The National Religious Affairs Administration ( NRAA ), formerly the State Administration for Religious Affairs ( SARA ), is an external name of the United Front Work Department of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Formerly, it was an executive agency directly under the State Council of the People's Republic of China which oversaw religious affairs in the country. SARA was merged into the UFWD in 2018. The names of the former agency were retained by the UFWD as external names under the system called " one institution with two names ".
98-588: Originally created in 1951 as the Religious Affairs Bureau, SARA was closely connected with the United Front Work Department (UFWD) and charged with overseeing the operations of China's five officially sanctioned religious organizations: The State Administration for Religious Affairs was established to exercise control over religious appointments, the selection of clergy, and the interpretation of religious doctrine. SARA
196-575: A watershed event, reaction to the protests set limits on political expression in China that have lasted up to the present day. The events remain one of the most sensitive and most widely censored topics in China . The Chinese government has used numerous names for the event since 1989. As the events unfolded, it was labeled a " counter revolutionary rebellion", which was later changed to simply "riot", followed by "political turmoil" and "1989 storm". Outside mainland China, and among circles critical of
294-540: A "latent network" of civic, educational, and non-governmental groups and affiliated individuals internally and abroad for its political purposes, especially in times of crisis. For instance, the UFWD uses members of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference and other organizations to carry out influence-building activities, often covertly. Researchers from Stanford University 's Internet Observatory and
392-554: A clear-cut stand against disturbances ". The language in the editorial effectively branded the student movement to be an anti-party, anti-government revolt. The editorial invoked memories of the Cultural Revolution, using similar rhetoric that had been used during the 1976 Tiananmen Incident —an event that was initially branded an anti-government conspiracy but was later rehabilitated as "patriotic" under Deng's leadership. The article enraged students, who interpreted it as
490-616: A concerted attempt to achieve material prosperity. To oversee his reform agenda, Deng promoted his allies to top government and party posts. Zhao Ziyang was named Premier , the head of government, in September 1980, and Hu Yaobang became CCP General Secretary in 1982. Deng's reforms aimed to decrease the state's role in the economy and gradually allow private production in agriculture and industry. By 1981, roughly 73% of rural farms had been de-collectivized, and 80% of state-owned enterprises were permitted to retain their profits. While
588-411: A deep chasm within the central leadership. The reformers ("the right", led by Hu Yaobang) favored political liberalization and a plurality of ideas as a channel to voice popular discontent and pressed for further reforms. The conservatives ("the left", led by Chen Yun ) said that the reforms had gone too far and advocated a return to greater state control to ensure social stability and to better align with
686-461: A direct indictment of the protests and its cause. The editorial backfired: instead of scaring students into submission, it antagonized the students and put them squarely against the government. The editorial's polarizing nature made it a major sticking point for the remainder of the protests. Organized by the Union on 27 April, some 50,000–100,000 students from all Beijing universities marched through
784-765: A group of U.S. senators asked the United States Department of Justice to investigate "Overseas Chinese Service Centers" with alleged ties to the UFWD that are operating in seven U.S. cities. In December 2020, the United States Department of State imposed visa restrictions on "individuals active in United Front Work Department activities, who have engaged in the use or threat of physical violence, theft and release of private information, espionage, sabotage, or malicious interference in domestic political affairs, academic freedom, personal privacy, or business activity." In January 2021,
882-600: A guideline, detailed steps to be taken for political reform, including promoting the rule of law and the separation of powers , imposing de-centralization, and improving the election system. At this Congress, Zhao was elected to be the CCP General Secretary. During the demonstrations, protesters received a significant amount of support from domestic and outside sources. The Chinese University in Hong Kong donated HK$ 10,000 by early May, and groups such as
980-501: A highly inefficient bureaucracy that gave power to officials who had little expertise in areas under their jurisdiction. Facing a dismal job market and limited chances of going abroad, intellectuals and students had a greater vested interest in political issues. Small study groups, such as the "Democracy Salon" ( Chinese : 民主沙龙 ; pinyin : Mínzhǔ Shālóng ) and the "Lawn Salon" ( 草地沙龙 ; Cǎodì Shālóng ), began appearing on Beijing university campuses. These organizations motivated
1078-405: A market with chronic shortages, price fluctuation allowed people with powerful connections to buy goods at low prices and sell at market prices. Party bureaucrats in charge of economic management had enormous incentives to engage in such arbitrage . Discontent over corruption reached a fever pitch with the public; and many, particularly intellectuals, began to believe that only democratic reform and
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#17327722444051176-573: A quick resolution to the crisis and framed the protests as a conspiracy to overthrow China's political system and prominent party leaders, including Deng Xiaoping. In Zhao's absence, the PSC agreed to take firm action against the protesters. On the morning of 25 April, President Yang Shangkun and Premier Li Peng met with Deng at the latter's residence. Deng endorsed a hardline stance and said an appropriate warning must be disseminated via mass media to curb further demonstrations. The meeting firmly established
1274-491: A return to more confrontational tactics. They settled on a plan of mobilizing students for a hunger strike that would begin on 13 May. Early attempts to mobilize others to join them met with only modest success until Chai Ling made an emotional appeal on the night before the strike was scheduled to begin. Students began the hunger strike on 13 May, two days before the highly publicized state visit by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev . Knowing that Gorbachev's welcoming ceremony
1372-688: A speech titled "On the Reform of the Party and State Leadership System" (" 党和国家领导制度改革 ") at a full meeting of the CCP Politburo in Beijing, launching political reforms in China. He called for a systematic revision of China's constitution, criticizing bureaucracy, centralization of power, and patriarchy, while proposing term limits for the leading positions in China and advocating " democratic centralism " and " collective leadership ." In December 1982,
1470-606: Is a department of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tasked with " united front work". It gathers intelligence on, manages relations with, and attempts to gain influence over elite individuals and organizations inside and outside mainland China , including in Hong Kong , Taiwan , and in other countries. The UFWD focuses its work on people or entities that are outside
1568-582: The 2019 Canadian federal election . Following the 2019 Canadian Parliament infiltration plot , the Privy Council Office warned that election interference by China was "likely to be more persistent and pervasive in future elections" and that "the UFWD’s extensive network of quasi-official and local community and interest groups, allow it to obfuscate communication and the flow of funds between Canadian targets and Chinese officials." A 2018 report by
1666-953: The COVID-19 pandemic in mainland China . UFWD-affiliated groups have also been linked to organized crime in several countries. In October 2024, Swedish reporters working as part of an international consortium of journalists identified 233 individuals across Europe connected to the united front system. According to the Jamestown Foundation , a Washington, D.C.-based think tank, its research has uncovered 103 united front-linked groups in Sweden spanning all areas of society, including culture, business, politics, and media. The UFWD sponsors paid trips and summer camps to mainland China for Taiwanese youth. The trips are reported to promote pro- Chinese unification sentiment. The UFWD has also allegedly interfered in foreign elections, including
1764-584: The Cultural Revolution , the UFWD was accused of being "capitulationist" and forced to shut down. In the late 1970s the policy was used for the common cause of economic reform. From there the CCP expanded the scope of its work internationally during the reform era, and again following the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre . The department includes a bureau tasked with handling Hong Kong , Macau , Taiwan , and overseas affairs, and articulates
1862-604: The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China were founded in support of the protests. Funding also came from the United States, Canada, Japan, Taiwan, Australia, and countries across Europe. When Hu Yaobang suddenly died of a heart attack on 15 April 1989, students reacted strongly, most of them believing that his death was related to his forced resignation. Hu's death provided
1960-666: The Hoover Institution describe the United Front as "cultivat[ing] pro-Beijing perspectives in the Chinese diaspora and the wider world by rewarding those it deems friendly with accolades and lucrative opportunities, while orchestrating social and economic pressure against critics. This pressure is often intense but indirect, and clear attribution is therefore difficult." The UFWD and its affiliated front organizations have also served as cover for intelligence agents of
2058-600: The June Fourth Incident , were student-led demonstrations held in Tiananmen Square in Beijing , China, lasting from 15 April to 4 June 1989. After weeks of unsuccessful attempts between the demonstrators and the Chinese government to find a peaceful resolution, the Chinese government declared martial law on the night of 3 June and deployed troops to occupy the square in what is referred to as
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#17327722444052156-517: The May Fourth Movement and repeated demands from earlier marches, many students were satisfied with the government's concessions. On 4 May, all Beijing universities except PKU and BNU announced the end of the classroom boycott. Subsequently, most students began to lose interest in the movement. The government was divided on how to respond to the movement as early as mid-April. After Zhao Ziyang's return from North Korea, tensions between
2254-465: The Ministry of State Security . Multiple national intelligence agencies have expressed concern that the mandate and operations of the UFWD can constitute undue interference in other nations' internal affairs. In their book Nest of Spies , de Pierrebourg and Juneau-Katsuya allege that the United Front Work Department "manages important dossiers concerning foreign countries. These include propaganda,
2352-621: The National Ethnic Affairs Commission . With the reorganization, the UFWD effectively became China's main agency overseeing and managing ethnic, religious and overseas Chinese affairs. The State Religious Affairs Commission and the State Council Overseas Chinese Office were also merged within the United Front Work Department. The UFWD is reported to have over 40,000 personnel and does not disclose its budget. However, it
2450-599: The Tiananmen Square massacre . The events are sometimes called the '89 Democracy Movement , the Tiananmen Square Incident , or the Tiananmen uprising . The protests were precipitated by the death of pro-reform Chinese Communist Party (CCP) general secretary Hu Yaobang in April 1989 amid the backdrop of rapid economic development and social change in post-Mao China , reflecting anxieties among
2548-691: The United States–China Economic and Security Review Commission noted that the UFWD regularly attempts to suppress overseas protests and acts of expression critical of the CCP are a conspiracy against rights . In May 2020, the White House released a report titled "U.S. Strategic Approach to the People's Republic of China". That report stated that "CCP United Front organizations and agents target businesses, universities, think tanks, scholars, journalists, and local, state, and Federal officials in
2646-503: The one-party system and opposed the implementation of Western-style constitutionalism . In October 1987, at the 13th National Congress of the CCP , Zhao Ziyang gave a report drafted by Bao Tong on the political reforms. In his speech titled "Advance Along the Road of Socialism with Chinese characteristics " (" 沿着有中国特色的社会主义道路前进 "), Zhao argued that socialism in China was still in its primary stage and, taking Deng's speech in 1980 as
2744-600: The sinicization of non- Han ethnic and religious minorities, particularly in Tibet , Inner Mongolia and of the Uyghurs through the Xinjiang internment camps . In 2020, shortly after the commencement of the 2020 Inner Mongolia protests , the UFWD issued a communique that stressed the need for all ethnic minorities in China to use Standard Chinese . The UFWD has also taken a leading role in antireligious campaigns under
2842-419: The " iron rice bowl ", i.e., social benefits such as job security, medical care, and subsidized housing. In 1978, reformist leaders had envisioned that intellectuals would play a leading role in guiding the country through reforms, but this did not happen as planned. On one hand, the massive New Enlightenment movement led by intellectuals promoted a variety of liberal philosophies and values that challenged
2940-532: The "new social class" to attend the "large-scale celebration to commemorate the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone ’s 40th anniversary" or inviting members of the private sector to attend a multi-week training course. Another method it uses is to providing good and services, including issuing tenders for infrastructure and development projects, from road improvements to increasing access to drinking water. The UFWD also plays an active role in
3038-436: The 1980s and 1990s, operating under the name of the "Coordination Department." The UFWD has been critically described as serving to co-opt non-Communist community leaders outside China, and "using them to neutralize Party critics," sometimes coercively. Scholar of Chinese political history John P. Burns presents in his book The Chinese Communist Party's Nomenklatura System excerpts from internal party documents demonstrating
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3136-486: The CCP "shifted its focus from the 'mass line' to 'class struggle', the real united front disappeared. While the United Front Department still existed, its duties of uniting with all forces for the 'common struggle' shifted mainly to serving the Party's leadership and 'consolidating the proletarian dictatorship'," according to Brookings Institution visiting fellow Zhang Ye. According to Roger Faligot ,
3234-467: The CCP, especially in the overseas Chinese diaspora, who hold political, commercial, or academic influence, or who represent interest groups. Through its efforts, the UFWD seeks to ensure that these individuals and groups are supportive of or useful to CCP interests and that potential critics remain divided. The United Front Work Department was created during the Chinese Civil War , and
3332-611: The CCP. In 2018, the United Front Work Department went through a reorganization in which it absorbed the State Administration for Religious Affairs (SARA) and the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office (OCAO) to become two internal bureaus. As part of the " one institution with two names " system, the UFWD retains OCAO and SARA (also called National Religious Affairs Administration) as external nameplates. The UFWD also assumed direct control of
3430-476: The Japanese. The simplest formulation of united front work in the period was to "rally as many allies as possible in order to...defeat a common enemy." In the early years, the CCP also used united front policies to cooperate with "disaffected warlords, religious believers, ethnic minorities, overseas Chinese, and minor parties and groups," in order for the CCP to appear democratic and to persuade key groups that
3528-547: The Nationalists were "illegitimate and repressive while the CCP embodied progress, unity, and democracy." After seizing power, the CCP continued to deploy united front strategies to train intellectuals, "and, using thought reform based on criticism, began the transformation of the old society intellectuals." This involved violent elimination of what were termed "bourgeois and idealistic political beliefs," to instill faith in "class struggle and revolutionary change." During
3626-675: The UFWD and Ministry of Public Security . During two periods the United Front Work Department was without a leader, from 1966 to 1975 during the Cultural Revolution and from the end of 1989 until 22 November 1990 following the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. The UFWD has had two female heads, Liu Yandong (2002–2007) and Sun Chunlan (2014–2017). 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre [REDACTED] Chinese Communist Party Demonstrators Deng Xiaoping ( CMC chairman ) Hardliners: Moderates: Student leaders: Workers: Intellectuals: The Tiananmen Square protests , known in China as
3724-803: The United Front Work Department. With the absorption of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office, the UFWD gained full control of the country's second largest state-run media apparatus, the China News Service . In 2019, the UFWD partnered with the Cyberspace Administration of China to promote united front work with social media influencers. In January 2020, UFWD-linked organizations in Canada and other countries were activated to purchase, stockpile, and export personal protective equipment in response to
3822-625: The United States and around the world, attempting to influence discourse and restrict external influence inside the PRC." In June 2020, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute issued a report advocating a multi-dimensional response involving law enforcement as well as legislative reform for greater transparency of foreign influence operations. The same month the Republican Study Committee in
3920-463: The United States called for sanctions on the UFWD and its top leadership. In January 2022, MI5 issued an "interference alert" for a solicitor in the UK named Christine Lee suspected of political interference on behalf of the UFWD. In a February 2022 ruling, a Canadian court stated that the UFWD's Overseas Chinese Affairs Office "engages in covert and surreptitious intelligence gathering”. In July 2023,
4018-496: The administration. After police restrained the students from entering the compound, they staged a sit-in . On 19 April, students hold aloft a banner "Freedom & Democracy Enlightenment" on the Monument, under a giant portrait of Hu Yaobang. On 20 April, most students had been persuaded to leave Xinhua Gate. To disperse about 200 students that remained, police used batons; minor clashes were reported. Many students felt abused by
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4116-455: The aftermath of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre led to the "growing use of party organizations, such as the United Front Work Department and friendship associations, as fronts for intelligence operations." Based on their actions in Taiwan and elsewhere the United Front Work Department appears to be used as a cover to conduct intelligence operations against targets of interest to
4214-406: The areas of agriculture, light industry, services, and foreign investment. The job market was especially limited for students specializing in social sciences and the humanities. Moreover, private companies no longer needed to accept students assigned to them by the state, and many high-paying jobs were offered based on nepotism and favoritism. Gaining a good state-assigned placement meant navigating
4312-461: The army and demonstrators left many on both sides severely injured, a meeting held among the CCP's top leadership on 1 June concluded with a decision to clear the square. The troops advanced into central parts of Beijing on the city's major thoroughfares in the early morning hours of 4 June and engaged in bloody clashes with demonstrators attempting to block them, in which many people – demonstrators, bystanders, and soldiers – were killed. Estimates of
4410-472: The arrest of the Gang of Four . That movement, spearheaded by Mao, had caused severe damage to the country's initially diverse economic and social fabric. As a result, the country was now mired in poverty as economic production slowed or came to a halt. Political ideology was paramount in the lives of ordinary people as well as the inner workings of the party itself. In September 1977, Deng Xiaoping proposed
4508-407: The case for further dialogue. In preparation for dialogue, the Union elected representatives to a formal delegation. However, there was some friction as the Union leaders were reluctant to let the delegation unilaterally take control of the movement. The movement was slowed by a change to a more deliberate approach, fractured by internal discord, and increasingly diluted by declining engagement from
4606-725: The city's Xihua Gate. In Changsha, 38 stores were ransacked by looters. Over 350 people were arrested in both cities for looting. In Wuhan, university students organized protests against the provincial government. As the situation became more volatile nationally, Zhao Ziyang called numerous meetings of the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC). Zhao stressed three points: discourage students from further protests and ask them to go back to class, use all measures necessary to combat rioting, and open forms of dialogue with students at different levels of government. Premier Li Peng called upon Zhao to condemn protestors and recognize
4704-673: The control of Chinese students abroad, the recruiting of agents among the Chinese diaspora (and among sympathetic foreigners), and long-term clandestine operations." The Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries has been described as the "public face" of the UFWD. Scholar Jichang Lulu noted that the UFWD and its proxy organizations "re-purpose democratic governance structures to serve as tools of extraterritorial influence." An Atlantic writer stated China runs thousands of linked and subsidized pro-government groups across Europe, to "ensure that its overseas citizens, and others of ethnic Chinese descent, are loyal", to "shape
4802-462: The conversation about China in Europe", and to "bring back technology and expertise", and that the UFWD plays a "crucial" role in this project. Scholar Jeffrey Stoff has argued that the CCP's United Front "influence apparatus intersects with or directly supports its global technology transfer apparatus." In March 2018, it was announced that the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office would be absorbed into
4900-482: The country. In response, Deng Xiaoping warned that Fang was blindly worshipping Western lifestyles, capitalism, and multi-party systems while undermining China's socialist ideology, traditional values, and the party's leadership. In December 1986, inspired by Fang and other "people-power" movements worldwide, student demonstrators staged protests against the slow pace of reform. The issues were wide-ranging and included demands for economic liberalization , democracy, and
4998-564: The crackdown within mainland China, the crackdown is commonly referred to in Chinese as "June Fourth Massacre" ( 六四屠殺 ; liù-sì túshā ) and "June Fourth Crackdown" ( 六四鎮壓 ; liù-sì zhènyā ). To bypass censorship by the Great Firewall , alternative names have sprung up to describe the events on the Internet, such as May 35th, VIIV ( Roman numerals for 6 and 4), Eight Squared (since 8 =64) and 8964 (in yymd format). In English,
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#17327722444055096-641: The crowd as they waited for the Premier to emerge. However, no leaders emerged from the Great Hall, leaving the students disappointed and angry; some called for a classroom boycott. On 21 April, students began organizing under the banners of formal organizations. On 23 April, in a meeting of around 40 students from 21 universities, the Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation (also known as the Union)
5194-488: The death toll vary from several hundred to several thousand, with thousands more wounded. The event had both short and long term consequences. Western countries imposed arms embargoes on China, and various Western media outlets labeled the crackdown a " massacre ". In the aftermath of the protests, the Chinese government suppressed other protests around China , carried out mass arrests of protesters which catalyzed Operation Yellowbird , strictly controlled coverage of
5292-490: The editorial, the Xinhua Gate incident, and freedom of the press, they achieved few substantive results. Independent student leaders such as Wu'erkaixi refused to attend. The government's tone grew increasingly conciliatory when Zhao Ziyang returned from Pyongyang on 30 April and reasserted his authority. In Zhao's view, the hardliner approach was not working, and the concession was the only alternative. Zhao asked that
5390-403: The elite intellectual community that thought China's poverty and underdevelopment, and the disaster of the Cultural Revolution, were a direct result of China's authoritarian political system and rigid command economy. The view that political reform was the only answer to China's ongoing problems gained widespread appeal among students, as Fang's recorded speeches became widely circulated throughout
5488-564: The events in the domestic and foreign affiliated press , and demoted or purged officials it deemed sympathetic to the protests . The government also invested heavily into creating more effective police riot control units. More broadly, the suppression ended the political reforms begun in 1986 as well as the New Enlightenment movement , and halted the policies of liberalization of the 1980s, which were only partly resumed after Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour in 1992. Considered
5586-413: The feasibility of political reform was established in September 1986; the members included Zhao Ziyang , Hu Qili , Tian Jiyun , Bo Yibo and Peng Chong . Deng's intention was to boost administrative efficiency, further separate responsibilities of the Party and the government, and eliminate bureaucracy. Although he spoke in terms of the rule of law and democracy , Deng delimited the reforms within
5684-416: The first official evaluation of the protests, and highlighted Deng's having "final say" on important issues. Li Peng subsequently ordered Deng's views to be drafted as a communique and issued to all high-level Communist Party officials to mobilize the party apparatus against protesters. On 26 April, the party's official newspaper People's Daily issued a front-page editorial titled " It is necessary to take
5782-400: The fourth and current Constitution of China, known as the " 1982 Constitution ", was passed by the 5th National People's Congress . In the first half of 1986, Deng repeatedly called for the revival of political reforms, as further economic reforms were hindered by the original political system with an increasing trend of corruption and economic inequality . A five-man committee to study
5880-628: The government-sanctioned Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association . After Ye was promoted to the Secretary of the CCP Committee at the Central Institute of Socialism , the former Deputy Director Wang Zuo'an was promoted to Director. In 2018, that NRAA was merged into the UFWD. State Administration of Religious Affairs United Front Work Department The United Front Work Department ( UFWD ; Chinese : 中共中央统一战线工作部 )
5978-413: The government: On the morning of 18 April, students remained in the square. Some gathered around the Monument to the People's Heroes, singing patriotic songs and listening to student organizers' impromptu speeches. Others gathered at the Great Hall. Meanwhile, a few thousand students gathered at Xinhua Gate , the entrance to Zhongnanhai , the seat of the party leadership, where they demanded dialogue with
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#17327722444056076-479: The head of the UFWD, You Quan, was sanctioned pursuant to Executive Order 13936 as a Specially Designated National by United States Department of the Treasury 's Office of Foreign Assets Control . In May 2023, a U.S. man, Liang Litang, was indicted for acting as an illegal agent of the Chinese government and for surveilling and harassing Chinese dissidents . Liang allegedly passed information to officials of
6174-624: The height of the protests, about one million people assembled in the square. As the protests developed, the authorities responded with both conciliatory and hardline tactics, exposing deep divisions within the party leadership. By May, a student-led hunger strike galvanized support around the country for the demonstrators, and the protests spread to some 400 cities. On 20 May, the State Council declared martial law , and as many as 300,000 troops were mobilized to Beijing. After several weeks of standoffs and violent confrontations between
6272-524: The idea of Boluan Fanzheng ("bringing order out of chaos") to correct the mistakes of the Cultural Revolution. At the Third Plenum of the 11th Central Committee , in December 1978, Deng emerged as China's de facto leader . He launched a comprehensive program to reform the Chinese economy ( Reforms and Opening-up ). Within several years, the country's focus on ideological purity was replaced by
6370-997: The importance of using overseas Chinese populations to promote unification . In 1980, the CCP Central Committee approved a request by the UFWD to create a national conference for religious groups. The participating religious groups were the Catholic Patriotic Association , the Islamic Association of China , the Chinese Taoist Association , the Three-Self Patriotic Movement , and the Buddhist Association of China . It played an important role in building support for " One country, two systems " in Hong Kong during
6468-463: The initial impetus for students to gather in large numbers. On university campuses, many posters appeared eulogizing Hu, calling for honoring Hu's legacy. Within days, most posters were about broader political issues, such as corruption, democracy, and freedom of the press. Small, spontaneous gatherings to mourn Hu began on 15 April around the Monument to the People's Heroes at Tiananmen Square . On
6566-409: The most crucial factor in success. There was widespread public disillusionment concerning the country's future. People wanted change, yet the power to define "the correct path" continued to rest solely in the unelected government's hands. The comprehensive and wide-ranging reforms created political differences over the pace of marketization and the control over the ideology that came with it, opening
6664-441: The need to take more serious action. Zhao dismissed Li's views. Despite calls for him to remain in Beijing, Zhao left for a scheduled state visit to North Korea on 23 April. Zhao's departure to North Korea left Li Peng as the acting executive authority in Beijing. On 24 April, Li Peng and the PSC met with Beijing Party Secretary Li Ximing and mayor Chen Xitong to gauge the situation at the square. The municipal officials wanted
6762-537: The official pretense of "sinicizing religions." Bureaus of the SARA, absorbed into the UFWD in 2018, in some areas of Gansu, Qinghai and Sichuan have brought PRC flags and flagpoles to install in mosques or temples. Alex Joske has noted that there is no clear distinction between domestic and overseas UFWD activity and often overlap between the two. Scholar Martin Thorley has described the UFWD as being able to call upon
6860-464: The overthrow of the Communist Party gained traction due to the 26 April editorial. The stunning success of the march forced the government into making concessions and meeting with student representatives. On 29 April, State Council spokesman Yuan Mu met with appointed representatives of government-sanctioned student associations. While the talks discussed a wide range of issues, including
6958-405: The party's socialist ideology. Both sides needed the backing of paramount leader Deng Xiaoping to carry out important policy decisions. In mid-1986, astrophysics professor Fang Lizhi returned from a position at Princeton University and began a personal tour of universities in China, speaking about liberty, human rights, and the separation of powers . Fang was part of a wide undercurrent within
7056-489: The people and political elite about the country's future. The reforms of the 1980s had led to a nascent market economy that benefited some people but seriously disadvantaged others, and the one-party political system also faced a challenge to its legitimacy. Common grievances at the time included inflation, corruption, limited preparedness of graduates for the new economy, and restrictions on political participation. Although they were highly disorganized and their goals varied,
7154-502: The police line. Three of these students, Zhou Yongjun , Guo Haifeng , and Zhang Zhiyong , knelt on the steps of the Great Hall to present a petition and demanded to see Premier Li Peng . Standing beside them, a fourth student ( Wu'erkaixi ) made a brief, emotional speech begging for Li Peng to come out and speak with them. The larger number of students still in the square but outside the cordon were at times emotional, shouting demands or slogans and rushing toward police. Wu'erkaixi calmed
7252-578: The police, and rumors about police brutality spread quickly. The incident angered students on campus, where those who were not politically active decided to join the protests. Additionally, a group of workers calling themselves the Beijing Workers' Autonomous Federation issued two handbills challenging the central leadership. Hu's state funeral took place on 22 April. On the evening of 21 April, some 100,000 students marched on Tiananmen Square, ignoring orders from Beijing municipal authorities that
7350-413: The press be allowed to positively report the movement and delivered two sympathetic speeches on 3–4 May. In the speeches, Zhao said that the students' concerns about corruption were legitimate and that the student movement was patriotic in nature. The speeches essentially negated the message presented by 26 April Editorial. While some 100,000 students marched on the streets of Beijing on 4 May to commemorate
7448-456: The progressive camp and the conservative camp intensified. Those who supported continued dialogue and a soft approach with students rallied behind Zhao Ziyang, while hardliner conservatives opposed the movement rallied behind Premier Li Peng. Zhao and Li clashed at a PSC meeting on 1 May. Li maintained that the need for stability overrode all else, while Zhao said that the party should show support for increased democracy and transparency. Zhao pushed
7546-435: The reforms were generally well received by the public, concerns grew over a series of social problems which the changes brought about, including corruption and nepotism on the part of elite party bureaucrats. The state-mandated pricing system, in place since the 1950s, had long kept prices fixed at low levels. The initial reforms created a two-tier system where some prices were fixed while others were allowed to fluctuate. In
7644-484: The revolutionary, patriotic united front." The UFWD was used in the early years of PRC rule "to guarantee CCP oversight" over groups that were not directly associated with the Party and government. Those groups, including NGOs, were brought under the authority of the UFWD, whose job it was to “continuing to play its part in mobilizing and rallying the whole people in common struggle” after the Liberation in 1949. When
7742-520: The role of the UFWD. The UFWD is to "implement better the party's united front policy and to assess and understand patriotic personages in different fields... so that we can arrange for correct placements for them and fully mobilize and bring into play their positive role in the Four Modernizations and to accomplish the return of Taiwan to the motherland so as to fulfill the cause of uniting the whole country, and to carry forward and solidify
7840-421: The rule of law could cure the country's ills. Following the 1988 meeting at their summer retreat of Beidaihe , the party leadership under Deng agreed to implement a transition to a market-based pricing system. News of the relaxation of price controls triggered waves of cash withdrawals, buying, and hoarding all over China. The government panicked and rescinded the price reforms in less than two weeks, but there
7938-460: The rule of law. While the protests were initially contained in Hefei , where Fang lived, they quickly spread to Shanghai, Beijing, and other major cities. This alarmed the central leadership, who accused the students of instigating Cultural Revolution-style turmoil. General Secretary Hu Yaobang was blamed for showing a "soft" attitude and mishandling the protests, thus undermining social stability. He
8036-597: The same day, many students at Peking University (PKU) and Tsinghua University erected shrines and joined the gathering in Tiananmen Square in a piecemeal fashion. Small, organized student gatherings also took place in Xi'an and Shanghai on 16 April. On 17 April, students at the China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) made a large wreath to commemorate Hu Yaobang. Its wreath-laying ceremony
8134-479: The socialist ideology, ranging from democracy, humanism , universal values such as freedom and human rights, to Total Westernization ; as response, since the beginning of the reforms, Deng Xiaoping in 1979 proposed the " Four Cardinal Principles " to limit the political liberalization . On the other hand, despite the opening of new universities and increased enrollment, the state-directed education system did not produce enough graduates to meet increased demand in
8232-454: The square was to be closed for the funeral. The funeral, which took place inside the Great Hall and was attended by the leadership, was broadcast live to the students. General Secretary Zhao Ziyang delivered the eulogy. The funeral seemed rushed, lasting only 40 minutes, as emotions ran high in the square. Security cordoned off the east entrance to the Great Hall of the People, but several students pressed forward. A few were allowed to cross
8330-445: The streets of the capital to Tiananmen Square, breaking through lines set up by police, and receiving widespread public support along the way, particularly from factory workers. The student leaders, eager to show the patriotic nature of the movement, also toned down anti-Communist slogans, choosing to present a message of "anti-corruption" and "anti-cronyism", but "pro-party". In a twist of irony, student factions who genuinely called for
8428-404: The student body at large. In this context, a group of charismatic leaders, including Wang Dan and Wu'erkaixi, desired to regain momentum. They also distrusted the government's offers of dialogue, dismissing them as merely a ploy designed to play for time and pacify the students. To break from the moderate and incremental approach now adopted by other major student leaders, these few began calling for
8526-403: The students called for things like rollback of the removal of " iron rice bowl " jobs, greater accountability, constitutional due process, democracy , freedom of the press , and freedom of speech . Workers' protests were generally focused on inflation and the erosion of welfare. These groups united around anti-corruption demands, adjusting economic policies, and protecting social security. At
8624-491: The students to disperse. Starting on the night of 17 April, three thousand PKU students marched from the campus towards Tiananmen Square, and soon nearly a thousand students from Tsinghua joined. Upon arrival, they soon joined forces with those already gathered at the square. As its size grew, the gathering gradually evolved into a protest, as students began to draft a list of pleas and suggestions (the Seven Demands) for
8722-431: The students to get involved politically. Simultaneously, the party's nominally socialist ideology faced a legitimacy crisis as it gradually adopted capitalist practices. Private enterprise gave rise to profiteers who took advantage of lax regulations and who often flaunted their wealth in front of those who were less well off. Popular discontent was brewing over unfair wealth distribution. Greed, not skill, appeared to be
8820-693: The terms "Tiananmen Square Massacre", "Tiananmen Square Protests", and "Tiananmen Square Crackdown" are often used to describe the series of events. However, much of the violence in Beijing did not actually happen in Tiananmen, but outside the square along a stretch of Chang'an Avenue only a few miles long, and especially near the Muxidi area. The term also gives a misleading impression that demonstrations only happened in Beijing, when in fact, they occurred in many cities throughout China. The Cultural Revolution ended with chairman Mao Zedong 's death in 1976 and
8918-498: Was a pronounced impact for much longer. Inflation soared; official indices reported that the Consumer Price Index increased by 30% in Beijing between 1987 and 1988, leading to panic among salaried workers that they could no longer afford staple goods. Moreover, in the new market economy, unprofitable state-owned enterprises were pressured to cut costs. This threatened a vast proportion of the population that relied on
9016-726: Was also meant to ensure that the registered religious organizations support and carry out the policy priorities of the CCP. For instance, SARA has maintained a "living Buddha database" to track prominent Tibetan Buddhists who are loyal to the CCP. Ye Xiaowen directed the SARA from 1995 to 2009. During his tenure, he issued the State Religious Affairs Bureau Order No. 5 , which furthered state control over reincarnations in Tibetan Buddhism , and attempted to suppress underground Catholics loyal to Rome (which he considered "colonial") and not to
9114-454: Was denounced thoroughly by conservatives and was forced to resign as general secretary on 16 January 1987. The party began the "Anti- bourgeois liberalization campaign", aiming at Hu, political liberalization, and Western-inspired ideas in general. The campaign stopped student protests and restricted political activity, but Hu remained popular among intellectuals, students, and Communist Party progressives. On 18 August 1980, Deng Xiaoping gave
9212-572: Was estimated to have a budget of at least US$ 2.6 billion in 2019. It oversees and directs eight minor and subordinate political parties and the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce . Between 2015 and 2018, the UFWD grew to 12 bureaus: The UFWD uses several methods in pursuit of its goals to appeal to its targets. Its primary method involves outreach, including holding events, trainings, media tours and other similar activities. This includes examples such as inviting members of
9310-517: Was formed. It elected CUPL student Zhou Yongjun as chair. Wang Dan and Wu'erkaixi also emerged as leaders. The Union then called for a general classroom boycott at all Beijing universities. Such an independent organization operating outside of party jurisdiction alarmed the leadership. On 22 April, near dusk, serious rioting broke out in Changsha and Xi'an . In Xi'an, arson by rioters destroyed cars and houses, and looting occurred in shops near
9408-476: Was on 17 April, and a larger-than-expected crowd assembled. At 5 pm, 500 CUPL students reached the eastern gate of the Great Hall of the People , near Tiananmen Square, to mourn Hu. The gathering featured speakers from various backgrounds who gave public orations commemorating Hu and discussed social problems. However, it was soon deemed obstructive to the Great Hall's operation, so police tried to persuade
9506-555: Was reestablished in 1979 under paramount leader Deng Xiaoping . Since 2012, the role and scope of the UFWD has expanded and intensified under CCP general secretary Xi Jinping . United front policies were most used in two periods before the Chinese Communist Revolution , namely from 1924 to 1927, and from 1936 to 1945, when the CCP cooperated with the Nationalist Party ostensibly to defeat
9604-510: Was scheduled to be held on the square, student leaders wanted to use the hunger strike to force the government into meeting their demands. Moreover, the hunger strike gained widespread sympathy from the population at large and earned the student movement the moral high ground that it sought. By the afternoon of 13 May, some 300,000 were gathered at the square. Inspired by the events in Beijing, protests and strikes began at universities in other cities, with many students traveling to Beijing to join
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