The National Labor Relations Act of 1935 , also known as the Wagner Act , is a foundational statute of United States labor law that guarantees the right of private sector employees to organize into trade unions , engage in collective bargaining , and take collective action such as strikes . Central to the act was a ban on company unions . The act was written by Senator Robert F. Wagner , passed by the 74th United States Congress , and signed into law by President Franklin D. Roosevelt .
53-552: The National Labor Relations Act seeks to correct the " inequality of bargaining power " between employers and employees by promoting collective bargaining between trade unions and employers. The law established the National Labor Relations Board to prosecute violations of labor law and to oversee the process by which employees decide whether to be represented by a labor organization. It also established various rules concerning collective bargaining and defined
106-439: A better position to reject the deal). Inequality of bargaining power is generally thought to undermine the freedom of contract , resulting in a disproportionate level of freedom between parties, and that it represents a place at which markets fail . Where bargaining power is persistently unequal, the concept of inequality of bargaining power serves as a justification for the implication of mandatory terms into contracts by law, or
159-443: A classic instance of superior bargaining power.” "In so far as the reduction of costs of production and distribution thus achieved is reflected in reduced prices, society as a whole ultimately benefits from the use of standard contracts… The use of contracts has, however, another aspect which has become increasingly important. Standard contracts are typically used by enterprises with strong bargaining power. The weaker party, in need of
212-530: A compromise position several years later under pressure from Congress that allowed craft unions to seek separate representation of smaller groups of workers at the same time that another union was seeking a wall-to-wall unit. Employers and their allies in Congress also criticized the NLRA for its expansive definition of "employee" and for allowing supervisors and plant guards to form unions, sometimes affiliated with
265-466: A group, and so is not based on a formal or legal relationship between an employer and employee. The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which was established in NLRA 1935 sections 3 to 6 ( 29 U.S.C. § 153–156 ), is the primary enforcer of the Act. Employees and unions may act themselves in support of their rights, however because of collective action problems and the costs of litigation,
318-433: A labor organization as a condition of employment as authorized in section 158 (a)(3) of this title." National Labor Relations Act of 1935 § 7 Under section 8 ( 29 U.S.C. § 158 ) the law defines a set of prohibited actions by employers, employees, and unions, known as an unfair labor practice. The first five unfair labor practices aimed at employers are in section 8(a). These are, In addition, added by
371-457: A non-discrimination provision to the bill to protect against union and employee race discrimination. Despite pushes from the NAACP and National Urban League to correct discriminatory practices, the law was written without the inclusion of an anti-discrimination clause. The act also excludes independent contractors , domestic workers, and farm workers. In recent years, advocacy organizations like
424-544: A provision that is similar to one of the proposed amendments in the Employee Free Choice Act . Under the NLRA, unions can become the representative based on signed union authorization cards only if the employer voluntarily recognizes the union. If the employer refuses to recognize the union, the union can be certified through a secret-ballot election conducted by the NLRB. In the 2010s, Democrats began seeking
477-466: A series of banned unfair labor practices , including interference with the formation or organization of labor unions by employers. The act does not apply to certain workers, including supervisors, agricultural employees, domestic workers, government employees, and independent contractors. The NLRA was strongly opposed by conservatives and members of the Republican Party , but it was upheld in
530-491: A step forward in labor relations, the company union was effectively a public relations ploy that had the opposite impact of thwarting the organization of trade unions in the great organizing drives of the period. President Franklin Roosevelt signed the legislation into law on July 5, 1935. It also has its roots in a variety of different labor acts previously enacted: Under section 1 ( 29 U.S.C. § 151 ) of
583-750: A trade union are entitled to not associate or financially support it. The NLRA 1935 also does not include additional measures to protect the rights of racial minorities in the workplace. At the time, unions like the American Federation of Labor did not grant membership to black laborers while other unions like the CIO engaged in internal discrimination, providing more preferable jobs and seniority to its white members. Employers also engaged in discrimination against black union members by restricting their ability to organize and collectively bargain with white laborers. The NAACP urged Senator Robert Wagner to add
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#1732772216158636-402: A year or two upon the stocks which they have already acquired. Many workmen could not subsist a week, few could subsist a month, and scarce any a year without employment. In the long run the workman may be as necessary to his master as his master is to him; but the necessity is not so immediate. Beatrice Webb and Sidney Webb in their treatise Industrial Democracy significantly expanded on
689-408: Is not whether a supplier presents his terms on a take-it-or-leave basis but whether the consumer, if he decides to ‘leave it’ has available to him a workably competitive range of alternative sources of supply. Whether this is or is not so simply cannot be derived intuitively from the fact that a particular supplier is offering non-negotiable standard-form terms. It is a matter for independent inquiry. If
742-411: Is supplied merely out of necessity, than free choice (shifting the supply curve to the right) and it is a false kind of competitive environment. The Webbs also pointed out that discrimination can decrease job opportunities for women or minorities, and that the legal institutions underpinning the market were skewed in favour of employers. Most importantly, they believed that a large pool of unemployed people
795-554: Is the New York City version of the Wagner Act. The New York State Employment Relations Act was enacted in 1937. Along with other factors, the act contributed to tremendous growth of membership in the labor unions, especially in the mass-production sector. The total number of labor union members grew from three million in 1933 to eight million at the end of the 1930s, with the vast majority of union members living outside of
848-652: Is the promotion of collective bargaining between independent trade unions, on behalf of the workforce, and the employer. encouraging the practice and procedure of collective bargaining and by protecting the exercise by workers of full freedom of association, self-organization, and designation of representatives of their own choosing, for the purpose of negotiating the terms and conditions of their employment or other mutual aid or protection. Various definitions are explained in section 2, ( 29 U.S.C. § 152 ) including 2(5) defining "labor organization" and 2(9) defining "labor dispute". The Act aims to protect employees as
901-493: The National Domestic Workers' Alliance have worked on the state level to pass a Domestic Workers' Bill of Rights , to extend to domestic workers the protections granted under the NLRA. Similar advocacy efforts are taking place on behalf of farm workers. "Nothing in this subchapter, except as specifically provided for herein, shall be construed so as either to interfere with or impede or diminish in any way
954-583: The Southern United States . Inequality of bargaining power Inequality of bargaining power in law , economics and social sciences refers to a situation where one party to a bargain , contract or agreement , has more and better alternatives than the other party. This results in one party having greater power than the other to choose not to take the deal and makes it more likely that this party will gain more favourable terms and grant them more negotiating power (as they are in
1007-567: The Supreme Court case of NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp. , decided April 12, 1937. The 1947 Taft–Hartley Act amended the NLRA, establishing a series of labor practices for unions and granting states the power to pass right-to-work laws . The act's origins may be traced to the bloody Colorado Fuel and Iron Strike of 1914. Colorado Fuel was a subsidiary of Standard Oil, and John D. Rockefeller Jr. sought expert advice from
1060-467: The Taft–Hartley Act , there are seven unfair labor practices aimed at unions and employees. Under section 9 ( 29 U.S.C. § 159 ) the people elected by a majority of the workforce have the right to become the exclusive representatives of workers in collective bargaining with the employer. The NLRA 1935 does not cover two main groups of employees: those working for the government and in
1113-408: The right to strike , or to affect the limitations or qualifications on that right." Wagner Act 1935 § 13 The act was bitterly opposed by the Republican Party and business groups. The American Liberty League viewed the act as a threat to freedom and engaged in a campaign of opposition in order to repeal these "socialist" efforts. This included encouraging employers to refuse to comply with
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#17327722161581166-411: The Act, the key principles and policy findings on which the Act was based are explained. The Act aims to correct the " inequality of bargaining power between employees who, according to the Act's proponents, do not possess full freedom of association or actual liberty of contract and employers who are organized in the corporate or other forms of ownership association". To achieve this, the central idea
1219-493: The NLRA. Others developed in reaction to NLRB decisions. Over all, they wanted the NLRB to be neutral as to bargaining power, but the NLRA's policy section takes a decidedly pro-employee position: It is declared to be the policy of the United States to eliminate the causes of certain substantial obstructions to the free flow of commerce and to mitigate and eliminate these obstructions when they have occurred by encouraging
1272-565: The NLRB and supporting the nationwide filing of injunctions to keep the NLRB from functioning. This campaign continued until the NLRA was found constitutional by the Supreme Court in National Labor Relations Board v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corporation (1937). Labor groups, while overwhelmingly supportive, expressed a set of reservations. The American Federation of Labor and some employers accused
1325-568: The NLRB of favoring the Congress of Industrial Organizations , particularly when determining whether to hold union elections in plant-wide, or wall-to-wall, units, which the CIO usually sought, or to hold separate elections in separate craft units, which the craft unions in the AFL favored. While the NLRB initially favored plant-wide units, which tacitly favored the CIO's industrial unionism , it retreated to
1378-641: The National Labor Relations Board is designed to assist and bear some of the costs. Under section 3, ( 29 U.S.C. § 153 ) the NLRB has two basic functions: overseeing the process by which employees decide whether to be represented by a labor organization and prosecuting violations. Those processes are initiated in the regional offices of the NLRB. The General Counsel of the National Labor Relations Board give legal advice. Sections 4 ( 29 U.S.C. § 154 ) and 5 ( 29 U.S.C. § 155 ) set out provisions on
1431-429: The buyers of insurance policies or dry-cleaning services studied all terms scrupulously before contracting and were influenced in their choice of policy by their evaluation of the so-called fine print clauses, and if no supplier of insurance or dry-cleaning services was able to ‘term discriminate’ between these consumers and other consumers in the market, there would be strong competitive pressures on each supplier to adjust
1484-466: The courts. Under section 11 it can lead investigations, collect evidence, issue subpoenas , and require witnesses to give evidence. Under section 12 ( 29 U.S.C. § 162 ) it is an offense for people to unduly interfere with the Board's conduct. In practice, the act was often ignored when it suited political powers, most notably by Walt Disney in 1940 who formed a company union in violation of
1537-543: The critique of 19th century labour conditions and advocated a comprehensive system of labour law contained a chapter called, "The Higgling of the Market". They argued that the labour market was dominated by employers, and therefore had the same effect as monopsony . Workers generally are more under pressure to sell their labour than an employer is under to buy it. An employer can hold out longer, because typically he will have greater financial reserves. This means that much labour
1590-612: The efficacy of the NLRA by inhibiting the law from applying to shifting circumstances. Opponents of the Wagner Act introduced several hundred bills to amend or repeal the law in the decade after its passage. All of them failed or were vetoed until the passage of the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947, or the Taft–Hartley Act , in 1947. More recent unsuccessful efforts included attempts in 1978 to permit triple backpay awards and union collective bargaining certification based on signed union authorization cards,
1643-589: The employer's usual business. Objections are based on the inconveniences and costs of meeting the criterion. For instance, it prevents small venues from hiring performers, even for one-night stands, unless they are hired as employees. As a result, in the California phase of the campaign, numerous occupations of independent contractors were exempted from the test in California Assembly Bill 5 (2019) . The Little Wagner Act, written by Ida Klaus ,
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1696-530: The fact, which the experience of legislators in many states has corroborated, that the proprietors of these establishments and their operatives do not stand upon an equality, and that their interests are, to a certain extent, conflicting. The former naturally desire to obtain as much labor as possible from their employees, while the latter are often induced by the fear of discharge to conform to regulations which their judgment, fairly exercised, would pronounce to be detrimental to their health or strength. In other words,
1749-415: The flow of commerce, and tends to aggravate recurrent business depressions, by depressing wage rates and the purchasing power of wage earners in industry and by preventing the stabilization of competitive wage rates and working conditions within and between industries." "It is easy now to see that Parliament in 1906 might have felt that the only way of giving labour an equality of bargaining power with capital
1802-453: The goods or services, is frequently not in a position to shop around for better terms, either because the author of the standard contract has a monopoly (natural or artificial) or because all competitors use the same clauses. His contractual intention is but a subjection more or less voluntary to terms dictated by the stronger party, terms whose consequences are often understood only in a vague way, if at all." "The legislature has also recognized
1855-643: The law in order to prevent the Cartoon Unionists Guild, a Trade Union, from gaining a foothold in Disney Studios. Section 7 ( 29 U.S.C. § 157 ) sets out the general principle that employees have the right to join a trade union and engage in collective bargaining. Employees shall have the right to self-organization, to form, join, or assist labor organizations, to bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in other concerted activities for
1908-418: The law, besides, authorizes, or at least does not prohibit their combinations, while it prohibits those of the workmen. We have no acts of parliament against combining to lower the price of work; but many against combining to raise it. In all such disputes the masters can hold out much longer. A landlord, a farmer, a master manufacturer, a merchant, though they did not employ a single workman, could generally live
1961-450: The market is workably competitive, any supplier offering uncompetitive standard form terms will have to reformulate his total package of price and non-price terms to prevent consumers (at least consumers at the margin, which are the decisive consideration in such a market) from switching their business to other competitors.... Non-economists often overlook the importance of marginal analysis in this context. For example, if only 10 per cent of
2014-425: The narrowing of the Act's provisions allowing workers to be hired as independent contractors, thus bringing them under the jurisdiction of the Act. Legislators have introduced a standard for independent contracting termed the "ABC test", after its three criteria A, B and C. To be hired as an independent contractor, the worker must: Independent contractors and employers have objected to B, the limitation on working in
2067-500: The new field of public relations to prolong the settlement of the strike. He also recruited the former Canadian Labour Secretary (and future Prime Minister) MacKenzie King to the Rockefeller Foundation to broker a solution to the prolonged strike. The settlement resulted in the establishment of a Management-Labor conciliation board, which evolved into a company union and template for settling labor disputes. Although
2120-518: The non-enforcement of a contract by the courts. The concept of inequality of bargaining power was long recognised, particularly with regard to workers. In the Wealth of Nations Adam Smith wrote, It is not, however, difficult to foresee which of the two parties must, upon all ordinary occasions, have the advantage in the dispute, and force the other into a compliance with their terms. The masters, being fewer in number, can combine much more easily; and
2173-404: The officers of the Board and their expenses. Section 6 ( 29 U.S.C. § 156 ) empowers the Board to issue rules interpreting the labor legislation. This will generally be binding, unless a court deems it to have acted outside its authority. Under section 10 ( 29 U.S.C. § 160 ) the NLRB is empowered to prevent unfair labor practices, which may ultimately be reviewed by
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2226-602: The phrase "inequality of bargaining power", however, appears to have been by the British philosopher, John Beattie Crozier in The Wheel of Wealth . There must always be an inequality of bargaining power between masters and men in every contract, until that day shall arrive when the sacrifices of each master in a strike or lock out will affect his present comfort and future destiny as seriously, in its way, as it does that of each of his workmen. "The real measure of market power
2279-438: The practice and procedure of collective bargaining and by protecting the exercise by workers of full freedom of association, self-organization, and designation of representatives of their own choosing, for the purpose of negotiating the terms and conditions of their employment or other mutual aid or protection . Some of these changes were later achieved in the 1947 amendments. Over time, the U.S. Supreme Court has gradually undone
2332-462: The proprietors lay down the rules, and the laborers are practically constrained to obey them. In such cases self-interest is often an unsafe guide, and the legislature may properly interpose its authority." "The inequality of bargaining power between employees who do not possess full freedom of association or actual liberty of contract and employers who are organized in the corporate or other forms of ownership association substantially burdens and affects
2385-416: The purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual aid or protection, and shall also have the right to refrain from any or all of such activities except to the extent that such right may be affected by an agreement requiring membership in a labor organization as a condition of employment as authorized in section 8(a)(3). Specific rules in support of collective bargaining are as follows. "Employees shall have
2438-483: The railway or airline industries. Section 2(2) (29 USC §152(2)) states that the Act does not apply to employees of the "United States or any wholly owned Government corporation, or any Federal Reserve Bank , or any State or political subdivision thereof, or any person subject to the Railway Labor Act ". Under section 19 ( 29 U.S.C. § 169 ), people who have religious convictions against joining
2491-437: The right to self-organization, to form, join, or assist labor organizations, to bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in other concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual aid or protection, and shall also have the right to refrain from any or all of such activities except to the extent that such right may be affected by an agreement requiring membership in
2544-411: The terms of his contracts so as to avoid losing this potential business.... When one asks why, many consumers probably rely in part on the constraints imposed by other consumers at the margin (ie, they let the market shop for them)." "The point is obvious but worth making because it affects the conditions under which relief should be given: whereas advice as to value will normally save the contract with
2597-419: The unions that represented the employees whom they were supposed to supervise or police. Many accused the NLRB of a general pro-union and anti-employer bias, pointing to the Board's controversial decisions in such areas as employer free speech and "mixed motive" cases, in which the NLRB held that an employer violated the Act by using misconduct that ordinarily would not result in termination to fire an employee who
2650-441: The ‘poor and ignorant person’, the master of the ship drifting onto the rocks would still have been open to exploitation even if he had had the entire House of Lords on board to advise him." Schroeder Music Publishing Co Ltd v Macaulay [1974] 1 WLR 1308, 1316, per Lord Diplock: “To be in a position to adopt this [‘take it or leave it’] attitude toward a party desirous of entering into a contract to obtain goods or services provides
2703-593: Was a constant downward drag on the ability of workers to bargain for better conditions. When the unemployed are crowding round the factory gates every morning, it is plain to each man that, unless he can induce the foreman to select him rather than another, his chance of subsistence for weeks to come may be irretrievably lost. Under these circumstances bargaining, in the case of the individual isolated workmen, becomes absolutely impossible. The Webbs felt that these factors all added up to systemic inequality of bargaining power between workers and employers. The first ever use of
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#17327722161582756-465: Was engaged in pro-union activity. In addition, employers campaigned over the years to outlaw a number of union practices such as closed shops , secondary boycotts , jurisdictional strikes , mass picketing, strikes in violation of contractual no-strike clauses, pension and health and welfare plans sponsored by unions and multi-employer bargaining . Many of these criticisms included provisions that employers and their allies were unable to have included in
2809-586: Was to give it special immunities which the common law did not permit. Even now, when the scales have been redressed, it is easy to see that Parliament might think that a strike, whether reprehensible or not, ought not to be made a ground for litigation and that industrial peace should be sought by other means." Title 29 of the United States Code Title 29 of the United States Code is a code that outlines labor regulations in
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