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52-673: The Texas Straw Poll was a non-binding straw poll of the Texas Republican Party for the Republican Party 's 2008 presidential nomination. Townhall.com sponsored the event on Saturday, September 1, 2007, in Fort Worth . Five candidates including Congressman Duncan Hunter of California, Congressman Ron Paul of Texas, mechanical engineer Ray McKinney of George, attorney John H. Cox of Illinois and psychiatrist Hugh Cort of Alabama, attended and addressed

104-601: A straw (thin plant stalk) held up to see in what direction the wind blows, in this case, the metaphorical wind of group opinion. A formal straw poll is common in American political caucuses . Such straw polls can be taken before selecting delegates and voting on resolutions . The results of straw polls are taken by the media to influence delegates in caucus later (as well as delegates to political conventions), and thus serve as important precursors. Straw polls are also scheduled informally by other organizations interested in

156-699: A Standing Committee, the members of which can also be known as Changwei . The first Standing Committee was formed in July 1928, at a meeting of the 6th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party . Between January 1934 and the 1st plenary session of the 8th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 1956, the Standing Committee was replaced by the Central Secretariat of the Chinese Communist Party . During

208-404: A Texas Republican Party Convention in the preceding four years or have served as a Texas delegate at either of the previous two Republican National Conventions . The results were non-binding. The 2011 poll was canceled due to a lack of candidate interest. Straw poll Straw polls provide dialogue among movements within large groups. Impromptu straw polls often are taken to see if there

260-510: A body operating on consensus that executes powers normally granted to a single officeholder. The 16th Party Congress also saw Li Changchun gain a seat on the PSC without a formally defined portfolio, though he was widely considered to be the "propaganda chief". Huang Ju died in June 2007, becoming the first sitting PSC member to die in office since 1976. His vacancy was not filled ostensibly because it

312-574: A body that carries out the day-to-day affairs of its parent organ, in this case, the Politburo. "Politburo Standing Committee" is the most commonly used name to refer to the body in English-language media. It is sometimes abbreviated PSC or PBSC (if "Politburo" is written as "Political Bureau"). It can also be referred to informally as simply the "Standing Committee". In its official English-language press releases, Chinese state media refers to

364-472: A hard-and-fast rule. Overly showy or high-profile 'campaigning' for the PSC, such as the actions of former Chongqing party secretary Bo Xilai , were considered detrimental to PSC selection. The Politburo Standing Committee comprises the highest-ranked officials and is the highest political decision-making body of the Chinese Communist Party and, by extension, the People's Republic of China. The PSC members are

416-446: A landline phone, being the party that answers the phone, being willing to answer the poll questions, and being a " likely voter " based on pollster criteria. Response bias occurs when respondents do not indicate their true beliefs, such as in bias due to intentional manipulation by respondents, haste, social pressure, or confusion; such biases may be present in any polling situation. Wording of questions may also inject bias, although this

468-563: A period of months, conducted with interim results publicized, or even conducted with explicit permission to vote multiple times. The meaning of results from the varying poll types is disputed. Opinion polls are generally conducted with statistical selection controls in place and are thus called "scientific", while straw polls and honor-system polls are conducted among self-selected populations and are called "unscientific". However, as predictors of poll results among larger populations (i.e., elections), each method has known flaws. A margin of error

520-474: A reputation as a meaningful straw poll during the presidential campaign because of its large voter turnout and relatively high media recognition, as well as Iowa's being the first state to vote in caucuses before the primaries. In 2015 the Iowa Republican Party voted to abolish the poll, after a majority of presidential candidates declined to participate. The Iowa State Fair Straw Polls for both

572-422: A series of straw polls to determine their support for the candidacy of new Politburo and PSC members. These straw polls are not binding and instead reflect the evolving consensus of the group on a new member's candidacy. The Politburo may also conduct a straw poll of all incumbent Central Committee members on the candidacy of new Politburo and PSC members, but this poll is only consultative. The process of selecting

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624-462: Is currently serving serving his fourth term. Policy views of ambitious aspirants are routinely concealed in order to gain the broadest level of consensus, with Hu Jintao being a prime example. Various theories have been proposed, mostly by academic outside of mainland China, to discern the 'factions' within a Standing Committee (often between "conservatives" and "reformers"), though in practice due to its opaque operations, faction membership has never been

676-593: Is enough support for an idea to devote more meeting time to it, and (when not a secret ballot) for the attendees to see who is on which side of a question. However, in meetings subject to Robert's Rules of Order , motions to take straw polls are not allowed. Among political bodies, straw polls often are scheduled for events at which many people interested in the polling question can be expected to vote. Sometimes polls conducted without ordinary voting controls in place (i.e., on an honor system, such as in online polls ) are also called "straw polls". The idiom may allude to

728-584: Is intrinsic in any subset polling method, and is a mathematical function of the difference in size between the subset and the larger population; sampling error is constant across different poll methods with the same sample sizes. Selection bias , nonresponse bias, or coverage bias occurs when the conditions for subset polling significantly differ from the conditions for the larger poll or election; event-based straw polls, where registration often closely mirrors voter registration, suffer less from nonresponse bias than opinion polls, where inclusion generally means owning

780-428: Is more likely in a telephone setting than in an event-based ballot setting. By relying on identity information, such as that publicly traceable to telephone numbers or voter registration addresses and that voluntarily provided by respondents such as age and gender, polls can be made more scientific. Straw polls may be improved by: asking identity questions, tracing group-based trends, and publishing statistical studies of

832-600: Is only a formality. The method by which membership is determined has evolved over time. In turn, the Politburo chooses the Politburo Standing Committee through secretive negotiations. The Standing Committee functions as the epicenter of the CCP's power and leadership, and its membership has ranged from five to nine people. During the Mao Zedong era, Mao himself selected and expelled members, while during

884-444: Is responsible for convening the meetings of the PSC and decides their agenda. The PSC meets roughly every week, though its meetings are rarely publicized. The membership of the Politburo Standing Committee has ranged from five to nine people, but is currently at seven. All members of the PSC are national-level leaders . As of 2015 , Politburo Standing Committee members receive a monthly salary of approximately US$ 1,833. The following

936-474: Is something from folklore, and cannot be trusted." In 2002, apart from Hu Jintao, the entire PSC retired and was replaced. Strict age-based retirement instituted in the CCP meant de facto term limits and relatively high turnover, with the vast majority of members serving for one or two terms. Since 1989, the only two PSC members to have served more than three terms on the body has been Hu Jintao, who served for four terms between 1992 and 2012, and Xi Jinping, who

988-620: Is to conduct policy discussions and make decisions on major issues when the Politburo , a larger decision-making body, is not in session. According to the party's constitution , the General Secretary of the Central Committee must also be a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. According to the party's Constitution, the party's Central Committee elects the Politburo Standing Committee. In practice, however, this

1040-595: The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection , the party's top anti-graft body, and the first secretary of the CCP Secretariat have consistently also been members of the Politburo Standing Committee. The portfolios of additional members varied. The Politburo Standing Committee is technically responsible to the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party. In Chinese political usage, a "Standing Committee" (常务委员会, Chángwù Wěiyuánhuì ) simply refers to

1092-575: The Deng Xiaoping era consultations among party elders on the Central Advisory Commission determined membership. Since the 1990s, Politburo membership has been determined through deliberations and straw polls by incumbent and retired members of both the Politburo and the Standing Committee. The PSC is theoretically responsible to the Politburo, which is in turn responsible to the larger Central Committee. In practice,

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1144-640: The Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies , rise in the Chinese political system and selection to the Standing Committee depends more on loyalty to powerful patrons than on ability. It was widely believed, for example, that the Standing Committee line-up of the 16th Party Congress included several members who were elevated based on their relationship with outgoing General Secretary Jiang Zemin, including, most notably, Zeng Qinghong , Huang Ju, and Jia Qinglin . Much has been written on

1196-610: The U.S. presidential election . Well-known American straw polls include the Ames Straw Poll and the Texas Straw Poll , both conducted on behalf of their respective state Republican Party organizations. Being run by private organizations, they are not subject to public oversight or verifiability. However, they provide important interactive dialogue among movements within large groups, reflecting trends like organization and motivation. The Ames straw poll achieved

1248-526: The 1980s, the PSC was restored as the party's supreme decision-making body. The committee was again organized on the basis of democratic centralism , that is, decisions were to be made based on consensus, and, failing that, decisions are taken by majority vote; once a decision is taken the entire body speaks with one voice. However, the PSC competed with retired party elders (organized as the Central Advisory Commission , though they made most of their decisions informally) for influence. Deng Xiaoping himself bridged

1300-451: The 29 Standing Committee members inaugurated to the body since 1997, only six individuals have not held regional party chief positions: Li Peng, Wen Jiabao, Li Lanqing, Luo Gan, Liu Yunshan, Wang Huning, and Ding Xuexiang; of these, only three – Li Peng, Wen Jiabao, and Wang Huning have never served in a regional leadership role. Age is also key. For instance, since 1989, all Standing Committee members have been at least 50 years old at

1352-803: The Chinese Communist Party The Politburo Standing Committee ( PSC ), officially the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China , is a committee consisting of the top leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Historically it has been composed of five to eleven members, and currently has seven members. Its officially mandated purpose

1404-716: The PSC is strictly ranked in protocol sequence . Historically, the General Secretary (or Party Chairman ) has been ranked first; the rankings of other leaders have varied over time. Since the 1990s, the General Secretary, President, Premier, first-ranked Vice Premier, Chairman of the National People's Congress , the Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference , the Secretary of

1456-401: The PSC occurred. At the 14th Party Congress in 1992, seven people – Jiang, Li Peng, Qiao Shi , Li Ruihuan, Zhu Rongji , Liu Huaqing , and Hu Jintao – were named to the Standing Committee, this arrangement remained unchanged until the regularly scheduled 15th Party Congress in 1997, where Qiao Shi and Liu Huaqing retired and were replaced by Wei Jianxing and Li Lanqing , showing

1508-477: The PSC, notably Premier Li Peng . In the aftermath, Zhao and Hu Qili were removed from the PSC at the Fourth Plenum in 1989, largely by fiat of Deng and the elders rather than institutional procedure, to be replaced by Jiang Zemin and Li Ruihuan . The operation of the Standing Committee has remained largely stable since Tiananmen in 1989. The 1989 Plenum was the last occasion where a major reshuffle of

1560-609: The Politburo and the Standing Committee . Straw polls are contrasted with opinion polls , usually conducted by telephone and based on samples of the voting public. Straw polls can also be contrasted with honor-system polls (such as online polls), in which ordinary voting controls are absent. In an ordinary event-based straw poll, controls common to elections are enforced: voting twice is prohibited; polls are not open for inordinately long periods of time; interim results are not publicized before polls close; etc. Honor-system polls may be conducted wholly online, conducted at one location over

1612-621: The Republican and Democratic races were conducted at the Iowa State Fair instead. The U.S. territories of Guam and since 2024 Puerto Rico hold presidential straw polls during every presidential election, despite the island's having no official say in the election. Since the 1990s, membership of the Chinese Politburo has been determined through deliberations and straw polls by incumbent and retired members of both

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1664-490: The Standing Committee is supreme over its parent bodies. Additionally, because China is a one-party state, Standing Committee decisions de facto have the force of law. Its membership is closely watched by both the national media as well as political watchers abroad. Historically, the role of the PSC has varied and evolved. During the Cultural Revolution , for example, the PSC had little power. The membership of

1716-418: The Standing Committee was expanded from seven to nine members. Some political observers speculated that the expansion was done in order to stack the new Standing Committee with loyalists of Jiang Zemin, though this characterization has been disputed. During Hu Jintao's term as General Secretary (2002–2012), the PSC could be understood as a "leadership collective" or a "joint presidency"; that is, essentially

1768-432: The active PSC members to attend. Wang and Zhang were both arrested at the meeting and accused of "counter-revolutionary crimes". Thereafter, only Ye and Hua continued their official duties. A functioning PSC was not restored until 1977. After taking power in 1978, one of the goals of Deng Xiaoping was to strengthen the power of the party and institutionalize bodies such as the Politburo and its Standing Committee. For much of

1820-472: The body by its lengthier, formal name, "The Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee". In turn, its members are officially referred to as "Members of Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee". These official forms are rarely used by English-language newspapers outside of mainland China. In official Chinese-language announcements,

1872-525: The center of political power in China. Organizationally below them are the Politburo, and then the Central Committee. According to the Party Constitution, the party's Central Committee elects the Politburo Standing Committee during a plenary session. According to the party's constitution , the General Secretary of the Central Committee must also be a member of the PSC. The General Secretary

1924-412: The data. Opinion polls may be improved by more closely mirroring the larger poll or election anticipated, such as in wording of questions and inclusion procedure. Honor-system polls may be improved by adding ordinary voting controls; for example, online polls may rely on established social-networking and identity providers for verification to minimize multiple voting. Politburo Standing Committee of

1976-546: The divide between Princelings and the Tuanpai ( Youth League faction) between the 16th and 18th Congresses, though it is not precisely known to what extent factional identity played in the selection of PSC members. Seniority also played an important role. It was established convention that a member of the PSC must have served for at least one term on the Politburo prior to entry to the PSC. However, this "rule" had been broken several times by those destined for party leader or

2028-454: The early history of the CCP it was seen as the highest central body that was intended to carry out day-to-day work of the Party's Central Committee. It was composed of the top leadership figures of the larger Political Bureau (i.e., the Politburo ). Unlike most other Communist parties in the world modeled after the party of Lenin, the CCP formed a Standing Committee because the Politburo (normally

2080-564: The first signs that the PSC would become a term-based body operating on a fixed schedule. Liu Huaqing was also the last PSC member with a military background. In 1999, Vice President Hu Jintao also became Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission , as he was being groomed to succeed Jiang. This was the first time Vice President had occupied the post of Vice Chairman of the CMC. At the 16th Party Congress held in 2002,

2132-573: The highest organ in a communist party) was considered too large and unwieldy to make decisions effectively. In the early days of the Cultural Revolution, the Politburo Standing Committee ceased normal operations, as many of its key members, such as Chinese President Liu Shaoqi and Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping , fell out of favour with Chairman Mao. Real power was concentrated in the Cultural Revolution Group , which

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2184-585: The most commonly used name for members of the body is Zhōnggòng Zhōngyāng Zhèngzhìjú Chángwěi (中共中央政治局常委); this is an abbreviation of the much lengthier official title of Zhōngguó Gòngchǎndǎng Zhōngyāng Zhèngzhìjú Chángwù Wěiyuánhuì Wěiyuán (中国共产党中央政治局常务委员会委员). As even the officially abbreviated terminology may still be too lengthy and unwieldy, some media outlets refer to PSC members as Zhèngzhìjú Chángwěi (政治局常委) or simply Chángwěi (常委). However, note that without any context, Changwei may still be an ambiguous term, as provincial and local party committees all have

2236-560: The new Politburo and PSC begins with a closed door session of the incumbent PSC at Beidaihe in the last summer before the Party Congress convenes in the fall. The list of Politburo and PSC candidates for the Central Committee to formally confirm is usually complete several weeks before the Party Congress. According to informed academic observers such as Cheng Li, a scholar at Brookings Institution , and Susan Shirk of

2288-409: The premiership, most notably with Zhu Rongji and Hu Jintao in 1992, and Li Keqiang and Xi Jinping in 2007. Jiang Zemin was also in the middle of serving out his first term on the Politburo before he was suddenly made General Secretary and thus a member of the PSC in 1989. Since the late 1990s, nearly all PSC members have experience as a party chief of a province or a direct-controlled municipality. Of

2340-534: The rule of qi-shang, ba-xia (七上八下; lit. "seven up, eight down"), referring to the fact that if a PSC member is 68 or older at the time of a party congress, he must retire, but if he is 67 or younger, he may still enter the committee. Recently, however, doubt has been cast over this "rule". A senior party cadre named Deng Maosheng, in a statement to state-run news agency Xinhua in October 2016, stated that "The strict boundaries of 'seven up, eight down' don’t exist. This

2392-401: The time of their appointment. Hu Jintao was 50 upon his appointment to the PSC at the 14th Party Congress in 1992. Xi Jinping was 54 and Li Keqiang was 52 at their appointment to the PSC at the 17th Party Congress in 2007. At the same time, since the 16th Party Congress in 2002, PSC members who were 68 or older at the time of a Party Congress have retired without exception. This has been known as

2444-443: The two bodies, and his informal clout translated to great political power personally. In 1987, Deng and other party elders ousted then General Secretary Hu Yaobang from the PSC, replacing him with Zhao Ziyang . In 1989, Deng and various party elders ordered the military to intervene in the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests without gaining the consensus of the PSC. Zhao was opposed to declaring martial law and broke with other members of

2496-628: The vice-president. The positions of executive secretary of the Secretariat and that of "propaganda chief" were consolidated into one person, Liu Yunshan . Selection of members is believed to be largely the result of high-level deliberations among incumbent members of the party's Politburo and PSC as well as retired PSC members. Prospective candidates for membership in the PSC typically rely on individual members of this high level group to act as their patrons. The current and former Politburo members conduct several rounds of deliberations interspersed with

2548-401: The voters. In total, 1,300 votes were cast. Hunter won with 534 votes. Former Senator Fred Thompson of Tennessee, who did not address the event, finished second. Paul came in third. In 2011, organizers canceled a repeat of the event slated to determine preferences for the 2012 Republican Party presidential nomination. Voters were required to either have served as a delegate or alternate to

2600-539: Was nominally reporting to the Politburo Standing Committee but in fact was a separate "centre of authority" that acted mostly on its own accord. At the 9th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party , radical supporters of Mao, Chen Boda , and Kang Sheng , gained seats on the Politburo Standing Committee, and it resumed a somewhat normal functioning. The last years of the Cultural Revolution were dominated by internal chaos. Between 1975 and 1976, PSC members Kang Sheng, Zhou Enlai , Zhu De, and Mao all died. Deng Xiaoping

2652-472: Was only a few months preceding a Party Congress, making the body operate temporarily with an eight-member structure. The 17th Party Congress maintained roughly the same structure as the 16th. At the 18th Party Congress held in 2012, membership of the PSC was yet again reduced to seven members. The head of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission did not feature in the new Standing Committee, neither did

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2704-577: Was purged. During this time the body lost any semblance of a functioning policy-making or executive organ, and it met only on an ad hoc basis. By Mao's death in September 1976, the only members who still attended meetings were Hua Guofeng , Zhang Chunqiao , Wang Hongwen , and Ye Jianying , with Zhang and Wang being members of the Gang of Four . On 6 October, Hua Guofeng called a PSC meeting ostensibly to discuss Mao's legacy and memorial arrangements, inviting

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