José Joaquim Cardoso de Melo Neto (19 July 1883 – 20 July 1965) was a Brazilian lawyer, professor and politician.
132-524: The Estado Novo ( lit. ' New State ' ), or Third Brazilian Republic , began on 10 November 1937, and consolidated Getúlio Vargas ' power. Vargas had assumed leadership of Brazil following the 1930 revolution that ended the First Republic . The Estado Novo ended politically on 29 October 1945, and officially on 31 January 1946. It was characterized by Brazilian nationalism , centralized power, anti-communism and authoritarianism . It
264-481: A Revista do Globo interview that the 1938 Integralist coup attempt: "...was organized by the German embassy. The Brazilians served only as instruments in a plan to hand the country over to the German government. Naturally, if it hadn't been for the help of German agents, they would never have carried it out, because they didn't have the capacity or the courage to do so." The preamble to the 1937 Constitution stated that
396-517: A general strike in 1917 , and several failed tenente revolts of discontent junior military officers throughout the 1920s. World coffee prices crashed in October 1929 and, with them, the Brazilian economy. In the midst of unrest and the collapse of the economy, president Luís broke the coffee and milk agreement, declaring Júlio Prestes (a politician from São Paulo) his successor instead of
528-471: A paulista to succeed him led to the formation of the Liberal Alliance ( Aliança Liberal ) (consisting of Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul and Paraíba ), forming an opposition to Prestes and nominating Vargas, who led a broad coalition of middle-class industrialists, planters from outside São Paulo, and the tenentes for the presidency. Support for Vargas was especially strong in the states of
660-528: A promotor , or a public prosecutor , in Porto Alegre. Vargas's first case dealt with rape, one which he settled privately by convincing both parties to marry. Vargas's vocation as a promoter did not last long, for he married fifteen-year-old Darci Lima Sarmanho , a woman thirteen years younger than himself, in March 1911. They would remain together for forty-three years until Vargas died in 1954. She
792-500: A yellow fever outbreak in Rio de Janeiro . At the school, Vargas was the subject of hostility by his fellow cadets, taunted with the nickname xuxu , or chayote , for his height (1.57 m or 5 ft 2 in) and "round shape". Vargas and his elder brothers were forced out of the school after Vargas's brother Viriato, with the aid of his brother Protasio, shot fellow cadet Carlos Prado to death. Like his father, Vargas embarked on
924-731: A "cautious alignment" with the US in the event of another world conflict. Furthermore, the planned blockade by the British navy on Germany and Italy made large-scale trade with them impossible. After extensive negotiation, Brazil and the United States signed an agreement in which the US committed to finance the construction of a large Brazilian steel plant ( Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional ) in Volta Redonda , Rio de Janeiro , in exchange for permission to set up military bases and airports in
1056-568: A coalition of politic forces in opposition to the Washington Luís's government that introduced the candidacy of Getúlio Vargas and João Pessoa to the Brazilian presidency and vice-presidency. Cardoso de Melo Neto, as the representative chosen, was part of the Liberal Alliance's convention which validated the opposition's candidacy pleas. The win by the Liberal Alliance made even stronger the ties from its various areas, including
1188-470: A component of his later social reform. Between 1913 and 1917, Vargas's political career ceased, however. While the second term of president Borges de Medeiros was underway, Vargas fell out with the state president at the end of 1912. Commenting on his resignation speech to the Assembly, historian Richard Bourne states, "Get[ú]lio's departure was marked with finesse: he made just enough noise to indicate to
1320-538: A decree which would declare martial law for mutinies. Vargas told them to redraft it, and Aranha told Vargas's secretary, "This Getúlio has a passive resistance that is enervating." While Vargas increased his support with senior army officers, bloody riots broke out in Recife in October 1931. In February 1932, the Democratic Party of São Paulo joined forces with Republicans in a united front against Vargas. There
1452-803: A few who even slander me, are opponents of the regime I founded (the Estado Novo), and I even doubt that I will be able to consolidate it in order to pass the government on to my replacement. On 24 October 1943, the first organized protest against the Estado Novo occurred in Minas Gerais, a letter called Manifesto dos Mineiros signed by the state's elite, including many influential political leaders, such as Pedro Aleixo , Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco, Mendes Pimentel, Bueno Brandão and José de Magalhães Pinto . 50 thousand copies were clandestinely printed and distributed. The government reacted and many of
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#17327722915991584-461: A hybrid between hierarchical values and Catholic conservatism, though it was never considered "fascist indoctrination". Major reforms also took hold in higher education , with Vargas's government creating conditions favorable to universities. Vargas's reforms were limited, however. Though his laws were in existence, the enforcement of those laws was lackluster. In 1948, Anísio Teixeira , considered to be Brazil's greatest education reformer, reviewed
1716-654: A large migration of northeastern Brazilians to the Amazon rainforest , in order to fulfill the latex demand. This revived the area's economy, which had stagnated since the end of the first rubber cycle decades earlier. On 28 January 1943, Vargas and US President Franklin D. Roosevelt agreed at the Natal Conference , to create the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (FEB) in August, a year after
1848-414: A law school graduate and became Vargas's favorite. However, Vargas was an unfaithful husband, often participating in sexual dalliances. He took a mistress in 1937 and become devoted to her; this was later confirmed by his diaries published fifty years after his death in 2004. It is believed the mistress was Aimée de Soto-Maior, later Aimée de Heeren , recognized by the international fashion press as one of
1980-428: A military career. He joined the army in 1898 despite his father's protests, enlisting as a private in the 6th Infantry Battalion for one year. In 1899, he was promoted to sergeant . He also joined the military college at Rio Pardo and studied there until 1901. However, Vargas and twenty other cadets were forced to leave when they joined in a protest over lack of water. Only some time later did an amnesty allow him and
2112-560: A movement nicknamed Queremismo emerged in support of Vargas until a new constitution was promulgated, which never happened. Vargas was deposed on 29 October 1945 by a military movement led by generals from his own ministry. He formally resigned as president of the republic and was replaced by the president of the Federal Supreme Court, José Linhares , since there was no vice-president in the 1937 Constitution. José stayed in office for three months before handing over power to
2244-446: A new constitution the same day that gave him absolute control of the country and the power to appoint federal intervenors ( interventores ) with autonomy to replace the states' governors. All governors had already been replaced after Vargas assumed power following the 1930 revolution, with the exception of Minas Gerais , whose governor, Olegário Maciel, was kept in office. Vargas had also appointed tenentist revolutionary leaders for
2376-446: A new legislature and a plebiscite , which did not take place. No elections were held in the Estado Novo period, although the judiciary did preserve its autonomy. The preamble of the constitution explained the establishment of the dictatorship by describing pre-civil war Brazil. Decree-Law No. 37 of 2 December 1937 abolished political parties, including two that were critical of the then-political system, and preached "direct contact with
2508-464: A new, dictatorial Constitution, and shut down the Legislature to rule Brazil as a dictator. Getúlio Vargas took power on 10 November 1937, and in a radio broadcast told the nation that his regime intended to "readjust the political organism to the economic needs of the country". The 1937 Constitution consolidated his power and allowed him to censor the press and spread propaganda coordinated by
2640-478: A people truly capable of democratic government." Vargas graduated in 1907. Entering politics in the Republican Party of Rio Grande do Sul , Vargas had two options after graduating from law school: He could either accept an instructorship position in the school he had just graduated from, or he could become the state attorney. Vargas chose the latter, a position that was secured by his father, and he
2772-519: A person from Minas Gerais, violating the four-decade old oligarchy. Vargas publicly announced his views on the Old Republic in a proclamation on 4 October 1930: The people are starving and oppressed. Representative government has been destroyed by the oligarchies and the professional politicians. Brutality, violence and squandering of public funds is seen at every level of Brazilian national politics.… The ensuing political crisis of Luís choosing
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#17327722915992904-403: A potential coup would transpire, which was not the case. However, Vargas felt depressed during the crisis, with both Alzira and Monteiro noting he was passing through an abrupt mental stage at the beginning of the revolt. Although federal forces defeated the revolutionaries, a new constitution would be enacted two years later in the aftermath. Vargas, meanwhile, enforced soft peace terms, ordered
3036-463: A series of fraternity -like boarding houses, in one of which he made connections with future president and collaborator Eurico Gaspar Dutra . Vargas also spoke to visiting president Afonso Pena as a student representative in August 1906, saying, "We are today simply spectators of the present, but we will be judges of the future… Democracy is the common aspiration of civili[z]ed peoples as to their political system, but only with education can we have
3168-544: A speech to the Federal Senate on 13 December 1946 regarding the creation of the DIP: ...I shouldn't solve our problems according to the convenience of international propaganda, but on the basis of the convenience of Brazil and America... The excessive diligence of British propaganda repeatedly disrupted my actions. But to a certain extent it was useful, because it led to measures that guaranteed our impeccable neutrality (in
3300-538: A substitute professor, Cardoso got his title at the fifth section of the Administrative Law, Administration Science, Economic Politics and Finance Science chair. In 1920, he would be entitled a professor of the last two. Afterwards, in 1941, he became the director of the school he once studied at. Thus, in November 1953, Cardoso received the title of emeritus professor of the school. Cardoso was also one of
3432-519: A telephone station. Revolutionaries quickly took control of the Northeast , and a large military confrontation in São Paulo seemed imminent. This, however, never happened, as Luís resigned on 24 October 1930, at the urging of both the military and Cardinal Dom Sebastião Leme . A short-lived junta of Brazil's military leaders took charge of the government. Revolutionary leaders, surprised at
3564-548: A uniform and wide-brimmed pampa hat, with 3,000 soldiers in the city in preparation of his arrival. The junta withdrew from power and installed Vargas as "interim president" on 3 November 1930. Vargas's provisional presidency began on 3 November 1930, when he assumed "unlimited power" from the provisional government in the aftermath of the Revolution of 1930, and gave a speech detailing a 17-point program. He imprisoned his prominent political opponents, and instead of taking
3696-487: A unique dictator, because he was a progressive dictator, a humanitarian dictator. Despite one or two accusations of violence, the people don't accept Getúlio as a violent dictator". Vargas and the military maintained a neutral stance from September 1939 to 1941. Public opinion was divided. Many immigrants from the Axis powers sympathized with those countries but the majority of Afro-descendants and communists, especially after
3828-608: Is considered a precursor to the military dictatorship in Brazil that began with the 1964 coup , although the two regimes differed on several levels. José Américo de Almeida and Armando de Sales Oliveira , who supported the Brazilian Revolution of 1930 , were running for presidency in the 1937 Brazilian elections, as well as the fascist-aligned integralist Plínio Salgado . The Vargas government, on 30 September 1937, made public an alleged communist plan aiming to seize
3960-518: Is considered by historians as the most influential Brazilian politician of the 20th century. Born on 19 April 1882 in São Borja , Rio Grande do Sul, to a powerful local family, Vargas had a short stint in the Brazilian Army before entering law school. He began his political career as district attorney, soon becoming a state deputy prior to a brief departure from politics. After returning to
4092-503: Is disorganized and congested, and only three institutions to train elementary-level teachers. Only one of them has adequate facilities. In spite of the strangulation and humiliation, there are still noble examples of teachers' devotion and persistence. The adjustment from the Old Republic to a new regime was painful despite Vargas's reforms. After a rebellion broke out in Recife in May 1931, Aranha and General Leite de Castro presented Vargas with
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4224-590: The Allies after being sandwiched between Nazi Germany and the United States. Though there was notable opposition to his government, the major revolts – the 1932 Constitutionalist Revolution in his provisional government, the Communist uprising of 1935 in his constitutional presidency, and the Brazilian Integralist Action 's putsch in his dictatorship – were all successfully suppressed;
4356-522: The Bank of Brazil had once more been granted sole permission to exchange currency, a measure that had originally been put in place by president Luís's government yet repealed by Vargas's provisional government. Brazil had had a close cooperation between the Church and state by the time Vargas assumed power. The collaboration began mostly in the 1920s under the administration of Artur Bernardes. Vargas now made
4488-591: The Constitutionalist Revolution led by the Democratic Party of São Paulo, had failed due to a lack of unity within the alliance. As head of the provisional government (1930–1934), Vargas governed by decree until the Constituent Assembly of 1933–1934 adopted a new Brazilian Constitution , alongside a democratically elected legislature. The Estado Novo period (1937–1945), began when in order to perpetuate his rule, Vargas imposed
4620-783: The Municipal Theater in Rio de Janeiro on 19 November, was: "I don't need the votes of these unemployed people who support the dictator to elect me president of the Republic". Get%C3%BAlio Vargas Getúlio Dornelles Vargas ( Brazilian Portuguese: [ʒeˈtulju doʁˈnɛliz ˈvaʁɡɐs] ; 19 April 1882 – 24 August 1954) was a Brazilian lawyer and politician who served as the 14th and 17th president of Brazil , from 1930 to 1945 and from 1951 until his suicide in 1954. Due to his long and controversial tenure as Brazil's provisional, constitutional, dictatorial and democratic leader, he
4752-556: The National Congress . Vargas turned his command over to his cousin Deoclecio Dorneles Motta, immediately departed for Rio de Janeiro, and now held a far more important task — restoring the power of Rio Grande do Sul in federal politics. In May 1923, Vargas became a national deputy, becoming Medeiros's "man of confidence" during a troubling period. His objective was to diminish federal intervention in
4884-520: The VARIG airline, and improved law courts. Throughout much of the First (or Old) Republic (1889–1930), Brazilian politics were consolidated in an oligarchic alliance known as coffee with milk politics (also referred to as coffee and cream). This alliance joined politicians from the dominant states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Starting in the 1910s, there was much discontent with the Republic, including
5016-402: The presidential election , Vargas rose to power under a provisional presidency following an armed revolution , remaining until 1934 when he was elected president under a new constitution . Three years later he seized powers under the pretext of a potential communist insurrection, beginning the eight-year long Estado Novo dictatorship. In 1942, he led Brazil into World War II on the side of
5148-432: The "constitutional solution", where Vargas would act within the boundaries of the 1891 constitution and he would be declared victor of the 1930 election, Vargas chose the "revolutionary solution" and assumed emergency powers with a provisional government as he had told Aranha from Ponta Grossa . Even amongst the poorest of Brazilians, Vargas had brought hope to them, something which drove him to oblige to his goals. For now,
5280-415: The "mathematician of the party" and named party (or majority) leader. While tasked with the crucial responsibility of ensuring the reelection of Medeiros, Vargas was also chairman of an Assembly commission dedicated to verifying election results for the state presidency, or, as his opposition put it, partaking in electoral fraud . In the latter part of his term, Vargas was in charge of leading and reporting
5412-628: The 1964 coup d'état . On 19 October, Rio Grande do Sul governor José Flores da Cunha lost control of the state's Military Brigade , which Vargas had subordinated to the Brazilian Army. Surrounded by General Góis Monteiro's men, Flores da Cunha left office and went into exile in Uruguay. He had bought a large quantity of arms into Europe and been the last possible military resistance to the Vargas coup attempt. Armando de Sales might have opposed
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5544-486: The Axis countries on 21 January 1942. Nazi espionage in Brazil was active during the war, both as networks and individual actions. The United States created Plan Rubber to invade the northeastern region of Brazil if Vargas did not agree to airbases, which would compromise the country's neutrality. However, the plan was necessary because, with or without Vargas' knowledge, the Brazilian military had since 1934 already reached
5676-448: The Brazilian people lived under a regime lacking political parties and one which governed by decree, which they accepted. Vargas also held sympathies for a corporatist state. The old political formula, stressing the rights of man, appears to be decadent. Instead of individualism, synonym for an excess of liberty, and of communism, a new mentality for slavery, the perfect co-ordination of all initiatives should prevail, circumscribed within
5808-577: The Bureaus of Reconciliation and Arbitration ( Juntas de Conciliação e Julgamento [ pt ] ) to mediate worker-boss affairs. To protect the rights of Brazilian workers, the government limited immigration and required that at least two-thirds of all workers at any given factory be Brazilian. The president gained considerable support from organized labor with his government beginning construction on long-promised workers' housing in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, despite it being under par compared to
5940-456: The Democratic Party's first achievements was to urge to the February 1928's state campaign, which resulted in the election of several deputies. Cardoso de Melo Neto, for instance, was elected from the fifth district of São Paulo. However, as many other candidates from his party, he didn't get his election legitimized. In the beginning of 1929, the Democratic Party joined the Liberal Alliance ,
6072-449: The Democratic Party. The process of preparing an armed movement got intensified after the murder of João Pessoa, which took place on July 26, 1930. On October 24, it took place Washington Luís's deposition in Rio de Janeiro, leaving the govern to be composed by three official-generals from the army, whom which decided to give the post to general Hastínfilo de Moura, commanding officer of the second Military Region. Having governed provisionally
6204-700: The Department of Press and Propaganda (DIP). The National Security Law made it possible to suppress Communism and prevent movements such as the Communist Uprising of 1935. Centralization of power and an import substitution policy helped to fund the industrialization of Brazil, and created institutions to carry it out such as the Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional and the Companhia Vale do Rio Doce . The Estado Novo
6336-411: The Estado Novo was installed to meet "the legitimate aspirations of the Brazilian people for political and social peace, deeply disturbed by notorious factors of disorder... tending, by their natural development, to resolve themselves in terms of violence, placing the nation under the ominous imminence of civil war due to communist infiltration..." The Estado Novo rigorously repressed communism, backed by
6468-1121: The Federal District Police Inspectorate to supervise the Civil Police of the Federal District. The bad reputation of Civil Police of Rio de Janeiro dated back to the Old Republic , and was mocked in the first samba recorded in Brazil, Pelo Telefone , by Donga in 1917: "Over the phone, the Chief of Police tells me that in Carioca there's a roulette wheel to play". Several autobiographies reported imprisonment and torture, without claiming Vargas' direct involvement,examples being Pagu , Carlos Marighella , and Joaquim Câmara Ferreira, who lost his fingernails in prison. Several artists did directly accuse Vargas of restricting individual rights, and he replied on 23 July 1938: "The Estado Novo does not recognize
6600-576: The Forgotten Things: Getúlio Vargas and Brazilian social control – 1930–1954 , published in 2001 by Companhia das Letras . Rose saw the Estado Novo as an unpopular regime that needed to "coerce the people" to survive: "During Vargas' rule, the quality and quantity of human rights abuses reached unprecedented levels. Violence, as a means of coercing the people, was evident in all sectors of the security apparatus... The nation's police forces redefined and in some cases reinvented
6732-658: The Institute for Retirement and Social Welfare produced few results. The popular backlash due to these shortcomings was evidenced by the rising popularity of the National Liberation Alliance, a leftist front, in 1935. Moreover, the Faustos state that, "The nation's financial situation became untenable halfway through 1931." Payments on Brazil's foreign debt ceased in September of the same year, and
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#17327722915996864-696: The June 1941 invasion of the USSR (aligned with the Allies ), and had great mobilization power and influence in the press. During this period, Vargas wrote in his diary: "It seems to me that the Americans want to drag us into the war, without it being of any use to us or to them!" At the January 1942 Pan-American Conference in Rio de Janeiro, most countries on the continent condemned the attack on Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941, and broke off diplomatic relations with
6996-614: The National Security Law, which prevented revolutionary movements such as the Communist uprising of 1935. However, Brazil had no federal police force, and state police forces remained under the command of the federal intervenors. The Brazilian Civil Code of 1916 remained in force, and a new, more liberal penal code was adopted. Torture at the Rio de Janeiro Police headquarters in Filinto Müller 's administration
7128-500: The PRP had not agreed to support Armando Sales' candidacy. On 10 November 1937, Vargas took office through a coup, stating on the radio that the regime intended to "readjust the political organism to the economic needs of the country". Vargas also stated that "when political disputes threaten to degenerate into civil war, it is a sign that the constitutional regime has lost its practical value, existing only as an abstraction". He promulgated
7260-474: The Republicans had gotten themselves into. He said, "I will send them all to arrive there in time. Only the impossible will deter me from coming to the help of my comrades." Before he could command any real action, president Medeiros messaged Vargas to hand over the military as he had been named federal deputy, a vacant seat he ran for in 1922, and deputies could only command troops with the permission of
7392-604: The Silent March in which they paraded with black gags to symbolize the lack of freedom of expression. "We were called up as a punishment – as if it could be a punishment to serve Brazil!" wrote one student, Geraldo Vidigal. The role of these students in the war was to disarm landmines before the tanks got through. Vargas expressed concern about the future of the Estado Novo in his diary on 27 January 1942: I have to confess that I feel sad. A large part of those who applaud this attitude (breaking diplomatic relations with Germany),
7524-506: The aegis of the state and to incorpoate the working class into the government's array of supporters." To achieve these goals, Vargas, notably, created the Ministry of Labor, Industry, and Commerce ( Ministério do Trabalho [ pt ] ) in November 1930, nominating Lindolfo Collor as the first Minister of Labor. Laws were passed to protect workers, a March 1931 decree brought unions into line, and Vargas's government established
7656-436: The alliance. During the campaign, Vargas had also been careful not to offend planter landowners, though he did advocate moderate social reform and economic nationalism. The Liberal Alliance, amongst other social issues, pushed for agricultural schools, industrial training centres, sanitation to the countryside, establishing workers' vacations and a minimum wage, political reforms, individuals' freedom, and consumer co-operatives,
7788-565: The beginning of the Great Depression , there was no longer any demand for Brazil's agricultural production. Planters found financial ruin, unemployment in cities grew, foreign revenue declined, and convertible money was no longer in circulation. For instance, the price of coffee was 22.5 cents per pound in 1929, but this plummeted to a mere eight cents in 1931. Though Vargas promoted the diversification of agriculture, especially with cotton, he also recognized that he could not abandon
7920-555: The budget. During the 1923 civil war in Rio Grande do Sul, Vargas was called upon to lead a military unit with Republicans. He would organize the Seventh Provisional Division, and, when Republicans Oswaldo Aranha and José Antonio Flores da Cunha were under siege by Liberationists, led two-hundred-fifty provisórios as lieutenant colonel , marching one hundred miles at night to Uruguaiana to "defend
8052-660: The central government, later dubbed the Cohen Plan . The National Congress declared martial law the next day, 1 October. The integralists (right wing) denied participation, however, and blamed General Góis Monteiro , then head of the Army General Staff . Captain Olímpio Mourão Filho , an integralist , was accused but acquitted eighteen years later by the Brazilian Army 's Council of Justification (requested on 26 December 1956). He later initiated
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#17327722915998184-550: The channeling of religious feelings toward the state, though. Hoping to tackle the issue of education as well, Vargas's government immediately introduced new measures to improve what was perceived as a problem in Brazil. Like religion, reform was tried in the 1920s at first, beginning at the state level. However, Vargas's new government sought to centralize education, creating the Ministry of Education and Health in November 1930. The initiatives were based on "authoritarianism" and
8316-453: The church received support for the new government from the majority of Brazil's Catholics . In April 1931, a decree allowed religion to be taught in public schools. This was all despite the fact that Vargas was firmly agnostic (though Darci practiced Roman Catholicism), going as far as to name his first son Lutero, an un-Catholic name. His purpose for the union between the church and state was to build popular support for his government through
8448-512: The coffee sector, which Brazil was highly dependent upon . Therefore, the Vargas government took measures to address the sector's financial ruin. On 10 February 1933, Vargas created the National Coffee Department (DNC) ( Departamento Nacional do Café [ pt ] ), and in March 1931, Vargas issued a decree which barred imports of machinery for industries suffering from overproduction. Still, Vargas's government
8580-554: The coup, but he had already left his position in the São Paulo government to run for presidency in the 1937 election. His successor, José de Melo Neto , promised Vargas that "São Paulo would not have another revolution". Just as in 1930, São Paulo was divided; the Constitutionalist Party of Armando Sales, heir to the Democratic Party, and the Republican Party of São Paulo (PRP), were unable to cooperate because
8712-783: The declaration of war. The pracinhas , as FEB soldiers became known, were 25,000 in 1945, of an estimated 200,000. They fought in Italy in July 1944, and served from September to the end of the European conflict on 8 May 1945. The US and the UK invited Brazil to join the occupation of Austria , but Brazil refused. Among the FEB soldiers were eight law students from the University of São Paulo , who took part in peaceful demonstrations against Vargas such as
8844-480: The departments that had fallen the lowest in the country's general opinion. This department had long since ceased to be an apparatus of order, but had been transformed into a terrorist organization, whose fame had already spread, with the prestige of sinister things, beyond our borders." These reforms followed the suggestions of the Civil Police Reform Commission of the Federal District under Police Chief João Batista Luzardo. Decree-Law No. 5,504 of May 20, 1943 created
8976-446: The dispute was settled before he arrived, later saying that living under difficult conditions allowed him to learn to judge others, though he was disappointed from being kept idle and non-combatant. He asked for a discharge once again, and was able to obtain paperwork falsely stating he had had epilepsy . Vargas was admitted to the law school at Porto Alegre and adapted easily to the elitist climate among students. He became active in
9108-429: The early years of the World War II ). Vargas' cabinet was relatively stable. His ministers of Finance , War , the Navy and Education remained in office throughout the period. The Integralist Uprising on 8 May 1938, which attacked the Guanabara Palace , attempting to depose Vargas, was the only response to the coup. It led him to appoint a personal guard, which the people called the "Black Guard". Vargas said in
9240-493: The education reform done in the state of Bahia after twenty years (1928–1948). On 16 April 1948, Teixeira gave a speech in the capital, Salvador : Most of the state's educational efforts are performed by a cadre of primary schoolteachers centered in cities or dispersed throughout the interior, where in almost all cases there are no school buildings, only makeshift classrooms, and virtually no teaching materials. There are few state-funded secondary schools in Bahia, which lamentably
9372-419: The end of press censorship under the Estado Novo and the weakening and fall of the regime. Despite measures like setting a date for presidential elections on 28 May 1945 (2 December), amnesty for Luís Carlos Prestes and other political prisoners, freedom of party organization and a commitment to elect a new Constituent Assembly , pressure for Getúlio to resign remained strong. Led by businessman Hugo Borghi,
9504-740: The federal government maintained a responsibility for protecting the secret vote in elections, and many voting reforms were introduced, including the establishment of the Electoral Justice , women's suffrage , and a lowering of the voting age from twenty-one to eighteen. Fraud was reduced, and the Electoral Justice was tasked with the organization and oversight of elections and the judgement of appeals. Jos%C3%A9 Joaquim Cardoso de Melo Neto Cardoso de Melo Neto did his preparatory courses at Escola Complementar, an appendix to Escola Normal de São Paulo. In 1901, he enrolled at
9636-527: The federal government to pay half of the rebels' debt, and refused to bomb or invade the city of São Paulo during the conflict, rather limiting fighting to the outskirts of the city. Vargas, especially during his early years, was always in danger of being ousted by one or more of the groups in his coalition, including the anti-São Paulo planters, the bourgeoisie, and the military. Rumors circulated in his provisional presidency about coups both left- and right-wing, though they had no basis. Under Vargas's regime,
9768-644: The federal government, then ruled by general Valdomiro Lima. In February 1924, Cardoso de Melo joined the new Constitutionalist Party, the result of the merge between the Democratic Party, the Republican's National Act and the Volunteers Federation, guided by Armando de Sales Oliveira. Elected as federal deputy on the same year, Cardoso got to join the Mixed Commission of Economic-Finance Reform, and accumulated his parliamentary roles to
9900-505: The federal states, which were forbidden to bear any symbols, were burned on 4 December in a civic ceremony on the Russel Esplanade in Rio de Janeiro."We no longer have regional problems," Getúlio had said in 1939, "they are all national, and of interest to the whole of Brazil". The government censored the press through the Department of Press and Propaganda (DIP), created by Decree-Law No. 1,915 of 27 December 1939. Vargas said in
10032-771: The founders of Liga Nacionalista, created in 1917 as an ideia from Rui Barbosa and the poet Olavo Bilac. The goal was to adopt the practice of secret voting and the obligatoriness of the military service. In 1926, he would help the founding of the Partido Democrático (Democratic Party) of São Paulo. Besides remaining as the head of Mercantil Bank, Carsoso was also a part of Comercial Bank of the State of São Paulo's (Banco Comercial do Estado de São Paulo), Rodrigues Alves Agricultural Company's (Companhia Agrícola Rodrigues Alves) and Piraçununga's Wiring and Weaving's (Fiação e Tecelagem de Piraçununga) Administrative Council. One of
10164-460: The gaucho boss that he was not to be treated lightly, and not such a dramatic ruction as to make a later composition impossible." Medeiros still needed the powerful Vargases' support, however. Near the end of 1916, Vargas refused an offer from Medeiros to become the state's police chief, opting instead to successfully run for reelection as a state deputy and would remain for two terms. Throughout his renewed tenure, he was, satirically, described as
10296-407: The ideas of his party". Halfway there at Itaqui , he found the railway cut and an absence of mounts for his horsemen. According to Aranha's brother Adalberto, Vargas was persistent, decisive, and speedy throughout the crisis. He ordered his forces out of the town and the embarkation of his troops on requisitioned river barges. Vargas also ignored low water warnings to save the detrimental situation
10428-418: The judiciary branch was allowed to remain with modification on all levels of government. Ensuring his support, Vargas also named federal "intervenors" to administer the Brazilian states and replace presidents (governors), with the only exception being Minas Gerais, where the president was allowed to remain as interventor. Nearly all these actions were perscribed in a single decree on 11 November 1930. Since
10560-461: The knowledge that a paulista would succeed Bernardes, Vargas cultivated the São Paulo delegation during Bernardes' presidency. When Washington Luís was elected president in 1926, he chose Vargas to become his Minister of Finance . This was despite the fact Vargas had virtually no fiscal experience, even going as far as to deny joining a finance committee when he was in Congress. The appointment
10692-495: The lack of an opposition and the Republican political machine , Vargas's election was assured and he became the president of the state with his term set to expire in 1932. Vargas was active throughout his two-year tenure. In one instance, he vetoed dishonest election results which favored his political party. In another, he negotiated a ceasefire between his state's two warring factions and successfully ended decades of hostility. With that, he also made peace with other groups in
10824-448: The low level of our political culture, addicted to oligarchic and personalist practices, this single party will soon begin to subdivide into factions and needlessly agitate and disrupt the life of the country. What was urgent, he said, was "to speed up the process of our development and strengthen the creative energies of progress." The issue of a single-party system then "closed for good". The Estado Novo also opposed regionalism. Flags of
10956-434: The majority of which Vargas would go on to install in the Brazilian economy. Much to the distaste of the opposition, Júlio Prestes was declared winner of the 1930 election. This, however, did not go without many claims of electoral fraud, though fraud was committed on both sides. Electoral machines produced votes in all Brazilian states, including Rio Grande do Sul, where Vargas won 298,627 votes to 982. Although many in
11088-475: The manifeto's signatories were removed from their public offices or fired from their jobs due to government pressure. An opponent of the Estado Novo, writer Monteiro Lobato , was imprisoned after accusing Vargas of not allowing Brazilians to search for oil . As World War II ended in 1945, pressures grew for redemocratization. José Américo de Almeida's interview with Carlos Lacerda on 22 February 1945, published in Rio de Janeiro's Correio da Manhã , symbolized
11220-565: The masses": Considering that the electoral system then in force...encouraged the proliferation of parties, with the sole and exclusive aim of giving candidacies and elective positions the appearance of legitimacy, and:...the new regime... must be in direct contact with the people, overriding partisan struggles of any kind, independent of the consultation of groupings, parties or organizations, ostensibly or disguisedly aimed at conquering public power. Vargas opposed political parties and one-party models: We must have no illusions. Given our customs and
11352-513: The methods Vargas used in quelling his opposition ranged from light peace terms to jailing political opponents. Ousted in 1945 after fifteen years in power, Vargas returned to the presidency democratically after winning the 1950 Brazilian general election . However, a growing political crisis led to his suicide in 1954, prematurely ending his second presidency. Getúlio Dornelles Vargas was born in São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, on 19 April 1882,
11484-653: The needs of the growing population. He also began taking repressive measures toward leftist organizations in respect to the economy, particularly the Brazilian Communist Party . The economic regulations Vargas imposed, however, were still being circumvented as late as 1941. While it was impossible for the minimum wage laws to be evaded by large businesses or in large towns, the minimum rural salary of 1943 was, in many cases, simply not abided by employers. In fact, many social policies never extended to rural areas. While each state varied, social legislation
11616-516: The north and northeast of the country. The German navy extended submarine warfare to Brazilian-flagged merchant ships, and the Italian navy followed suit. However, Vargas did not declare war until 22 August, seven months after the attacks. The Allies needed rubber because the Japanese occupation of Southeast Asia meant they could no longer depend on a supply from that region. This resulted in
11748-479: The north, not to depose Washington Luis, but to realise the program of the revolution... I am merely a transitory expression of the collective will. Members of the junta of Rio de Janeiro will be accepted as collaborators but not directors, since these elements joined the revolution at the time when its success was assured. Under these conditions, I will enter with the southern forces into the state of São Paulo, which will be occupied by troops I can trust. We will arrange
11880-446: The official leader of the Rio Grande do Sul congressional delegation, the same year he was forced to take his daughter Alzira out of school in November after a warship opened fire on Rio de Janeiro as part of the tenente rebellions . According to Levine, Vargas's "most noteworthy achievement as a congressman came in 1925, when as a member of a commission studying constitutional reform he advocated greater government authority." With
12012-411: The opposition considered orchestrating a coup following the results, Vargas claimed that they did not have enough power to dispute the election successfully. It seemed the planned coup would not be executed. However, in the wake of the assassination of João Pessoa , Vargas's running mate, for romantic reasons, the opposition decided it was ultimately time to take up arms, and Vargas agreed. Although
12144-452: The orbit of the State; and class organisations should be recognised as collaborators in public administration. Through his provisional government, it was apparent that Vargas was attempting to centralize his power. After dissolving state and municipal legislatures as well as the National Congress , Vargas assumed all policymaking power of the legislative and executive branches and the ability to name and dismiss public officials at will, though
12276-660: The other states, such as Flores da Cunha in Rio Grande do Sul, Carlos de Lima Cavalcanti in Pernambuco, and João Alberto Lins de Barros in São Paulo. The 1937 constitution , entirely drafted by Francisco Campos, became known as " Polaca " (Portuguese demonym for the Polish), because it was inspired by the April Constitution of Poland . It shut down the Congress, state and municipal legislatures , and abolished universal suffrage. The constitution also provided for
12408-505: The others to return. Still having time to serve, Vargas was then transferred to Porto Alegre and joined the 25th Infantry Battalion. He tried leaving to enroll in law school, but his discharge was delayed due to a medical examination that was required. Coincidentally, Vargas was sent to Corumbá in what was then Mato Grosso before his examination was conducted when a border crisis broke out between Bolivia and Brazil in February 1903. The disillusioned Vargas did not have to fight as
12540-441: The ousting of the president, were concerned as it had been done without previous notice to the revolutionaries. Vargas went by train to São Paulo and continued toward Rio de Janeiro (then the nation's capital), and telegraphed to the junta on 24 October 1930 : I am on the São Paulo border with thirty thousand men perfectly armed and acting in combination with the states of Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná, Santa Catarina, Minas Gerais and
12672-415: The planting of wheat and created a department of agriculture. Vargas doubled the amount of primary schools in the state, oversaw the construction of bridges and roads, and revisited the railroad contract between Rio Grande do Sul and the federal government in order to favor the state. Despite that, he remained loyal to Luís's administration and maintained ties to the federal government. Vargas also championed
12804-586: The presidency. Acknowledging Medeiros's autocratic philosophy was the reason for this; a successor was in Medeiros's control and he could have vetoed any nomination. Despite this, Vargas had many beneficial factors on his side: Medeiros's debt, his national achievements, his distancing from intrastate quarrels, his popularity amongst party youth such as Aranha, and his ability to mediate difficult situations. Medeiros selected Vargas as his successor, followed by Vargas's resignation from Luís's cabinet in late 1927. With
12936-470: The president ( governor ) in 1928, he gained valuable recognition and experience on a national level. In 1928, Medeiros was to complete his lengthy tenure and depart from the presidency of Rio Grande do Sul. Vargas, meanwhile, looked on with caution, so far as to prevent a journalist from writing about Vargas's audiences in Diario de Noticias back in Porto Alegre, believing it would pass off as an attempt for
13068-447: The president elected on 2 December 1945, Eurico Gaspar Dutra . The trigger for the military action was the appointment of Getúlio's brother, Benjamim Vargas , as chief of police in Rio de Janeiro. A valuable contribution to Eurico Dutra's electoral victory came from Hugo Borghi, who distributed thousands of pamphlets accusing candidate Eduardo Gomes of saying: "I don't need the votes of the marmiteiros ". In fact, what Eduardo said, at
13200-535: The president was elected in March, he wasn't to be sworn in until November, leaving time for Luís to transition power to the president-elect, Prestes. Alongside his co-conspirators, Vargas planned to overthrow the federal government in an armed revolution. This revolution, known as the Revolution of 1930 , began on 3 October. Railway workers went on strike. In Recife , the capital of Pernambuco , citizens invaded government buildings, seized an arsenal, and wrecked
13332-461: The proclamation of the Estado Novo. Never before has a head of state been so loved by his people in our country. His prestige never waned, and Vargas remained beloved until his tragic death." Journalist David Nasser lists some of the more common forms of torture in his Falta Alguém em Nuremberg: Torturas da Polícia de Felinto Strubling Müller . and the 1952 novel The Bowels of Liberty by Jorge Amado , who went into exile in 1948, relate "details of
13464-464: The relationship much closer, evident in the unveiling of the statue of Christ the Redeemer on 12 October 1931. Vargas and his ministers were present at the unveiling, and Cardinal Leme, who was influential in the ousting of president Luís, declared Brazil as "the most holy heart of Jesus, whom it recognized as its King and Lord." Vargas's government took special measures in favor of the church, and
13596-578: The repression of the Brazilian Communist Party , censorship, torture and imprisonment" under the Estado Novo, He was arrested in 1936 and 1937 for subversion based on his involvement with the Communist Uprising. In 1937, his books were burned in a public square in Salvador . In his book Tancredo Fala de Getúlio, on the other hand, Tancredo Neves , Minister of Justice from 1953 to 1954, wrote that: "He tried hard to project himself in history as
13728-436: The rights of individuals against the community. Individuals don't have rights, they have duties! Rights belong to the community! The state, overriding the struggle of interests, guarantees the rights of the community and enforces its duties towards it." "The Vargas regime's relentless persecution of its opponents (real and imagined), whose methods heavily involved the use of torture, violence, deportation and murder," said UOL ,
13860-457: The state Legislative Assembly , Vargas led troops during Rio Grande do Sul's 1923 civil war. He entered national politics as a member of the Chamber of Deputies . Afterward, Vargas served as Minister of Finance under president Washington Luís before resigning to head Rio Grande do Sul as state president, during which he had an active tenure and introduced many policies. In 1930, after losing
13992-487: The state civil war and gave a speech stating the state government had it under control. In reality, there was doubt this statement was true and Medeiros had had to raise private loans in Uruguay to pay for war expenses. Vargas also had to lead his bloc of gaúcho deputies, demoralized after an editorial appeared in Porto Alegre calling for the acceptance of the incoming Artur Bernardes administration. In 1924, Vargas became
14124-480: The state for only four days, (until October 28, 1930), the general composed sort of a council, of which members of the Democratic Party were part of. During this period, which became known as "the 40 days government", general Hastínfilo de Moura got replaced by José Maria Whitaker, Plínio Barreto and, finally, captain João Alberto Lins de Barros. Cardoso de Melo Neto became the mayor of São Paulo, capital os
14256-519: The state government about the Vargases' "coercive" actions, and in 1933, during Vargas's first presidency, two of his nephews were killed in a border clash. Vargas's mother Cândida was described as being "short and fat and pleasant" by her nephew Spártaco. Her side of the family came from the Azores and included some founders of Porto Alegre , the capital of Rio Grande do Sul. Vargas's father Manuel
14388-691: The state of São Paulo. Cardoso also represented the Democratic Party on the negotiations for the creation of the Chapa Única por São Paulo Unido (Single Party to unite São Paulo). The plate, which mixed the Democratic Party, the Paulista's Republican Party, the Catholic Electoral League and the Volunteer's Federation, was fighting for liberal and federalist characteristics, going against the politic and economic centralization organized by
14520-644: The state, such as making concessions to Liberationists. Levine states, "As governor, Vargas achieved bipartisan support for his government, for the first time in generations." Along with Aranha, who carried out his economic program, he provided credit to cattle ranchers and created interventionist cooperatives to bring in resources and lower export prices for agriculture. Vargas established the Banco do Rio Grande do Sul (Bank of Rio Grande do Sul) to lend money to farmers and touched upon education, mining, agriculture, and roads. The people rallied around him as Vargas promoted
14652-516: The students' republican faction and served as an editor and profile writer for the school's newspaper, O Debate (The Debate). Vargas and his friends were also influenced by the late politician Júlio de Castilhos , creating the Bloco Acadêmico Castilhista (Castilho's Academic Block) to keep his ideas alive after his death. During his time at the school, Vargas was appointed the valedictorian of his class and stayed in
14784-412: The third of five sons born to Manuel do Nascimento Vargas and Cândida Dornelles Vargas. Located near Brazil's border with Argentina , the town of São Borja was a center of smuggling, political adventurism, and armed conflict, and Rio Grande do Sul was also known for an unusually violent history. The Vargas family reflected some of these characteristics. In 1919, 76 residents of São Borja complained to
14916-416: The torture that had already taken place in Brazil since colonial times. The cruelty of their methods was matched only by the fervor with which this example was followed by subsequent generations." However, an October 1954 special edition of the magazine O Mundo Ilustrado said that Vargas enjoyed his greatest popularity in the dictatorial period: "The popular prestige of President Vargas grew even more after
15048-599: The traditional Faculdade de Direito do Largo de São Francisco, getting his bachelor on Law School in August 1906. During his studies, Cardoso occupied the presidency of the Círculo Jurídico Acadêmico. Four years later, in 1910, he became president of the Sociedade Anônima Elétrica Rio Claro, a notorious company on the field of electric energy in the State of São Paulo, where he remained until 1934. In October 1917, as
15180-445: The trip to Rio [de Janeiro] later. It is unnecessary for me to say that the march upon São Paulo and the subsequent military occupation is merely to guarantee military order. We have no desire to antagonise or humiliate our brothers from this state, who deserve only our esteem and appreciation. Before beginning our march for São Paulo tomorrow I want to hear any proposals that the junta may wish to make. Vargas arrived in Rio de Janeiro in
15312-732: The two warring factions in the region. Vargas had a happy childhood thanks to the respect his mother received from the town due to her position between the two political factions. Vargas studied at a private primary school in São Borja run by Francisco Braga. He did not finish, however, for Vargas was sent to the Ouro Preto Preparatory School in Minas Gerais . The invitation was at the request of his brothers, and Vargas traveled by boat from Buenos Aires in Argentina, rushing as quickly as possible overland due to
15444-592: The value of the Brazilian currency. It saw initial success before collapsing in the wake of the Wall Street Crash of 1929 . Vargas introduced a tax on consumption with the purpose of undermining the country's dependency on customs revenue. He would also hold audiences where up to a hundred people could submit their petitions, requests, and complaints, ranging from ordinary citizens to congressional deputies. Although Vargas only served two years as Finance Secretary before returning to Rio Grande do Sul to become
15576-417: The world's consumption for three years. According to historians Boris and Sergio Fausto, "One of the more coherent aspects of the Vargas administration was its labor policy. Between 1930 and 1945, it passed through several stages, but from the beginning it appeared as innovative as far as what preceded it was concerned. Its main objectives were to repress efforts of the urban working class to organize outside
15708-474: The world's most glamorous and beautiful women. Heeren neither confirmed nor denied the rumor. Manuel gave Vargas some land near his own, and money to set up a home and legal practice in São Borja. The combination of a political and legal profession was common in Latin America. Vargas was now a conciliator and advisor, taking on many cases dealing with a social factor, an experience that can be considered
15840-540: Was based on gratitude toward Medeiros for helping him become president and a political deal as part of the many cabinet positions divided amongst important states. Though the economy was prosperous from 1926 to 1928, it was entirely based upon coffee. Within a month, Vargas had submitted a money reform bill to the National Congress, similar to the French Poincaré , with the objective of stabilizing
15972-400: Was enforced less by the government and more by the good will of employers and officials in the remote regions of Brazil. Vargas's legislation did more for the industrial workers than for the more numerous agricultural workers, despite the fact that only relatively few industrial workers joined the unions that the government encouraged. The state-run social security system was inefficient and
16104-441: Was even a front in Vargas's home state of Rio Grande do Sul, pushing for a seven-point program, the instant restoration of individuals' rights, the guarantee of freedom of the press , and the election of a constituent assembly . At this point, some foreign diplomats had much doubt Vargas had any control of events, observing the division between revolutionary leaders and unrest in the country. The painful transition between regimes
16236-479: Was extremely unpopular in the state, becoming the subject of hostility by politicians and the press despite his best efforts to appease them. He was forced to resign in July 1931 after a minor rebellion in April of that year, and three separate interventors succeeded him until mid-1932, including a civilian interventor Vargas appointed in March. The state believed Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul would join them and
16368-469: Was faced with a major problem: Large stocks of coffee had no demand on the international market. In July 1931, the government, using the money it received via export taxes and exchange taxes, would purchase excess coffee and destroy some of it. Doing such, the price of coffee would be sustained and the supply would be reduced. The plan lasted many years, only ending in 1944. By that point, Vargas's government had destroyed 78,200,000 sacks of coffee, equivalent to
16500-568: Was just one of the facets, perhaps the best known, of this period." Lawyer Marina Pasquini Toffolli has called the Estado Nova "a dictatorship that spread terror and built barbarism throughout its territory, suppressing all individual guarantees" and noted the dismissal of the federal, state and municipal parliaments, censorship of the press and repression. The first civilian to examine the secret police archives in Rio de Janeiro, American researcher R.S.Rose, collected material in his book One of
16632-454: Was most evident in the 1932 Constitutionalist Revolution , a three-month long civil war in Brazil (9 July–2 October 1932) which pitted São Paulo, now suffering as their interests and pride were lost, against the federal government in the name of a free constitution. Furthermore, the state of São Paulo was distressed with Vargas's implementation of interventors to replace state presidents. São Paulo's interventor, João Alberto Lins de Barros ,
16764-493: Was named the Rio Grande do Sul state attorney general by his party. While it was very apparent that Vargas received the position due to his political connections, he remained as state attorney until 1908. Vargas would gain valuable experience as state attorney, and, after building himself a reputation for loyalty and brightness, was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul in 1909. Though he
16896-602: Was one of fourteen children, an honored military general for his service in the Paraguayan War , and a local Riograndense Republican Party leader. Manuel's family had a background in Azores and São Paulo. During the Federalist Revolution , Cândida's side of the family became maragatos , or federalists, while Manuel's side fought on the chimango , or republican, side. Their marriage brought together
17028-507: Was only in his twenties, he still managed to make himself known for the ability to temporize and became well-liked. However, the Legislative Assembly only convened for two months in a year and pay was allotted, meaning that Vargas needed to find other income sources. This was partially because of the downgraded importance of state legislators in Rio Grande do Sul in sharp contrast to other states. Believing São Borja could not support more than one advocate's office, Vargas began his legal career as
17160-765: Was part of the period known as the Vargas Era that began with the Second Brazilian Republic . Vargas first took power as provisional president in 1930 following the revolution that ended the First Republic and launched the Second Brazilian Republic. Several ensuing coup attempts failed to depose him, until he granted himself new powers under the Third Brazilian Republic or Estado Novo. In early 1932,
17292-480: Was reported. and some critics of the Estado Novo claim that torture occurred throughout Brazil. On 3 October 1931, Vargas said that due to his changes to the Civil Police of the Federal District in his first year in office, the Civil Police of the Federal District "Under the revolutionary government, the Civil Police of the Federal District redeemed itself in the eyes of public opinion; it was, in fact, one of
17424-541: Was the daughter of Antonio Sarmanho, a merchant, farmer, and one of Manuel's closest friends, and was orphaned at age fourteen. According to historian Robert M. Levine , Darci stayed in the background for most of Vargas's life and looked after the family's households. She also devoted herself to public charity causes later in their lives when Vargas would become president. They had five children together: Lutero , Jandira, Alzira, Manuel (also known as Maneco), and Getúlio (also known as Getulinho). Alzira would go on to become
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