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Tishreen Movement

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The October Protest Movement , known in Iraq as the Tishreen Movement , is a social movement in Iraq. The movement came into being during the 2019-2021 Iraqi Protests in tandem with similar protests in Lebanon and Sudan . The main center of protests organized by the movement was Baghdad's Tahrir Square , with other protests taking place in Basra and Najaf . Following months of protest, the movement succeeded in forcing the resignation of the government of former Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi .

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46-607: Demands presented during the protests started with a call for increased job opportunities and better services, as well as to bring an end to the corruption sanctioned under the muhasa system - the ethno-sectarian power-sharing arrangement which has shaped Iraqi politics since 2003. Later, protesters came together to call for political reform through early elections. A survey conducted by the Enabling Peace in Iraq Center found that 82% of Iraqis agreed that fighting corruption

92-503: A city's seats, a thing common in First past the post elections. The number of wasted votes in an SNTV election is generally lower than in First past the post elections as well. Under SNTV, parties often do not receive representation exactly proportional to their strength, because it is difficult to accurately judge their strength when deciding how many candidates to field ( strategic nomination ) and difficult to direct party supporters as

138-517: A hundred years later than Saint-Just's proposal. In 1880s Japan adopted SNTV for provincial politicians and in 1900 for national politicians. SNTV is used for elections in Puerto Rico , Kuwait , Indonesia , Japan , Taiwan , Thailand , Libya , Iraq , Hong Kong and Vanuatu . In Puerto Rico , SNTV is known as at-large representation ("representación por acumulación" in Spanish), SNTV

184-422: A single candidate. Party A has about 35% support among the electorate (with one particularly well-liked candidate), Party B around 25% (with two well-liked candidates) and the remaining voters primarily support independent candidates, but mostly lean towards party B if they have to choose between the two parties. All voters vote sincerely ; there is no tactical voting. Percent of votes under MNTV and Limited Voting

230-581: A system of vote allocation which had been adopted by all parties for the 2004 ROC legislative elections . Single Non-transferable Voting was first proposed in solid form by Saint-Just in 1793, in a proposal to the French National Convention . He proposed having the whole country as one multi-seat district; but the idea was not adopted in France at that time. Japan was the first country to adopt SNTV for election of government members

276-421: A variant of dot voting where each voter has only one point to assign. Unlike block voting or limited voting , where voters can cast multiple votes, under SNTV each voter casts just one. This produces a kind of semi-proportional representation at the district level, meaning small parties, as well as large parties, have a chance to be represented. Under certain assumptions, such as perfect tactical voting SNTV

322-409: A whole to spread their votes efficiently. If they field too many, supporters' votes might be split across too many candidates. The party votes might spread their vote numbers to the point where all of a party's candidates lose to a less thinly spread opposing party. If a party fields too few candidates, they might elect all their candidates but not win seats proportional to their level of support, and

368-636: A year earlier than scheduled. Supporters of the Tishreen Movement have been divided on the issue of political participation. A significant number of activists argued for a boycott of the Federal Elections for Iraq's Council of Representatives held in October 2021 expressing a lack of confidence in the possibility of democratic change. The use of political violence by militias has been a common tactic against activists associated with

414-429: Is an electoral system used to elect multiple winners. It is a semi-proportional variant of first-past-the-post voting , applied to multi-member districts where each voter casts just one vote. It can also be seen as a variant of STV but with no vote transfers. SNTV generally makes it unlikely that a single party will take all seats in a city, as generally happens with winner-take-all systems . SNTV can be considered

460-755: Is common even after STV vote transfers to elect the same as would be elected under SNTV. But not having transfers, SNTV sees more votes wasted than under STV due to votes being placed on un-electable candidate or due to surpluses received by successful candidate over and above the quota used in STV elections that are not able to be transferred under SNTV. SNTV produces representation that is most proportional ( proportional representation ) when political parties have accurate information about their relative levels of electoral support, and nominate candidates in accordance with their respective levels of electoral support or when all parties suffer from poor information of that sort. Knowing

506-510: Is elected does not mean that another specific candidate will not be. They both can be elected. Because running on issues may lead to a situation in which a candidate becomes too popular and therefore draws votes away from other allied candidates, SNTV may encourage legislators to join factions that consist of patron-client relationships in which a powerful legislator can apportion votes to his or her supporters. In addition, parties will do best if their supporters evenly distribute their votes among

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552-433: Is equivalent to proportional representation by the D'Hondt method . SNTV retains many of the problems of first-past-the-post voting (first-preference plurality voting), and as a result is sometimes viewed skeptically by social choice theorists . However, its extreme simplicity and easy vote-counting makes the system particularly popular for small elections to offices such as city councils , particularly when compared to

598-497: Is more chance in SNTV than a more orderly system of PR, such as list PR or STV.) If either party had risked trying to win all three seats, causing more vote splitting among supporters of Parties Y and Z, then A of Party X might have won a seat and either party Y or Z would then have taken one fewer seat. For example, 10,000 voters vote to elect three members. Cumulative voting is not used so each voter may not cast more than one vote for

644-424: Is the percent of voters who voted for the candidate, not the percent of votes cast. SNTV facilitates minority representation, that is, it produces mixed representation of large and small parties where no party takes all the seats. In fact, SNTV would elect the same people as are elected in STV contests where the vote transfers do not move an initially-lower-placing candidate over an initially-higher-placing one. It

690-517: Is used to elect the 11 at-large members in each of the House of Representatives and the Senate. Under at-large representation , political parties vary the ballot order of their candidates across electoral divisions, in order to ensure each candidate has a roughly equal chance of success. Since most voters choose the candidates placed at the top of their party lists on their ballots, at-large candidates from

736-690: The Sadrist Movement nor the Shiite Coordination Framework backed by Iran has enough seats to form a governing coalition, independent lawmakers have begun to take sides in order to tilt the balance of power. The Kurdish New Generation Movement and Imtidad together with a group of independent announced the formation of the ''For the People Alliance'' on December 16, 2021. The alliance consists of 18 MP's. Another five MP's who ran as independents together constitute

782-425: The ''Independent Popular Bloc.'' A bloc of ten MP's was formed by Ishraqat Kanoon together with some other independent candidates. Not all independents elected during the October elections have joined a political bloc in parliament. Imtidad has been internally divided over the issue of political participation with established political parties. After Imtidad Secretary-General Alaa al-Rikabi stated Imtidad would support

828-672: The Imtidad Movement's General Secretariat relieved Rikabi from his position as Secretary-General. Iraqi security forces The Iraqi Security Forces ( ISF ) is a term used by the United States Department of Defense (DoD) to describe law enforcement and military forces of the federal government of the Republic of Iraq . During the Iraq War , these entities received training and instruction from

874-649: The October Protest Movement. Ehab al-Wazni, an activist organizing protests against the government in Karbala was assassinated on May 9, 2020. Qasem Musleh, the militia leader widely believed to be responsible for ordering the assassination, was briefly arrested but released soon afterwards when the government came under pressure from the Popular Mobilization Forces . Several new political parties were founded in anticipation of

920-579: The October elections claiming to represent the October Protest Movement. The Emtidad Movement was founded in January 2021 to protest unemployment and the corruption of Iraq's political elite. Imtidad is led by Alaa al-Rikabi, an activist from the city of Nasriyah who rose to prominence during the October Protests. The Democratic ''Nazil Akith Haqi'' Movement, the Fao-Zakho organization, and

966-688: The Tishreen National Organization also registered for the elections. Parties associated with the protest movement participated mostly in the southern provinces of Iraq. The 25 October Movement, the Iraqi House, the Organization of Opposition Forces and the National House did not register to run as a result of threats against activists. Other activists have advocated to boycott the early elections demanded during

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1012-606: The Tishreen protesters. The newly elected MP's have, however, been divided on the issue of participation in the formation of the next government. Members of parliament have come under criticism for not ruling out participation with political parties that do not have the support of the protest movement. As a result, independent candidates have so far failed in forming a cohesive parliamentary bloc representing their interests. Iraqi political analyst, Mohanad Faris, has noted how Independent MP's have effectively become kingmakers. As neither

1058-794: The U.S. 101st Airborne Division and the 82nd Airborne Division . According to Iraq's constitution, the Peshmerga is responsible for general security and stability in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq . The ISF consists of the following agencies and departments: Single non-transferable vote Condorcet methods Positional voting Cardinal voting Quota-remainder methods Approval-based committees Fractional social choice Semi-proportional representation By ballot type Pathological response Strategic voting Paradoxes of majority rule Positive results Single non-transferable vote or SNTV

1104-735: The first since the introduction of the single non-transferable vote requiring parties to strategically field candidates across 83 districts. Parties associated with the Tishreen Movement performed surprisingly well in the southern provinces of Iraq. Imtidad managed to win a total of nine seats in Nasriyah, south-central Babel and Najaf. Ishraqat Kanoon , an Islamist party associated with the Abbas Shrine in Karbala managed to win 6 seats in Babel, Karbala, Baghdad and Qadisiyah. Although not based in

1150-458: The government of Abdul-Mahdi and Iraqi paramilitary groups in opposing the protest movement, having invested heavily in both. The United States rhetorically backed the movement's demands, decrying violence faced by the protesters. Many protesters expressed their dissatisfaction with Iranian influence over Iraq's security forces, fueling the belief among paramilitary groups that the US was responsible for

1196-445: The information offered in campaigns (polls, reporting, fundraising totals, endorsements, etc.), to rationally decide who the most viable candidates are and then vote for them. SNTV can result in complicated intra-party dynamics because in a SNTV system, a candidate runs against candidates from their own party as well as against candidates from the other party. SNTV elections are not zero-sum contests. Just because one particular candidate

1242-399: The largest numbers of votes would win office. SNTV, like single transferable vote , can be used with non-partisan ballots, in election contests where there are no parties. Three seats are to be filled among five candidates: A, B, C, D and E fielded by 3 parties X, Y and Z. E, D and C are the winning candidates. Thus, Party Z gets two seats and Party Y gets one seat. No one party took all

1288-401: The more-intricate single transferable vote (STV) system, and has resulted in the method becoming commonly used for ordering open party lists . In any election, each voter casts one vote for one candidate in a multi-candidate race for multiple offices. Posts are filled by the candidates with the most votes ( plurality voting ). Thus, in a three-seat constituency, the three candidates receiving

1334-403: The much smaller Puerto Rican Independence Party runs a single-candidate slate for the at-large members in the Senate and the House of Representatives. The SNTV-elected members are a small part of the chambers compared to the members elected in the sixteen Senate districts, elected by block voting, and the forty House districts, elected by first-past-the-post voting . SNTV was once used to elect

1380-409: The party was not as popular as they thought. If every party does that, all suffer the same inefficiency and the final result is proportional. If one party is more prudent, it may do better than the others. Because votes cannot be transferred, there is more chance of vote wastage than under STV. But in elections that use SNTV, representation is usually mixed. It is rare for one party to make a sweep of

1426-657: The party's candidates. Historically, in Taiwan , the Kuomintang did this by sending members a letter telling them which candidate to vote for. With the Democratic Progressive Party , vote sharing is done informally, as members of a family or small group will coordinate their votes. The New Party had a surprisingly effective system by asking party supporters to vote for the candidate whose identification number corresponded to their birthdate. This led to

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1472-715: The portion of the votes a party can take allows it to avoid vote waste due to lessening the chance of vote splitting and inefficient placement of party support. Under 'perfect' tactical voting and strategic nomination, SNTV would be equivalent to the D'Hondt (Jefferson) method of proportional representation. But under SNTV even inefficient distribution of votes allows more balanced representation than would be elected under either single-member plurality or block voting . Given n {\displaystyle n} candidates to be elected, Candidate A can guarantee success by receiving one more than 1 n + 1 {\displaystyle {\frac {1}{n+1}}} of

1518-436: The protest movement, the previously unknown party does claim to support the same values of citizenry and responsible government. Although several candidates were elected based on their association with the October Protest Movement, cooperation among independent members of parliament has been difficult. Several meetings were held early in 2022 which were meant to lead to the formation of a political bloc in parliament representing

1564-466: The protests. The unrelenting protests calling for accountability and a change to the electoral law made Abdul-Mahdi's position as Prime Minister untenable, eventually forcing him and his government to step down. Abdul-Mahdi, however, remained as caretaker until the nomination of Mustafa al-Kadhimi as his replacement. Kadhimi came to power on a promise to hold security forces accountable and schedule early elections. Elections were announced for June 2021,

1610-646: The protests. Fearing that participating in them would lend legitimacy to a process they believe to be inherently flawed and fraudulent these activists encouraged Iraqis to stay home. The October 2021 Iraqi parliamentary election witnessed record-low levels of political participation among Iraq's voting public. Participation stood at 43.54% for the whole of the country according to the Independent High Electoral Commission , with voter turnout as low as 34% in Baghdad. The elections were

1656-421: The re-election of Muhammad al-Halbousi as speaker of parliament, Nour Ali Nafeh al-Jalihawi resigned her membership in the party in protest. At the point of the election she was the youngest person ever to hold a parliamentary seat. Five members left the Imtidad Movement on May 19, 2022, to become independent members of parliament. The MP's left in protest over Alaa al-Rikabi's leadership of the party. A day later,

1702-561: The same party usually obtain approximately equal vote totals. When the party's candidates are equally supported, the most-popular party is often able to take six seats of the 11. The two major Puerto Rican political parties, the Popular Democratic Party and the New Progressive Party , usually each run six candidates for the 11 at-large members in each of the House of Representatives and the Senate, while

1748-550: The seats as might have been the result under first past the post or plurality block voting . But counting the votes by party gives these vote tallies: Party Y has more votes than Party Z, but receives fewer seats because of an inefficient spread of votes across the candidates. If Party Y's two candidates had had more equal vote tallies, it would have won two seats and Party Z only one. Or if Party Z's candidates had received less equal vote tallies, Party Y would have won two seats even if its candidates were not equally popular. (There

1794-505: The side of too many candidates, hoping to gain as many seats as possible, perhaps even winning more than its proportion of the electorate if they can edge out candidates from larger parties with just a few votes. As well, a small party running just one candidate would not suffer from vote spitting, while a larger party running four or more may suffer from that. SNTV electoral systems, like STV and proportional electoral systems generally, typically produce more proportional electoral outcomes as

1840-589: The size of the electoral districts (number of seats in each constituency) increases. The potential for tactical voting in a single non-transferable vote system is large. Casting only one vote, a rational voter wanting to maximize the number of seats captured by his party should vote for a candidate of the party that has a chance of winning, but one that will not win by too great a margin and thus take votes away from party colleagues. This creates opportunities for tactical nominations, with parties nominating candidates similar to their opponents' candidates in order to split

1886-428: The violence had been provoked by rioters. It is estimated that the violent repression during the first six months resulted`in 600 dead and 20,000 injured among protesters. Militias part of the Popular Mobilization Forces also participated in repression of the October Protest Movement. The confrontation between protesters and the security forces was amplified through the involvement of outside actors. Iran sided with

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1932-635: The vote tallies of others, not with a theoretical threshold or quota. In the 2020 Vanuatuan general election , using SNTV, as few as 5 percent of the vote was enough to be elected in a seven-seat district, where about 13 percent is Droop quota. Vote splitting due to poor information on voters' behaviour may deny a popular party its due share of representation. (Single Transferable Voting does not suffer from this handicap as votes are transferable and many are transferred and used that are wasted under SNTV.) Parties organizing slates of multiple candidates may nominate many candidates and then learn on election night that

1978-540: The vote. Like all multiple-winner selections, parties find it advantageous to run a range of candidates in SNTV elections. SNTV has been measured through the lens of such concepts as decision-theoretic analysis . Professor Gary W. Cox , an expert on SNTV, has studied this system's use in Japan. Cox has an explanation of real-world data finding the, "two systems [plurality and semi-proportional] are alike in their strategic voting equilibria." His research found that voters use

2024-511: The votes (the Droop quota ), because n {\displaystyle n} +1 other candidates cannot each receive more than Candidate A (too many would not pass Droop quota) But as SNTV is a plurality system and votes are wasted (not used to elect anyone), it is possible to win with less than Droop quota (but never possible to lose if you have at least Droop). To determine the successful candidates, candidates' vote tallies are compared with

2070-513: The winning candidates would have more support than necessary and thus wasting votes. The risks of poor strategic nomination are not equal for parties of various strengths. A large party would have much more to lose from the split vote effect than to gain from avoiding the wasted vote effect, and so would likely decide to err on the side of fielding fewer candidates (but probably not less than their existing number of seats). A small party with little representation would be more risk-tolerant and err on

2116-501: Was a top priority. The Tishreen Movement faced severe repression from the Government of Iraq under Adil Abdul-Mahdi. State security forces have responded with violence against peaceful protesters on several occasions both in Baghdad and Iraq's southern provinces. Security Forces responded with violence from the first day of protests, using tear gas and live ammunition to disperse anti-government protesters. The government blamed that

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