent clashes between

9282-565: The hard life on the streets of Medellín had polished them into gangster bullies in the eyes of teachers. The two dropped out of school after more than a year, but Escobar did not give up. Having forged a high school diploma, he was admitted to study at the Faculty of Economics of the Latin American Autonomous University of Medellin , where several of his Gaviria cousins were studying, including José Obdulio, with

9401-524: The intellectual co-author of the crime. President Barco declared war on drug trafficking in the same way that Betancur had done five years earlier. With Decree 1830 of August 19, 1989, Barco established extradition by administrative means, without taking into account the ruling of the Supreme Court of Justice; with Decree 1863 he authorized military judges to conduct searches where there were suspicions or indications of persons or objects related to

9520-783: The intransigence of the US justice system and the recent acts of violence prevented any such option. The Extraditables attempted a new strategy of dialogue and negotiation with the State, wanting to pressure it with the kidnapping of the son of the Secretary of the Presidency, Álvaro Diego Montoya, and two relatives of the President of the Republic, in addition to other personalities. A proposal then arose from former President López Michelsen, supported by former Presidents Julio César Turbay and Misael Pastrana , by Cardinal Mario Rebollo Bravo and by

9639-521: The judge of the superior court of Cundinamarca, Carlos Ernesto Valencia, and on August 18 in Medellin, Colonel Quintero was shot dead by dozens of bullets. Although the news of the crime that occurred in the morning hours was overshadowed, when at night during a political rally in Soacha, Escobar still held a grudge against Luis Carlos Galán for kicking him out of politics, so Galán was assassinated on 18 August 1989 at Escobar's orders; several dozen gunmen in

9758-510: The king of smuggling in Colombia. Escobar soon entered the drug trade by smuggling marijuana to the United States under the patronage of Griselda Blanco. After the end of the marijuana boom, Escobar began working as an intermediary who bought cocaine paste in Colombia, Bolivia and Peru , to later resell it to his partners the Ochoa brothers, traffickers in charge of taking it to the United States. Escobar had been involved in organized crime for

9877-442: The land on the island, which included a 1-kilometre (3,300 ft) airstrip, a harbor, a hotel, houses, boats, and aircraft, and they built a refrigerated warehouse to store the cocaine. According to his brother, Escobar did not purchase Norman's Cay; it was instead a sole venture of Lehder's. From 1978 to 1982, this was used as a central smuggling route for the Medellín Cartel. With the enormous profits generated by this route, Escobar

9996-489: The leg. Escobar secretly counterattacks alongside Jairo Ortega by showing a copy of a check from drug trafficker Evaristo Porras to Lara's Senate campaign, in addition to challenging the minister to show evidence against him under penalty of being sued for slander and defamation. Guillermo Cano , editor and owner of the newspaper El Espectador , seeing Escobar, sensed that he knew him from somewhere, so accompanied by María Jimena Duzán and another reporter, they went to

10115-443: The legal procedures that would allow their surrender. The government considered names to lead the process and the most likely candidate was Otto Morales Benítez, former government negotiator with the guerrillas. However, the approaches were leaked to the press and the attempt at dialogue and negotiation ended in a new wave of terrorism, and announced that, on the contrary, it would strengthen the extradition process. This did not prevent

10234-408: The lowest-level gang members, who are often young teens. Within this structure, there is significant freedom for gang members to run operations as they see fit. According to Penglase, the "CV is most accurately described as a loose association of drug traffickers who come together for reciprocal assistance yet who act with great degrees of autonomy." Members of the CV operate with a shared identity and

10353-477: The majority of Colombian people, so we are not oblivious to these problems, we know them deeply and we understand them." However, his ancestors and immediate family members stood out as politicians, businessmen, ranchers and figures of the Antioquian elite, therefore, his widely publicized "popular origins" would not correspond to reality. Among his extensive family members is Isabel Gaviria Duque, First Lady of

10472-494: The most common ways in which the criminal organization is able to catch the youth's attention is through the popular musical style of funk carioca , a form of Brazilian music derived from Miami bass . Due to the genre's popularity with young Brazilians, the group "is known to have subsidized funk parties to recruit young kids for drug dealing". In addition to these funk parties ( bailes funk ), "where drugs and sex attract even bourgeois or petty-bourgeois youth", held regularly by

10591-540: The murder of Diario Occidente journalist Raúl Echavarría Barrientos. In September 1986, motorized hitmen killed Judge Zuluaga Serna. In October 1986, anti-narcotics police colonel Jaime Ramírez Gómez was killed after returning to Bogotá from a weekend trip with his family. On December 17, 1986, Guillermo Cano, editor of El Espectador newspaper, was killed. In January 1987, Escobar's hitmen attacked Parejo González, former Minister of Justice in Budapest and at

10710-683: The ones who rejected his bribes, came to be known as "silver or lead", meaning "money or death". The Medellín Cartel and the Cali Cartel both managed to bribe Colombian politicians , and campaigned for both the Conservative and Liberal parties. Although the difference between the two cartels was that the Medellín Cartel used its "money or death" law through a huge army of hitmen, the Cali Cartel preferred to use bribes by having politicians, journalists, police officers, army officers, judges, etc. on its payroll. Hence, Escobar and many other Colombian drug lords were pulling strings in every level of

10829-422: The operation fails and Herrera becomes Escobar's main target. Minister of Justice Enrique Low Murtra signed the extradition orders for Escobar and his cartel associates. A few days later, the politician and candidate for mayor of Medellín, Juan Gómez Martínez, was saved from an attempted kidnapping claimed by Los Extraditables, while Jorge Luis Ochoa was released with impunity under the right of habeas corpus

10948-522: The operation, which was not accepted by the former M-19 militants, since the operation, according to them, had political objectives. The existence of copies of the files and the extradition requests in the foreign ministry, American courts and the American embassy disproves that the burning of files was the reason for the guerrilla operation. The operation was authorized by Álvaro Fayad and took place between November 6 and 7, 1985, resulting in 94 dead and

11067-566: The opposition and warnings of his partners, in 1982, he successfully entered the Colombian Congress. Although only an alternate, he was automatically granted parliamentary immunity and the right to a diplomatic passport under Colombian law. At the same time, Escobar was gradually becoming a public figure, and because of his charitable work, he was known as "Robin Hood Paisa". He alleged once in an interview that his fortune came from

11186-438: The organization every Sunday, funk artists are also sponsored by the CV to record songs and even entire CDs that promote the group and eulogize the group's dead members. Because the CV pays for the production and recording of the funk songs, they "are often well recorded and of a high technical quality, and are being played on pirate radio stations and sold by hundreds of street vendors in Rio de Janeiro and in São Paulo ." Thus

11305-496: The pilot and witness before the American justice system Barry Seal ; in July, the magistrate Hernando Baquero Borda, rapporteur of the Extradition Treaty in 1980, and the journalist of El Espectador Roberto Camacho Prada; and on August 18, already with the new president of Colombia Virgilio Barco Vargas , the captain of the anti-narcotics police Luis Alfredo Macana. In September 1986, Los Extraditables ordered

11424-742: The policy eroded. On 19 November 2016, a Rio de Janeiro police helicopter was shot down by small arms fire during a clash with CV gang members and crashed in a ditch. All four police officers on board were killed. In June 2018, the CV launched attacks on a Bolivian Army base in Porvenir and a Brazilian police station in Epitaciolandia , in both instances stealing weapons and ammunition. The Comando Vermelho continue to attract new Brazilian youth and bring them into their ranks . In addition to sponsoring groups like neighborhood associations and special interest clubs, and organizing sporting events, one of

11543-582: The poor. The official end of the military dictatorship in 1985 marked the end of all remaining ties between the leftist guerrillas and the CV. Many of the guerrillas re-entered society and "rose inside political parties;" some would go on to hold elected office. Massive profits created incentives for different CV factions to splinter off as local leaders sought larger profit shares. Notable break-away groups which emerged during this period include Terceiro Comando and Amigos dos Amigos. As these groups clashed over territory in Rio, violence rapidly increased throughout

11662-483: The ransom. It is speculated that businessman Diego Echavarria Misas was kidnapped and eventually killed in the summer of 1971 with the participation of Escobar, who supposedly received a $ 50,000 ransom from the Echavarria family. Escobar would repeat the same process with drug lord Fabio Restrepo, kidnapping and murdering him in 1975. After Escobar would later begin to work for Alfredo Gómez López, 'Don Capone',

11781-495: The same place, the money lavishness of Jorge Restrepo, the front man in charge of Pastrana who was held captive (barely a week) caught the attention of the authorities and the police managed to free Pastrana. But in retaliation, alias 'Popeye' shot and killed Carlos Mauro Hoyos (48), who had been kidnapped for 10 hours. In March 1988, several hundred police officers descended on the El Bizcocho estate (owned by Escobar), but he

11900-511: The second judge, so he was released along with other prisoners. Despite this, the case was reopened by Judge Mariela Espinosa, who also dropped the investigation due to threats against her life. The following year, the agents who arrested Escobar were assassinated. Escobar continued to bribe and intimidate Colombian law enforcement agencies in the same fashion. His carrot-and-stick strategy of bribing public officials and political candidates in Colombia, in addition to sending hitmen to murder

12019-478: The service of Rodríguez Gacha infiltrated the demonstration and killed the presidential candidate for the Liberal Party, Luis Carlos Galán, a staunch enemy of drug lords and supporter of allowing the extradition of drug lords to the US, who had the best chance of reaching the presidency of the nation. Also involved in this murder was the politician Alberto Santofimio Botero , who in 2006 was shown to have been

12138-507: The severity of their crackdowns, the CV has responded with frequent violent clashes. Lessing writes that "nowhere else in Brazil, or in much of the world for that matter," have Rio cartels, and primarily the CV, "systematically engaged the state in armed confrontation for so long." Currently, the CV continues to violently fight with state forces, and the ACLED reports that state violence represents

12257-416: The time Colombian ambassador to Hungary . In late 1986, Colombia's Supreme Court declared the previous extradition treaty illegal due to being signed by a presidential delegation, not the president. Escobar's victory over the judiciary was short-lived. It is believed that Escobar was the one who betrayed Lehder, causing his capture on February 4, 1987. However, unexpectedly, Lehder was extradited to

12376-634: The towns that he frequented; however, Escobar's political ambitions were thwarted by the Colombian and U.S. governments, constantly battled rival cartels domestically and abroad, leading to massacres and the murders of police officers, judges, locals, and prominent politicians. who routinely pushed for his arrest , with Escobar widely believed to have orchestrated the Avianca Flight 203 and DAS Building bombings in retaliation. In 1989, after several attempts at negotiation, multiple kidnappings, and selective assassinations of judges and public officials,

12495-444: The two groups. Today, while not as powerful as at its peak, the CV remains a significant presence in Rio and throughout Brazil; recent estimates suggest the group is the second-largest criminal organization in Brazil behind the PCC. InSight Crime reports the CV may boast as many as 30,000 members throughout Brazil. The gang continues to engage in drug trafficking, arms trafficking, and turf wars with rival gangs. Notably, in recent years

12614-458: The widespread gang-related violence, Rio state police forces implemented a new "Pacification" strategy, "inspired by notions of community-oriented policing." The strategy, which proceeds in stages, begins with state occupation of a target favela using overwhelming military force, followed by the installation of a proximity-policing unit (Unidade de Policia Pacificadora, UPP), which remains in the favela after military withdrawal. Rather than eliminating

12733-405: The world, according to Forbes , something his son would deny years later. At the height of his power, Escobar was involved in philanthropy in Colombia and paid handsomely for the staff of his cocaine lab. Escobar spent millions developing some of Medellín's poorest neighborhoods. He built housing complexes, parks, football stadiums, hospitals, schools, and churches. His most famous charity work

12852-492: Was due to the fact that the talks had been leaked to the press. Months later, they returned clandestinely to Colombia. In November 1984, Los Extraditables detonated a car bomb in front of the US embassy in Bogotá, killing one person. A year after the murder of Lara Bonilla, despite the government's announcements to combat them, the drug traffickers of the Medellín Cartel, now renamed Los Extraditables , remained unpunished, expanding their criminal apparatus across large areas of

12971-487: Was founded in the early 1980s and is a break-away faction of the Comando Vermelho . The Terceiro Comando has fought several small-scale conflicts (in 2001 and 2004) with the rival gang Comando Vermelho . The organization has no sole leader and is instead a horizontal reciprocity based network that helps member-gangs in different favelas as they attempt to acquire drugs and guns. This article about

13090-594: Was living with his former wife, El Negro spoke with the boss [Escobar] and they agreed that Piña had to be killed; As the Medellín Cartel killed Hugo Hernán Valencia, a man who had had a problem with Gilberto Rodríguez, we asked the Rodríguez family to return the favor, to let us kill Piña or for them to take care of him themselves, with their people. We did not know about the economic and military power of "Pacho" Herrera. The Rodríguez family, instead of explaining this to their boss, went directly to tell 'Pacho' Herrera that

13209-419: Was mourned and his funeral attended by over 25,000 people. Additionally, his private estate, Hacienda Nápoles , has been transformed into a theme park. His life has also served as inspiration for or has been dramatized widely in film, television, and in music. Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria was born on 1 December 1949 in the small village of El Tablazo near Rionegro , Antioquia Department . He belonged to

13328-471: Was murdered. Colombia will hand over criminals requested by the Crime Commission in other countries; so that they are punished in an exemplary manner, in this universal operation against an attack that is also universal. President Belisario Betancur, who had previously opposed the extradition of Colombians, decided to authorize it, triggering a series of police operations to capture members of

13447-460: Was one of the richest people in the world. In the 1982 Colombian parliamentary election , to excuse his immeasurable capital, Escobar was elected as an alternate member of the Chamber of Representatives as part of the Liberal Party . Through this, he was responsible for community projects such as the construction of houses and football fields, which gained him popularity among the locals of

13566-723: Was one of the wealthiest criminals in history, having amassed an estimated net worth of US$ 30 billion by the time of his death—equivalent to $ 70 billion as of 2022—while his drug cartel monopolized the cocaine trade into the United States in the 1980s and early 1990s. Born in Rionegro into a peasant family and raised in Medellín , Escobar studied briefly at Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana of Medellín but left without graduating; he instead began engaging in criminal activity, selling illegal cigarettes and fake lottery tickets, as well as participating in motor vehicle theft . In

13685-525: Was soon able to purchase 20 square kilometres (7.7 sq mi) of land in Antioquia for several million dollars, on which he built the Hacienda Nápoles . The luxury house he created contained a zoo , with more than two hundred species of exotic animals for the region, such as hippos , giraffes , elephants , zebras and ostriches , all introduced into the country as a result of bribes to

13804-561: Was subsequently accused of participating in an effort to prevent the Colombian Supreme Court from studying the constitutionality of Colombia's extradition treaty with the United States. The Colombian judiciary had been a target of Escobar throughout the mid-1980s. While bribing and murdering several judges; beginning in June 1985, Los Extraditables ordered the death of Judge Tulio Manuel Castro Gil, in charge of investigating

13923-404: Was the 'Medellín without slums' neighbourhood, aimed at people living in slums at the Medellín municipal dump. Shortly before the presidential and regional elections of 1982 began, Escobar realized that he had to create a "cover" to protect his lucrative drug trade. He began to cultivate an image of a respectable man, making contacts with politicians, financiers, lawyers, etc. Considered until then

14042-479: Was the first of 18 that occurred until the end of July with a balance of 100 fatalities and 450 wounded. The 1990 presidential elections were marked by constant violence in which not only Galán was killed, but also Bernardo Jaramillo Ossa , of the leftist UP party; and Carlos Pizarro , leader of the dissolved M-19 guerrilla movement. Although the government blamed Escobar for the murders of Jaramillo and Pizarro, they were actually committed by paramilitaries under

14161-478: Was warned at the last minute by the corrupt Lieutenant Colonel Plinio Correa of Police Intelligence B-2 and managed to escape. In July 1988, the Secretary General of the Presidency, Germán Montoya, had entered into talks with spokesmen for Los Extraditables. Subsequent statements by the government were interpreted by the drug lords as an invitation to dialogue, so on September 15, they responded with

#10989